From aizura at onlinecide.org Mon Dec 3 07:46:31 2001 From: aizura at onlinecide.org (aizura at onlinecide.org) Date: Mon, 03 Dec 2001 13:16:31 +1100 (CST) Subject: [Reader-list] Walk the Big Walk In-Reply-To: <01113018113702.01124@sweety.sarai.kit> References: <01113018113702.01124@sweety.sarai.kit> Message-ID: <1007347591.3c0ae787ae9f5@webmail.myspinach.org> Dear Shuddha, Thanks for the Walk for Capitalism post -- it was hilarious. In a terrible way. We in Melbourne had *plans* to attend with signs saying things like 'The poor should stay that way', 'Bow down to the rich' and 'We love Big Brother' as a way of upstaging the protest. Unfortunately lots of us ended up in the country at a music festival -- being lazy, indeed! I guess you'll probably know by now, but the Asialink application I made wasn't successful. They were very encouraging, though, and I'm definitely thikning about either applying next year or getting to Delhi some other way, perhaps next year. I'll keep in touch. Thanks so much for your letter of support, though. Take care, and I hope the surreal violence of the past couple of crazy months hasn't left you depressed and flat like so many activists... Best wishes Ai From aizura at onlinecide.org Mon Dec 3 09:47:35 2001 From: aizura at onlinecide.org (aizura at onlinecide.org) Date: Mon, 03 Dec 2001 15:17:35 +1100 (CST) Subject: [Reader-list] Walk the Big Walk In-Reply-To: <1007347591.3c0ae787ae9f5@webmail.myspinach.org> References: <01113018113702.01124@sweety.sarai.kit> <1007347591.3c0ae787ae9f5@webmail.myspinach.org> Message-ID: <1007354855.3c0b03e7d7ad5@webmail.myspinach.org> And that was supposed to only go to Shuddha, curse my forgetful head. :) Aizura Quoting aizura at onlinecide.org: > Dear Shuddha, > > Thanks for the Walk for Capitalism post -- it was hilarious. In a > terrible way. We in Melbourne had *plans* to attend with signs > saying things like 'The poor should stay that way', 'Bow down to the > rich' and 'We love Big Brother' as a way of upstaging the protest. > Unfortunately lots of us ended up in the country at a music festival -- > being lazy, indeed! > > I guess you'll probably know by now, but the Asialink application I made > wasn't successful. They were very encouraging, though, > and I'm definitely thikning about either applying next year or getting > to Delhi some other way, perhaps next year. I'll keep in > touch. Thanks so much for your letter of support, though. > > Take care, and I hope the surreal violence of the past couple of crazy > months hasn't left you depressed and flat like so many > activists... > > Best wishes > Ai > _______________________________________________ > Reader-list mailing list > Reader-list at sarai.net > http://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list > From shuddha at sarai.net Mon Dec 3 12:46:37 2001 From: shuddha at sarai.net (Shuddhabrata Sengupta) Date: Mon, 3 Dec 2001 12:46:37 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] On Mohsen Makmalbaf and Iranian Cinema Message-ID: <01120312463701.01122@sweety.sarai.kit> Dear all on Readers List, many of us are avid fans of Iranian Cinema, and following from the screenings of Iranian Films at Sarai recently have particularly appreciated the film sof Makhmalbaf. Some of his recent writing on Afghanistan has also found a ready readership in Delhi, and in Sarai. Here is a letter written by one, Farzad Bawani - to the Monthly Review magazine, protesting agains the recent tendency to lionize Makhmalbaf. I thought that it is worht a considered look, especially as it traces interesting and hidden intellectual and political histories in Iran. Also, let us not forget, that Tehmineh Milani still faces a treason trial in Iran - which has recently been getting a lot of good press as an oasis of "Modern Islamic Enlightenment" . Harsh Kapoor continues to remind us about this on this list. This posting is from Nettime and was contributed by Gita Hashemi, and I am enclosing her prefatory note before Farzad Bawani's essay Cheers Shuddha __________________________________________________________ Prefatory Note by Gita Hashemi I do not have the actual source of the letter forwarded below since I have received it via a number of different routes, and I don't seem to be able to trace it to its originating address or place of publication. Nevertheless, since somone on this list brought up Makhmalbaf's article in a recent posting about the American war on Afghanistan, it seemed appropriate to add a bit of context (unfortunately, so much of even the intellectual opinning in the West is without adequate understanding of the history). The issues raised in the letter below are pretty current in the Iranian intellectual community. The central questions, however, are fundamental to any discussion of the current global violence: 1) Can memory and history be erased? 2) What are the conditions of forgetting or forgiving? 3) What are the present-day power relations that condition our understanding of history? Be well. Gita Hashemi _____________________________________________________________ FARZAD BAWANI'S LETTER TO THE EDITORS OF MONTHLY REVIEW ABOUT MOHSEN MAKHMALBAF Dear Editors, In your issue of November 2001, I found an article on Afghanistan, by an Iranian filmmaker, Mohsen Makhmalbaf. Your editorial note introduced Makhmalbaf as "Iran's most celebrated film maker and a political prisoner under the Shah." However, to many of us (Iranian activists of the 70s and 80s), Makhmalbaf's record is far from this strait forward presentation. Mohsen Makhmalbaf was imprisoned under the Shah's regime for his attempt to disarm a police officer. Based on his own account, he was a young man with extreme religious tendencies, whose opposition to the Shah was colored by his hatred of the ex-regime's policies of secularization (albeit superficial secularization). Following the revolution, Makhmalbaf became the regime's most active watchman in the movie industry of Iran. In his early interviews (between 1979-1983), he proudly spoke of his role in purging the cultural scene from secular thought. His discourse frequently abused Iranian secular filmmakers, and vilified Iranian Left. During the first three years of revolution, he hailed the fundamentalist oppression of women, students, minorities, and Iranian Left as an authentic Islamic campaign against counter-revolutionary forces. =46ollowing the consolidation of power in 1981 by the fundamentalists, Makhmalbaf extended his cooperation by joining their campaign of terror. When mass arrests, brutal tortures, and summary executions were the order of the day, Makhmalbaf not only supported their policy of terror and torture, but also offered his film making expertise to launch an assault on truth. For his movie, Boycott, he was allowed inside one of Iran's most dreadful prisons. There, amid daily atrocities of torture and interrogation, he shot his story using actual leftist political prisoners who were coerced into playing roles for Makhmalbaf's feature film. The story of this film depicted leftist activists as rigid Stalinist villains, worthy of contempt and scorn. Ironically, Makhmalbaf and company forced these political prisoners into such self-denigrating roles as part of a =93corrective exercise.=94 Tragically, not long after the completion of this movie, a number of these young activists were executed, and their bodies were hastily buried in unmarked graves. I have personally identified and traced the fate of these victims, whom many of us used to know personally. In the history of cinema, I can think of no filmmaker who has committed so blatant an assault on helpless individuals as Makhmalbaf has done without any shame or remorse. Nor, I can believe the indifference that the world has demonstrated with regard to his actions. Appallingly, one can readily purchase this film, a product of forced labor and torture, on videocassette via Internet! However, in the late 1980s, Makhmalbaf made a face-about in his political attitude, and became an advocate of tolerance and open society. For this, his loyalist friends, whom he had faithfully served during their attempt to consolidate power in Iran, did not spare him. He was threatened and attacked by his ex-associates in the loyalist camp. This dramatic change happened when the fundamentalist regime's failure in maintaining popular legitimacy was becoming clear to everyone, and specially to many members of their own rank. Despite these intimidations, he has had no problem massively producing, and internationally screening a chain of feature films, unparalleled in quantity and reach, in the history of Iranian cinema. In a country, wherein dissident intellectuals are not allowed to publish something as benign as an encyclopedia of folklore (i.e. Ahmad Shamloo, our national poet), Makhmalbaf and his family (his daughter and sister-in-law) maintain a profile of consistent production and international presence that makes any conscientious observer wonder. Although I condemn any intimidation that he has suffered in the hands of his ex-associates, I detest his obvious lack of integrity that he has skillfully practiced so far. In today's Iran, "the old is dying and the new cannot be born." Therefore, "there arises a great diversity of morbid symptoms." In ways similar to a morbid symptom, Makhmalbaf and the present brand of henchmen intellectuals tend to express real social afflictions as far as they can manage to compromise its essence and truth. This is what you may have sensed (but left unexplained) as you warned the readers about the political content of Makhmalbaf's article. In fact, his article is saturated with the uncritical discourse of modernization and economic development that has malaised the aspirations of the people of the region. His pronouncements against the vices of the segmentary society (what he calls tribal society) reflect his deliberate and well disguised attacks on ethnicity and locality. What he has reproached as tribalism has to be renamed as ethnic and local forms of social life. Where he preaches the Gospel of national unity, it must be read as the eradication of ethnic diversity by an administered, homogenizing system. When he boasts of the absence of ethnic predilection among Iranian voters, he has to be reminded of the gruesome massacres of Iranian Kurds, Arabs, Turks, Turkmans, and Balooches, by the fundamentalist regime from 1979 on-ward. In the "House of Pain" that Makhmalbaf and his associates have built for themselves and us a generation of Iranian political activists walked proudly to their death, as Makhmalbaf cheered on their bloody purge. To his disappointment, a great number of surviving activists are still resisting the fundamentalist rule, while Makhmalbaf is practicing the international fine art of mendacity and deceit. In fact, his humanity has failed repeatedly, and his abysmal failures by no means stop with militant activists. When young Iranian soldiers in Iran-Iraq war were openly named as one-time-use soldiers (a literal and exact translation) by the fundamentalist Defense Minister, and were sent as human waves to the front, Makhmalbaf endorsed the "great war effort to save Islam". The sorrow of those days still haunts many of us. Many suffer a silent, consuming agony, as Makhmalbaf's voice is heard everywhere. =46rom prestigious international film festivals to the recent example in the Monthly Review, Makhmalbaf reaches an ever-growing audience, as his victims lie voiceless, in unmarked graves, and as his survivors are too hopeless to speak of their terrible tragedy. The whole world celebrates his talent, while the ghastly story of his real talent remains completely unsaid. No one can deny that Makhmalbaf's article reflects a rather intimate picture of the situation in Afghanistan. But, is this sufficient to include his text in the Monthly Review? No one denies that Makhmalbaf is a celebrated artist, and so does Leni Riefenstahl. Are you considering printing her works, too? No one denies that Makhmalbaf has occasionally said something worthy of hearing, and so did Ernst Junger. Are you about to give him coverage, too? You suggest that Makhmalbaf's article has to be read "as a deeply moral and humanitarian account of the tragic circumstances of the Afghan people and the callousness of the West." It is a bitter irony that while you set out to remedy one example of callousness; you end up committing another one, yourself. For most part, this reveals a lack of awareness that stems from a lack of solidarity with the plight of the Left in non-western societies. Although European fascism and Islamic fundamentalism are diametrically different in content, the rise of fundamentalism for us has been as socially significant as the rise of fascism for European Left. How painful for you, would that be to see a prestigious leftist journal publish the work of the Revisionist Historians of the Third Reich, in an uncritical manner? Would you not rise with a cry of indignation and moral outrage? Would you not rush to defend the victims and to stand with the evidence? Would you not break in sorrow and rage remembering the final hopeless hours of Walter Benjamin and Marc Bloch? I believe that thus doing is the only decent and just choice. I am aware that many members of Iranian left, today, applaud Makhmalbaf as a true convert. Perhaps, such counsel has influenced your choice, too. However, not so much unlike those among your rank who look to Carl Schmitt for inspiration, these people are invariably of the habit of getting lost in their own mystifications. Likewise, I have no doubt that there are people among us, who readily accept Makhmalbaf as a born-again social democrat, and to celebrate him as the newly baptized child of political pluralism. Ironically, those whose political imagination is raptured by these new converts of "open and civil society," are promoting their new masters with complete secrecy about their past, lest people know what they are buying into! Yet, if you are truly after "imparting a message desperately needed in our times," please consider making this note available to all your readers, in its entirety. Perhaps, there is no better opportune time for us to be heard. Perhaps, it is time to make the voiceless speak. Perhaps it is time to strip human suffering of its murky obscurity. Until, we decide to do so, Suffering is permanent, obscure, and dark, And has the nature of eternity William Wordsworth Yours Truly, Farzad Bawani. From bhrigu at sarai.net Wed Dec 5 00:39:09 2001 From: bhrigu at sarai.net (Bhrigu) Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 00:39:09 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Further news from London Message-ID: <01120500390900.01094@janta7.sarai.kit> On the 13th October and 18th November Anti-war protests were held in London. These demonstrations were bigger than any protest movement in a generation. Approx. 40,000 attended the first demo and a possible 100,000 attended the second. Neither demonstration received any meaningful press coverage, as numbers were consistently played down by the police. The UK government is misrepresenting the scale of anti-war feeling in this country, and misinforming the British public that it is a leftist minority taking up a predictable stance of opposition. But; "If only the leftists had been here today people would have said we're all leftists. If only CND has been here they would have said it was the middle-class elite. If it was only the Muslims they would have called us extremists. If it was only Asians and Black people they would have said it was the ethnic minorities. Tony Blair, we are here united against this war. You cannot dismiss us all." Salma Yaqoob speaking at the Oct 13th Rally The reality is that both demonstrations were attended by a diverse range of people of all ages, all ethnicities, all religions, all classes. The most effective form of resistance is that groups that are usually segregated in society, come together on a common platform of opposition. On 18th Nov. 100,000 people listened in silent respect to the Adhan (Muslim call to prayer) resonate over Trafalgar Square as the signal to break the fast. Many of the non-Muslims fasted as a show of support to the Muslims. This was a grass roots statement of resistance, not only against the incessant bombing of Afghanistan, but also against an official and institutionalised racism that is used to justify the killing of innocent people whose lives are not as valuable as western lives; because they are poor, because they are illiterate, because they have no commercial value, because they are black. Just Peace - Muslims for Justice and Peace - held a dinner on Friday night in London and asked people to feedback following their involvement in the Stop the War movement since October. The notes from the dinner and the introductory speech are attached to this email. Please take some time to look through them, and please send whatever thoughts you have. Do not expect others to always speak out for you; your people, your civil liberties, your identity is directly under threat. Every single voice counts. It is also critical that you circulate this mail to as many people as possible, we must establish our own information networks and each individual plays a part in that. From aiindex at mnet.fr Tue Dec 4 03:29:00 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Mon, 3 Dec 2001 22:59:00 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] India's Silicon Valley Gets Ready for an Ambitious Gnu/Linux Event Message-ID: INDIA'S SILICON VALLEY GETS READY FOR AN AMBITIOUS GNU/LINUX EVENT By Frederick Noronha IT'S BEING billed as one of the most ambitious GNU/Linux event of its kind, and it's being staged in Bangalore, the South Indian city considered the 'Silicon Valley' of this country. Volunteer-organisers of the 'Linux Bangalore/2001 are already confidently promising that the three-day conference will cover a very wide canvas on understanding and using Linux. To be held from December 10 to 12, 2001, this event is being built into an 'applied technology' conference. It is intended for open source and free-software developers, administrators, and users. And IT decision makers. Mahendra M., currently the coordinator of the Bangalore Linux Users' Group (BLUG) calls this major event one "for the Linux community, by the Linux community". Recent years have seen a spurt in interest in free software and open source usage in India, a country which is sometimes considered a software power-house, but where the lack of affordable Internet access till the late 'nineties has delayed the expected surge of interest in Linux. Signs are now coming in, though, that a significant segment of a generation of college students and programmers in various parts of India are getting fascinated by this new way of working on software. It is expected that in a few years time, countries like India could contribute significantly to the global grassroots drive to build up the 'free' software world. Said Mahendra, a young engineer: "Linux Bangalore/2001 is a three day conference on understanding and using Linux technologies. This conference aims to cover a large number of areas that include core Linux technologies, Open Source, Embedded Systems and other allied technologies. We are planning to give 72 talks over a period of three days." This conference aims to cover a large number of areas that include core Linux technologies, Open Source, Embedded Systems and other allied technologies. Its primary audience will be the core (or potential) Linux-using community of developers (who are being appropriately categorized, for this techie meet, as /dev), system administrators (/adm), users (/usr) and CxO/managers/decision makers (/cxo). "Each track will include introductory, technical, how-to and tutorial sessions, catering to 'newbies' (people new to Linux) to 'gurus' (people who know Linux in and out)," explained Mahendra. To make this event accessible to many, entrance is free. This is significant in a Third World country where the cost factor still looms large, and when people talk about GNU/Linux being a 'free' operating system, the cost aspect could be as important as the freedom aspect, for many. Said the organisers, commenting about what they called the 'entry f(r)ee' status of the event: "We have decided to make entry free for all. We feel that it is the present student community that is going to drive the phenomenal growth of Linux (in India) in the days to come and it would be doing injustice if they find the event costs prohibitive. At the same time, we see no need to make employees run to their managers to get budget approval just so that they can attend this event. As long as you can get an approval for $ 0 /Rs 0 from your company, you can attend!" Over one thousand persons registered for the event by end-November, according to Indian Linux guru Atul Chitnis. This Bangalore-based software whizz's efforts at promoting Linux through popular Indian computing magazines like PC-QUEST, in the past, have taken this OS to varied nook and crannies of this vast country of 1000 million. "New technologies and their implementation/application under Linux will be discussed as well, making this a technology conference to remember. In addition to this, we also intend to provide assistance to new users and more information to technology enthusiasts," promised the organisers. During the event, there will be multiple tracks and with six sessions every day from 10 am to 5 pm, plus Birds-of-Feather (BoF) sessions at the end of the day. There will be an estimated 70-72 talks. In addition, also planned are separate workshops, tutorials, case studies and demonstrations. Speakers for this event will be drawn from the Indian Linux community, as well as the IT industry. This event is being held at the impressive J.N.Tata Auditorium at the Bangalore-based Indian Institute of Science (IISc). Incidentally, a team at the IISc itself is inching its way towards completing what it calls the 'Simputer'. This simple and inexpensive sub-$200 (Rs 9000) computing device that is expected to make computing affordable to the commonman (and woman). Not coincidentally perhaps, the Simputer is to work on GNU/Linux. Exploiting the Net technologies to the optimum, the organisers sought volunteers to offer talks. This drew in dozens of enthusiastic specialists, giving a clue of the vast spread and understanding GNU/Linux has gained across India since the late 'nineties... and in some cases, a little earlier. Talks range from connecting to the Internet, to setting up an "optimal" Linux server, and adding a scripting language to your toolkit. Remote booting disk-less machines, 'bug-safe' Linux, IDS and Forensic Analysis, IPv6 deployment and usage, 'thin clients', Lotus Domino on Linux, Linux Intrusion Detection System (LIDS), deploying ATMs on Linux, anti-spam tools, GRID computing, low-cost ISP (Internet Service Provider) setups, and bandwidth management using Linux are among the other subjects to be covered. On the developer track, speakers will explain GNOME development tools and BONOBO, the Linux kernel itself, Linux device drivers, porting and embedding Linux, PHP programming, data-driven websites, licenses, Linux databases, clustering concepts in Linux and a range of other topics. Some of the names of those tackling these subjects are familiar through the well-knit Linux networks and communities that exist in cyberspace. Recent attempts to unearth Indian programming contributions to Linux have shown that the once-small effort is now fast growing, more than is generally understood or acknowledged. IT managers and decision-makers could also tune in to topics such as Linux for ISO 9000:2000 Implementations, Linux in the enterprise, Linux in Indian space science research, Linux as the 'dream OS', and experiments learnt from the KDE experiment. Linux users will not be left out either. They can choose from learning more on Linux on the 'corporate desktop', multimedia under Linux, or 3D images and animations. One area of interest to many would be Linux's potential in VoIP (voice-over-Internet protocol, or Net telephony). For long banned by the Indian government, VoIP is expected to be legalised sometime after March 2002. What is also vitally important to the future of computing in India is the attempt to offer Indian-language Linux versions, that could be accessible to the millions who don't understand English. During the event, Frank Pohlmann is scheduled to speak on the Linux Documentation Project and Indian languages. other speakers will also present studies on Indian language computing on Linux and related subjects. This event is managed by young volunteers of BLUG, the Bangalore Linux Users' Group. Including Mahendra M (BLUG Coordinator), Jessica Prabhakar, Biju Chacko, Syed Khader Vali, Kingsly John, U.K.Jaiswal Manager Support, Kalyan Varma Alluri, Vineeth S, Madhu M. Kurup. Advisors to this ambitious plan are long-time GNU/Linux gurus Gopi Garge and Atul Chitnis You can reach the team by email: lb2001 at linux-bangalore dot org. Hewlett Packard (India Software Operations) has wholly sponsored Linux Bangalore/2001, amidst some early fears that the recession and the September 11 attacks in the US might make the task of finding sponsorship impossible. Updates are at http://linux-bangalore.org/2001 In addition, there is also a mailing-list set up to discuss plans for the event. If you wish to discuss about the event, send a blank email to linux-bangalore-2001-subscribe at yahoogroups.com (ENDS) From geert at desk.nl Tue Dec 4 17:10:31 2001 From: geert at desk.nl (geert lovink) Date: Tue, 4 Dec 2001 22:40:31 +1100 Subject: [Reader-list] thread on australian IT list about India Message-ID: <0a8101c17cb8$7dd17430$99de3dca@geert> (this thread comes from a rather dry but lively IT list in australia called link. dfat stands for the department for foreign afairs and trade. /geert) Shift to India and save: DFAT Selina Mitchell December 04, 2001 The Australian http://australianit.news.com.au/articles/0,7204,3370706%5E15306%5E%5Enbv%5E, 00.html The government department was encouraging firms to shift their information technology work to low wage countries to the detriment of Australian workers, the IT Workers Alliance said. But a spokeswoman for Foreign Affairs and Trade said the report had been misrepresented, and that it recommended building synergies between Australia and India. The agency report on trade and investment opportunities with India said significant opportunties existed for Australian firms to enhance their competitiveness through "direct investment in and outsourcing to the Indian IT sector". ... etc -- In India, "cold weather" is merely a conventional phrase and has come into use through the necessity of having some way to distinguish between weather which will melt a brass door-knob and weather which will only make it mushy. -- Mark Twain Regards brd Bernard Robertson-Dunn Sydney Australia brd at austarmetro.com.au --- From: "Anthony Healy" To: "Bernard Robertson-Dunn" ; "Link" Sent: Tuesday, December 04, 2001 12:56 PM Subject: RE: [LINK] Shift to India and save: DFAT http://australianit.news.com.au/articles/0,7204,3370706%5E15306%5E%5Enbv%5E, 00.html This is an extraordinary position for a pro-business government. What do they think software developers are? I don't see DFAT encouraging Australian business to use cheap Indian lawyers and cheap Indian accountants. I encourage all software developers and others interested in national innovation to look up their local state and federal MP's and give them hell about this stupidity. Regards, Tony Healy Advocate for Australian Software Industry Excellence --- Hi Anthony On Tue, 4 Dec 2001, Anthony Healy wrote: > > > > http://australianit.news.com.au/articles/0,7204,3370706%5E15306%5E%5Enbv%5E, > 00.html > > > This is an extraordinary position for a pro-business government. What do > they think software developers are? I don't see DFAT encouraging Australian > business to use cheap Indian lawyers and cheap Indian accountants. This is not to be unexpected given that this lot doesn't have a third term agenda. So, not only are they not for IT developers as workers, but they can't even whip up some encouragement for IT developers as business. I agree with you. How extraordinary! > I encourage all software developers and others interested in national > innovation to look up their local state and federal MP's and give them hell > about this stupidity. There seems to be a lot of this new commodity called stupidity about. I just get this awful feeling that telling someone how studid they are is going to help - I just wish I was wrong. Rob... Robert Hazeltine Phone: +61(2) 4736 0218 Senior Analyst/Programmer Email: r.hazeltine at uws.edu.au University of Western Sydney http://www.uws.edu.au/ --- From: "Anthony Healy" To: "Link" Sent: Tuesday, December 04, 2001 2:03 PM Subject: RE: [LINK] Shift to India and save: DFAT Australian politicians ( all of them, by the way) needs to understand that software development is a BUSINESS, not something their teenage kids do. If you look at American government, you see former engineers, military officers with deep exposure to technology and even, of course, former astronauts. Australian government, on the other hand, is riddled by technology illiterates. This applies to all the parties. As I write this, Bob Carr, NSW Premier, is on radio slamming the DFAT report. Regards, Tony Healy Advocate for Australian Software Industry Excellence ---- From: "Fitzsimmons, Caitlin" To: "Link" Sent: Tuesday, December 04, 2001 2:56 PM Subject: RE: [LINK] Shift to India and save: DFAT I have a lot of friends in the software development industry and the word on the street is that many of these Indian IT shops produce very shoddy work. I know someone who has been implementing Indian software at a large financial institution and he's had to rewrite most of it himself in order to get it to run. --- From: "Rick Welykochy" To: "Bernard Robertson-Dunn" Cc: "Link" Sent: Tuesday, December 04, 2001 3:47 PM Subject: Re: [LINK] Shift to India and save: DFAT Bernard Robertson-Dunn wrote: > Shift to India and save: DFAT > http://australianit.news.com.au/articles/0,7204,3370706%5E15306%5E%5Enbv%5E, 00.html > > The government department was encouraging firms to shift their information > technology work to low wage countries to the detriment of Australian > workers, the IT Workers Alliance said. But a spokeswoman for Foreign > Affairs and Trade said the report had been misrepresented, and that it > recommended building synergies between Australia and India. Here is another way gummint depts can save $MILLIONS: follow the lead of the Euro-mob and start using open source software. I imagine this country is spending $MILLIONs on software licences at all three levels of gummint. Regarding the Indian suggestion: it plain sucks. Nothing against Indian or other foreign software developers, but software development in Aus is an industry unto its own right. The outrage concerning the above idiocy is rightfully growing exponentially. -rickw --- From: "Chirgwin, Richard" To: "Link" Sent: Tuesday, December 04, 2001 4:48 PM Subject: RE: [LINK] Shift to India and save: DFAT >Australian politicians ( all of them, by the way) needs to understand that >software development is a BUSINESS, not something their teenage kids do. Yep. It's also imperative that we teach them that "software" isn't just something you lump in under services. For a long time, there was no standard industry code for "software". I suspect this is still the case but will take correction ... Our largest software names are middling-sized compared with US software companies, which actually isn't too bad. I haven't made the comparison to European software vendors, but the view of Europe is skewed by S.A.P. For those who resent .au not having big software companies, a couple of details: IBM's VisualAge for Java is written by a small company called OTI. Most corporate e-mail systems, for a long time, used a message transfer agent from a tiny UK company called DCL. Etc. I'd like to see policy settings that made it feasible for lots of small companies to survive and thrive, rather than complaining that we have no big big big software vendors. For those who rabbit on about "economies of scale" I'd point out that software development often suffers an inverse economy of scale; and that our "housing-led recoveries" rest on a great many more small builders than big ones. Richard Chirgwin --- From: "Glen Turner" To: "Link" Sent: Tuesday, December 04, 2001 5:01 PM Subject: Re: [LINK] Shift to India and save: DFAT Rick Welykochy wrote: > Here is another way gummint depts can save $MILLIONS: follow the lead of > the Euro-mob and start ... ... outsourcing their parliament, judiciary and bureaucracy to a supra-national government. [ Well that's how I scanned the sentence the first time I read it :-) ] From ravis at sarai.net Tue Dec 4 18:33:00 2001 From: ravis at sarai.net (Ravi Sundaram) Date: Tue, 04 Dec 2001 18:33:00 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] The village where nothing happened (The Independent) Message-ID: <5.0.2.1.2.20011204183138.00ae63d0@mail.sarai.net> A village is destroyed. And America says nothing happened War on terrorism Richard Lloyd Parry in Kama Ado, Afghanistan 04 December 2001 The village where nothing happened is reached by a steep climb at the end of a rattling three-hour drive along a stony road. Until nothing happened here, early on the morning of Saturday and again the following day, it was a large village with a small graveyard, but now that has been reversed. The cemetery on the hill contains 40 freshly dug graves, unmarked and identical. And the village of Kama Ado has ceased to exist. Many of the homes here are just deep conical craters in the earth. The rest are cracked open, split like crushed cardboard boxes. At the moment when nothing happened, the villagers of Kama Ado were taking their early morning meal, before sunrise and the beginning of the Ramadan fast. And there in the rubble, dented and ripped, are tokens of the simple daily lives they led. A contorted tin kettle, turned almost inside out by the blast; a collection of charred cooking pots; and the fragments of an old-fashioned pedal-operated sewing machine. A split metal chest contains scraps of children's clothes in cheap bright nylon. In another room are the only riches that these people had, six dead cows lying higgledy-piggledy and distended by decay. And all this is very strange because, on Saturday morning – when American B-52s unloaded dozen of bombs that killed 115 men, women and children – nothing happened. We know this because the US Department of Defence told us so. That evening, a Pentagon spokesman, questioned about reports of civilian casualties in eastern Afghanistan, explained that they were not true, because the US is meticulous in selecting only military targets associated with Osama bin Laden's al-Qa'ida network. Subsequent Pentagon utterances on the subject have wobbled somewhat, but there has been no retraction of that initial decisive statement: "It just didn't happen." So God knows what kind of a magic looking-glass I stepped through yesterday, as I travelled out of the city of Jalalabad along the desert road to Kama Ado. From the moment I woke up, I was confronted with the wreckage and innocent victims of high-altitude, hi-tech, thousand-pound nothings. The day began at the home of Haji Zaman Gamsharik, the pro-Western anti-Taliban mujahedin commander who is being discreetly supplied and funded by the US government. The previous day I had followed him around Jalalabad's mortuary, where seven mutilated corpses were being laid out – mujahedin soldiers of Commander Zaman who had been killed when US bombs hit the government office in which they were sleeping. And now, it had happened again. There they were in the back of three pick-up trucks – seven more bloody bodies of seven more mujahedin, killed when the guesthouse in which they were sleeping in the village of Landi Khiel was hit by bombs at 6.30am yesterday morning. Commander Zaman is a proud, haughty man who fought in the mountains for years against the Soviet Union, but I've never seen him look so vulnerable. "I sent them there myself yesterday,'' was all he could say. "I sent them for security.'' But the commander provided us with mujahedin escorts of our own, and we set off down the road to Landi Khiel. We found the ruins of the office where the first lot of soldiers had died, and the guesthouse where they perished the previous morning. And there, in the ruins of a family house, was a small fragment of nothing. It was the tail-end of a compact bomb. It bore the words "Surface Attack Guided Missile AGM 114", and a serial number: 232687. It was half-buried in the remains of the straw roof of a house where three men had died: Fazil Karim, his brother Mahmor Ghulab, and his nephew Hasiz Ullah. "They were a family, just ordinary people," said Haji Mohammed Nazir, the local elder who was accompanying us. "They were not terrorists – the terrorists are in the mountains, over there.'' So we drove on in the direction of the White Mountains, where hundreds of al-Qa'ida members, and perhaps even Osama bin Laden himself, are hiding in the Tora Bora cave complex. A B-52 was high in the sky; a billow of black smoke was visible, blooming out of the valley. Something, surely, was happening over there. And then we reached the ruins of Kama Ado. Among the pathetic remains I found only one sinister object ­ an old leather gun holster with an ammunition belt. It is conceivable that a handful of al-Qa'ida members had been spending the night there, and that US targeters learnt of their presence. But after 22 years of war, almost every Afghan home contains some military relic, and the villagers swore they hadn't seen Arab or Taliban fighters for a fortnight. Certainly there could not have been enough terrorists to fill the 40 fresh graves. One person told me a few holes contained not intact people, but simply body parts. We had been warned that white faces would meet an angry reception in the village where nothing happened, but I encountered despair and bafflement. I had only one moment of real fear, when an American B-52 flew overhead. We halted our convoy, clambered out of the cars and trotted into the fields on either side. The plane did a slow circle; I was conscious of electronic eyes looking down on us, the only traffic on the road. Then, to everyone's relief, the bomber veered away. Before we left the city, an American colleague in Jalalabad telephoned the Pentagon and informed them of our plans to travel to the village where nothing happened. I can't help wondering, in these looking-glass times, what that B-52 would have done to our convoy if that telephone call had not been made. Perhaps nothing would have happened to me too -------------- next part -------------- An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011204/b291b020/attachment.html From aiindex at mnet.fr Tue Dec 4 22:06:57 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Tue, 4 Dec 2001 17:36:57 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Students queuing up to watch Tahmineh Milani's film attacked by vigilantes. Message-ID: www.iranmania.com Tuesday, December 04, 2001 Assailants beat up students who wanted to watch film Tuesday, December 04, 2001 - 2001 IranMania.com ©2001 CinemaIran.com Photo/Ghogha Bayat Tahmineh Milani Behind the scene of 'The Half Hidden' IranMania.com, 04 DEC 01 - According to a report carried by the Iranian daily 'Toss-e', students in the city of Yazd who were queuing up to watch Tahmineh Milani's film 'Nimeyeh Penhan' (The Hidden Half), were attacked by a group of vigilantes. The movie was being shown at the University Campus. Most of the assailants managed to escape arrest, and some of those caught were released on bail. A representative of the cultural affairs events at the University was quoted as saying that the incident had started when four individual had posed as filmmakers and were filming the students. University officials alerted the police to stop the filming. "No sooner had police been called to arrest them than several people riding motorbikes arrived on the scene and started beating up the students." Tahmineh Milani was called up before the conservative courts after her film had already screened in the cinemas and had passed the censors. She was accused of "abusing the arts as a tool for actions which will suit the taste of counter-revolutionary and 'mohareb' (war against God) groups," IRNA said at the time. At the time a culture ministry official was quoted as saying her arrest was based on a "misunderstanding which we are trying to resolve." President Khatami defended Milani saying her arrest "shouldn't have happened". "Her film was authorized by the culture ministry and if there's a problem, it's the government and the minister who must respond," he said. "I hope this problem will be resolved as soon as possible because these kinds of incidents can add to the insecurity in the world of culture and art," the reformist president said. The film tells the story of a married woman who took part in political activities in her youth and who reminisces about a romantic affair with a cultural rebel after the 1979 Islamic revolution. -- From aiindex at mnet.fr Wed Dec 5 01:31:48 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Tue, 4 Dec 2001 21:01:48 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Imperialism and "Empire" by John Bellamy Foster Message-ID: John Bellamy Foster, "Imperialism and 'Empire'," _Monthly Review_ 53.7 at . ... The term "Empire" in [Michael] Hardt and [Antonio] Negri's analysis does not refer to imperialist domination of the periphery by the center, but to an all-encompassing entity that recognizes no limiting territories or boundaries outside of itself. In its heyday, "imperialism," they claim, "was really an extension of the sovereignty of the European nation-states beyond their own boundaries" (p. xii). Imperialism or colonialism in this sense is now dead. But Hardt and Negri also pronounce the death of the new colonialism: economic domination and exploitation by the industrial powers without direct political control. They insist that all forms of imperialism, insofar as they represent restraints on the homogenizing force of the world market, are doomed by that very market. Empire is thus both "postcolonial and postimperialist" (p. 9). "Imperialism," we are told, "is a machine of global striation, channeling, coding, and territorializing the flows of capital, blocking certain flows and facilitating others. The world market, in contrast, requires a smooth space of uncoded and deterritorialized flows imperialism would have been the death of capital had it not been overcome. The full realization of the world market is necessarily the end of imperialism" (p. 333). Concepts such as center and periphery, these authors argue, are now all but useless. "Through the decentralization of production and the consolidation of the world market, the international divisions and flows of labor and capital have fractured and multiplied so that it is no longer possible to demarcate large geographical zones as center and periphery, North and South." There are "no differences of nature" between the United States and Brazil, Britain and India, "only differences of degree" (p. 335).* Also gone is the notion of U.S. imperialism as a central force in the world today. "The United States," they write, "does not, and indeed no nation-state can today, form the center of an imperialist project. Imperialism is over. No nation will be world leader in the way modern European nations were." (pp. xiii-xiv). "The Vietnam War," Hardt and Negri state, "might be seen as the final moment of the imperialist tendency and thus a point of passage to a new regime of the Constitution" (pp. 178-79). This passage to a new global constitutional regime is shown by the Gulf War, during which the United States emerged "as the only power able to manage international justice, not as a function of its own national motives but in the name of global right .The U.S. world police acts not in imperialist interest but in imperial interest [that is, in the interest of deterritorialized Empire]. In this sense the Gulf War did indeed, as George Bush claimed, announce the birth of a new world order" (p. 180). Empire, the name they give to this new world order, is a product of the struggle over sovereignty and constitutionalism at the global level in an age in which a new global Jeffersonianism -- the expansion of the U.S. constitutional form into the global realm -- has become possible. Local struggles against Empire are opposed by these authors, who believe that the struggle now is simply over the form globalization will take -- and the extent to which Empire will live up to its promise of bringing to fruition "the global expansion of the internal U.S. constitutional project" (p. 182). Their argument supports the efforts of the "multitude against Empire" -- that is, the struggle of the multitude to become an autonomous political subject -- yet this can only take place, they argue, within "the ontological conditions that Empire presents" (p. 407). So much for today's more fashionable views. I would now like to turn to the decidedly unfashionable. In contrast to Empire, István Mészáros' new book Socialism or Barbarism represents in many ways the height of unfashionability -- even on the left.* Instead of promising a new universalism arising potentially out of the capitalist globalization process if only it takes the right form, Mészáros argues that the perpetuation of a system dominated by capital would guarantee precisely the opposite: "Despite its enforced 'globalization,' capital's incurably iniquitous system is structurally incompatible with universality in any meaningful sense of the term .there can be no universality in the social world without substantive equality" (pp. 10-11).... ..."[T]he capital system is articulated as a jungle-like network of contradictions that can only be more or less successfully managed for some time but never definitively overcome" (p. 13). Among the principal contradictions that are insurmountable within capitalism are those between: (1) production and its control; (2) production and consumption; (3) competition and monopoly; (4) development and underdevelopment (center and periphery); (5) world economic expansion and intercapitalist rivalry; (6) accumulation and crisis; (7) production and destruction; (8) the domination of labor and dependence on labor; (9) employment and unemployment; and (10) growth of output at all costs and environmental destruction.* "It is quite inconceivable to overcome even a single one of these contradictions," Mészáros observes," let alone their inextricably combined network, without instituting a radical alternative to capital's mode of social metabolic control" (pp. 13-14). According to this analysis, the period of capitalism's historic ascendance has now ended. Capitalism has expanded throughout the globe, but in most of the world it has produced only enclaves of capital. There is no longer any promise of the underdeveloped world as a whole "catching-up" economically with the advanced capitalist countries -- or even of sustained economic and social advance in most of the periphery. Living conditions of the vast majority of workers are declining globally. The long structural crisis of the system, since the 1970s, prevents capital from effectively coping with its contradictions, even temporarily. The extraneous help offered by the state is no longer sufficient to boost the system. Hence, capital's "destructive uncontrollability" -- its destruction of previous social relations and its inability to put anything sustainable in their place -- is coming more and more to the fore (pp. 19, 61). At the core of Mészáros' argument is the proposition that we are now living within what is "the potentially deadliest phase of imperialism" (the title of the second chapter of his book). Imperialism, he says, can be divided into three distinct historical phases: (1) early modern colonialism, (2) the classic phase of imperialism as depicted by Lenin, and (3) global hegemonic imperialism, with the U.S. as its dominant force. The third phase was consolidated following the Second World War, but it became "sharply pronounced" with the onset of capital's structural crisis in the 1970s (p. 51).... From aiindex at mnet.fr Wed Dec 5 01:34:47 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Tue, 4 Dec 2001 21:04:47 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Afghanistan, Graveyard of Empires Message-ID: Foreign Affairs November, 2001 / December, 2001 SECTION: 9/11 AND AFTER; Pg. 17 Afghanistan, Graveyard of Empires by Milton Bearden; MILTON BEARDEN served as CIA station chief in Pakistan from 1986 to 1989, where he was responsible for that agency's covert action program in support of the Afghan resistance to the Soviet-supported government. THE GREAT GAME MICHNI POINT, Pakistan's last outpost at the western end of the barren, winding Khyber Pass, stands sentinel over Torkham Gate, the deceptively orderly border crossing into Afghanistan. Frontier Scouts in gray shalwar kameezes (traditional tunics and loose pants) and black berets patrol the lonely station commanded by a major of the legendary Khyber Rifles, the militia force that has been guarding the border with Afghanistan since the nineteenth century, first for British India and then for Pakistan. This spot, perhaps more than any other, has witnessed the traverse of the world's great armies on campaigns of conquest to and from South and Central Asia. All eventually ran into trouble in their encounters with the unruly Afghan tribals. Alexander the Great sent his supply trains through the Khyber, then skirted northward with his army to the Konar Valley on his campaign in 327 BC. There he ran into fierce resistance and, struck by an Afghan archer's arrow, barely made it to the Indus River with his life. Genghis Khan and the great Mughal emperors began passing through the Khyber a millennium later and ultimately established the greatest of empires - but only after reaching painful accommodations with the Afghans. From Michni Point, a trained eye can still see the ruins of the Mughal signal towers used to relay complex torch-light messages 1,500 miles from Calcutta to Bukhara in less than an hour. In the nineteenth century the Khyber became the fulcrum of the Great Game, the contest between the United Kingdom and Russia for control of Central Asia and India. The first Afghan War (1839 - 42) began when British commanders sent a huge army of British and Indian troops into Afghanistan to secure it against Russian incursions, replacing the ruling emir with a British protege. Facing Afghan opposition, by January 1842 the British were forced to withdraw from Kabul with a column of 16,500 soldiers and civilians, heading east to the garrison at Jalalabad, 110 miles away. Only a single survivor of that group ever made it to Jalalabad safely, though the British forces did recover some prisoners many months later. According to the late Louis Dupree, the premier historian of Afghanistan, four factors contributed to the British disaster: the occupation of Afghan territory by foreign troops, the placing of an unpopular emir on the throne, the harsh acts of the British-supported Afghans against their local enemies, and the reduction of the subsidies paid to the tribal chiefs by British political agents. The British would repeat these mistakes in the second Afghan War (1878 - 81), as would the Soviets a century later; the United States would be wise to consider them today. In the aftermath of the second British misadventure in Afghanistan, Rudyard Kipling penned his immortal lines on the role of the local women in tidying up the battlefields: When you're wounded and left on Afghanistan's plains And the women come out to cut up what remains Jest roll to your rifle an' blow out your brains An' go to your Gawd like a soldier. The British fought yet a third war with Afghanistan in 1917, an encounter that neither burnished British martial history nor subdued the Afghan people. But by the end of World War I, that phase of the Great Game was over. During World War II, Afghanistan flirted with Aryanism and the Third Reich, becoming, fleetingly, "the Switzerland" of Central Asia in a new game of intrigue as Allied and Axis coalitions jockeyed for position in the region. But after the war the country settled back into its natural state of ethnic and factional squabbling. The Soviet Union joined in from the sidelines, but Afghanistan was so remote from the consciousness of the West that scant attention was paid to it until the last king, Zahir Shah, was deposed in 1973. Then began the cycle of conflict that continues to the present. RUSSIAN ROULETTE AFGHANISTAN FESTERED through the 1970s, but with the seizure of power in Kabul by Nur Mohammed Taraki in 1978, the country began a rapid spiral into anarchy. Washington's ambassador in Kabul, Adolph Dubs, was kidnapped in February 1979 and later killed during a failed rescue attempt; the next month, Hafizullah Amin seized the prime ministership along with much of Taraki's power; and eight months later, on Christmas Eve, after watching the disintegration of order for much of a decade, the Kremlin decided to try its hand at military adventure. The Soviets began with a modern repetition of the fatal British error of installing an unpopular "emir" on the Afghan "throne." The operation was marked by a brutal efficiency: Hafizullah Amin was killed under mysterious circumstances, Kabul was secured, and the Soviets put their man, Babrak Karmal, at the helm of the Afghan government. It looked initially as if the Soviets' optimistic prediction that they would be in and out of Afghanistan almost before anyone noticed might prove correct. Certainly, President Jimmy Carter was too preoccupied with the hostage crisis in Iran to give much thought to Afghanistan, or so the Kremlin believed. To Moscow's surprise, however, Carter reacted quickly and decisively. He cancelled a number of pending agreements with the Soviet Union, ranging from wheat sales to consular exchanges; he set in motion the boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics; and, much more quietly and decisively, he signed a presidential finding that tasked the CIA with the organization of aid, including arms and military support, to the Afghan people in their resistance to the Soviet occupation. In January 1980, Carter sent his national security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, for consultations with Pakistani leaders who were already supporting the Afghan resistance. On a side trip from Islamabad, Brzezinski traveled the length of the Khyber Pass to the outpost at Michni Point, where he was photographed squinting along the sights of a Soviet AK-47 assault rifle, its muzzle elevated and pointing into Afghanistan. In that moment, the president's national security adviser became the symbol of the impending U.S. phase of involvement in Afghanistan's endless martial history. The CIA had to scramble to comply with the president's order. But within weeks it had organized its first weapons delivery - a shipment of several thousand venerable Enfield.303 rifles, the standard weapon of the Afghan tribals - to the resistance fighters who were already beginning to snipe at the Soviet invaders. During the 1980s, the agency would deliver several hundred thousand tons of weapons and ordnance to Pakistan for distribution to the Afghan fighters known to the world as mujahideen, the soldiers of God. The coalition of countries supporting the resistance grew to an impressive collection that included the United States, the United Kingdom, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and China. Lining up behind seven separate and fractious Afghan resistance leaders based in Peshawar, the capital of Pakistan's Northwest Frontier Province, the mujahideen field commanders were allotted their supplies and sent off to face the Soviet forces. For the first five years of its covert war, the CIA attempted to maintain plausible deniability. Its officers in Pakistan kept a low profile, and the weapons it supplied to the mujahideen, with the exception of the British Enfields, were models manufactured in Warsaw Pact countries. An additional advantage of using Soviet bloc weapons was that the mujahideen could use any ammunition they could capture from army garrisons of the puppet Democratic Republic of Afghanistan - or buy, with American dollars, from corrupt DRA quartermasters or even Red Army supply officers. By 1985, the Soviet 40th Army had grown from its original, limited expeditionary force to an occupation force of around 120,000 troops, widely dispersed at garrisons around the country. But as the Soviet forces grew, so did the Afghan resistance. By the mid-1980s the mujahideen had more than 250,000 full- or part-time fighters in the field, and though they and the civilian population had suffered horrendous losses - a million dead and 1.5 million injured, plus 6 million more driven into internal and external exile - the Soviet forces were also beginning to suffer. As the CIA became more deeply involved in its covert proxy war with the Soviet Union, it became clear to President Ronald Reagan's new CIA director, William Casey, that the conflict had stalemated. The United States was fighting the Soviets to the last Afghan in a confrontation that could run on indefinitely. By 1985 Soviet air tactics had been refined, and the mujahideen suffered increasing casualties from the growing Soviet fleet of heavily armored MI-24D attack helicopters. The Afghans had nothing in their arsenal adequate to defend against this equipment and so, after a heated debate and heavy pressure from Congress, the White House decided to provide them with Stinger antiaircraft missiles. The Stingers entered the war a month after Mikhail Gorbachev's seminal August 1986 speech in Vladivostok, where he described the conflict, now in its seventh year, as a "bleeding wound." U.S. intelligence at the time, however, indicated that as he uttered those first words of disengagement, he also gave his generals one year to bring the Afghans under control, using whatever force necessary. Three months earlier the Soviets had replaced the failing Babrak Karmal with the brutal, sadistic secret-police chief Mohammed Najibullah, a move that only stiffened mujahideen resistance and set the scene for the endgame of the Soviets' Afghan adventure. Two events in the late summer of 1986 changed the course of the war. On August 20 a lucky shot by the mujahideen sent a 107 mm rocket into a DRA supply dump on the outskirts of Kabul, setting off secondary explosions that destroyed tens of thousands of tons of ordnance, lighting up the skies of the Afghan capital by night and smoldering during the day. A month later, on September 26, a team led by a resistance commander with the unlikely name of Ghaffar ("the forgiver," one of the 99 names of Allah) brought down three MI-24 helicopters in the first Stinger ambush of the war. The effect of these events on the mujahideen was electric, and within days the setbacks for the Soviet forces were snowballing, with one or two aircraft per day falling from the skies at the end of the Stingers' telltale white plumes. When the snows melted in the high passes for the new fighting season of 1987, diplomatic activity intensified, with the United States represented by the exceptionally able Michael Armacost, the under-secretary of state for political affairs. It had become clear not only to Gorbachev and his negotiators but also to his generals in the field that there would be no letup in Afghanistan, and that the time to consider disengagement had come. On April 14, 1988, after agonized negotiations over such tortured concepts as "negative symmetry" in drawing down supplies to the combatants, the Geneva Accords ending Soviet involvement in Afghanistan were signed. The date for the final withdrawal of all Soviet forces was set at February 15, 1989, a timetable that the commander of the Soviet 40th Army in Afghanistan, General Boris Gromov, choreographed to the last moment of the last day. February 15 also marked the end of outside military support to both sides in the war, at least in theory. Gromov wanted arrangements to be just right. The international press was shuttled from nearby Termez, Uzbekistan, to a special press center, complete with a new, covered pavilion. The body of a hapless minesweeper had been quietly carried across the Friendship Bridge before the press had time to reason that his blanket-wrapped form was the last Russian soldier killed in the ten-year war. The cameras of several dozen news services zoomed in on the center of the bridge, where a lone Soviet tank had pulled to a halt. The diminutive Soviet general jumped from the turret, pulled his battle-dress tunic into place, and strode purposely over the last hundred yards toward the Soviet side of the Amu Dar'ya. Just before he reached the end of the bridge, his son Maksim, a slim, awkward 14-year-old, greeted his father with a stiff embrace and presented him with a bouquet of red carnations. Son and father marched the last 50 yards out of Afghanistan together. ARABIAN KNIGHTS IN TEN YEARS OF WAR, the Soviet Union admitted to having had about 15,000 troops killed in action, several hundred thousand wounded, and tens of thousands dead from disease. The true numbers might be higher, but they are not worth debating. What followed Gromov's exit grew rapidly into a cataclysm for the Soviets and a national disaster for the Afghans. The first signs came in May 1989, when an already emboldened Hungarian government correctly concluded it could open its border with Austria without fear of Soviet intervention. That signal act was followed a month later by the stunning election of a Solidarity majority in Poland's parliament, ending that country's nearly half-century of communist rule. Throughout the summer of 1989, the people of East Germany took to the streets, first in small numbers, then gaining strength and courage in the tens and hundreds of thousands until, on the night of November 9, 1989, in a comedy of errors and miscues, the Berlin Wall was breached and Germans surged from east to west. The world had hardly digested these events when Czechoslovakia's Vaclav Havel and his band of dissidents from the Magic Lantern theater carried out their own Velvet Revolution a month later. With the world's eyes focused almost exclusively on the historic events in Eastern Europe, or on the vivid image of a young demonstrator staring down a Chinese tank in Beijing's Tiananmen Square, the drama unfolding in Afghanistan received scant attention. Though there were heroic efforts by relief agencies to provide humanitarian aid, the senior officials of President George H. W. Bush's administration did not look back to that former war zone, their energies instead consumed by the stunning denouement of the Cold War. In the turn away from Afghanistan, the United States would dismiss even its staunch ally, Pakistan. No longer able to stave off congressionally mandated sanctions triggered by its nuclear weapons development program, Pakistan fell out of Washington's favor. As the 1990s began with great hope elsewhere in the world, in Afghanistan a new post - Cold War construct started taking shape: the failed state. And as it failed and spun into anarchy, Afghanistan became the home of a new and little understood threat: the aggrieved Arab extremist. The role of the so-called Afghan Arabs in the ten-year war against the Soviet occupation is the subject of much debate and misinformed commentary. By early 1980, the call to jihad (holy war) had reached all corners of the Islamic world, attracting Arabs young and old and with a variety of motivations to travel to Pakistan to take up arms and cross the border to fight against the Soviet invaders in Afghanistan. There were genuine volunteers on missions of humanitarian value, there were adventure seekers looking for paths to glory, and there were psychopaths. As the war dragged on, a number of Arab states discreetly emptied their prisons of homegrown troublemakers and sent them off to the jihad with the fervent hope that they might not return. Over the ten years of war as many as 25,000 Arabs may have passed through Pakistan and Afghanistan. At one time the CIA considered having volunteer Arab legions take part in the war, but the idea was scrapped as unwise and unworkable. Despite what has often been written, the CIA never recruited, trained, or otherwise used the Arab volunteers who arrived in Pakistan. The idea that the Afghans somehow needed fighters from outside their culture was deeply flawed and ignored basic historical and cultural facts. The Arabs who did travel to Afghanistan from Peshawar were generally considered nuisances by mujahideen commanders, some of whom viewed them as only slightly less bothersome than the Soviets. As fundraisers, however, the Arabs from the Persian Gulf played a positive, often critical role in the background of the war. During some months in 1987 and 1988, Arab fundraisers in both Pakistan and their home countries raised as much as $ 25 million for their largely humanitarian and construction projects. Among the more prominent of these Arab fundraisers was one Osama bin Ladin, the son of a Saudi billionaire. Active in Afghanistan since the early 1980s, having previously worked in the Persian Gulf to recruit Arabs for the jihad, bin Ladin focused his early energies on construction projects, building orphanages and homes for widows as well as roads and bunker systems in eastern Afghanistan. He and a few of his Saudi followers saw some combat in 1987, while associated with the Islamic Unity Party of Abdul Rasul Sayaf, an Egyptian-trained Afghan member of the Muslim Brotherhood who later in the jihad embraced Saudi Wahhabism. At the crucial battles of Jaji and Ali Khel, Sayaf and his Saudis acquitted themselves well by stopping a Soviet and DRA advance that could have resulted in large-scale destruction of mujahideen supply dumps and staging areas in the province of Paktia. More than two dozen Saudis died in those engagements, and the military legend of Osama bin Ladin was born. But at this point in the war, few were concerned about the role of the Afghan Arabs, with the exception of growing criticism by Western humanitarian organizations of the harsh fundamentalism of the Saudi Wahhabis and Deobandis whose influence in the refugee camps in Pakistan, now bursting with about three million Afghans, was pervasive. It was in these squalid camps that a generation of young Afghan males would be born into and raised in the strictest fundamentalism of the Deobandi madrassas (Islamic schools). It was here that the seeds of the Taliban were sown. COME, MR. TALIBAN THOUGH the Soviets left Afghanistan in 1989, it was not until April 1992 that the mujahideen finally took Kabul, killed Najibullah, and declared what passed for victory. Their triumph would be short-lived. Old hatreds and ethnic realities once again drove events, and without the unifying presence of foreign armies on Afghan soil, the state of Afghanistan simply fell apart. The civil war resumed with horrendous brutality until the population was ready for any path to peace, and soon one presented itself. Rising almost mystically from the sheer chaos, the Taliban (derived from a Persian word meaning Islamic students or seekers), began to form under the leadership of a one-eyed cleric from Oruzgan province in central Afghanistan, who the world would come to know as Mullah Mohammad Omar. More as a result of timing than of military might, they swept through the Pashtun world of eastern Afghanistan, a welcome relief from the brigands controlling the valleys and mountain passes. By 1996 the Taliban had seized Kabul, and the Afghan people seemed to accept their deliverance. The West fleetingly saw the Taliban as the source of a new order and a possible tool in yet another replay of the Great Game - the race for the energy riches of Central Asia. U.S. and foreign oil firms were looking for ways to pipe the vast natural-gas reserves of Turkmenistan to energy-starved markets in Pakistan. By 1996, most of the route of the proposed pipeline was loosely under Taliban control, and the match of politics, power, and energy seemed attractive. But the optimism was short-lived. In 1997, plans for the Afghan pipeline were shelved and the country began an even sharper downward spiral, as the Taliban over-reached in their quest to take control of the country. Their atrocious human rights record and treatment of women drew international scorn, and with the exception of diplomatic recognition from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Pakistan, Afghanistan was in total isolation. Its failure as a state of any recognizable form was now complete. Against this backdrop, the Afghan Arab troublemakers began to drift back to Afghanistan. Many of them, including Osama bin Ladin, had left Afghanistan after the Soviet defeat, full of determination to bring about radical societal change in their home countries. All failed, and many began roaming among the few remaining states in the world that served as safe havens for their kind, mostly behind the Iron Curtain. But with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the would-be terrorists of the world fell on hard times. They lost their playgrounds in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and even the redoubtable Carlos pitched up in Khartoum - where, coincidentally, bin Ladin had also settled after a failed attempt to bring about change in his Saudi homeland. Bin Ladin engaged in a number of agricultural, construction, and business ventures, but most of his consciousness was consumed by a brooding hatred of the United States. This passion grew during the Gulf War, and five years later, with U.S. troops still stationed in Saudi Arabia, bin Ladin's rage found its final form. It would be the United States against which he would concentrate all of his energies. By 1995, however, bin Ladin's presence in Sudan had become an issue both for the United States and for Saudi Arabia, which by this time had stripped bin Ladin of his Saudi citizenship. The Sudanese were quietly told that bin Ladin was a major obstacle to improved relations, and that Khartoum would be wise to ask him to leave. Sudan had already begun ridding itself of undesirables. In a dramatic setup, Carlos, stretched out on a Khartoum hospital operating table having a vasectomy reversed, was abruptly bundled up by French security officers and spirited off to Paris to stand trial for earlier crimes. According to a PBS Frontline television interview with Sudanese President Umar Hassan al-Bashir, the Sudanese government offered to keep bin Ladin on a tight leash, or even hand him over to the Saudis or the Americans. The Saudis reportedly declined the offer, for fear his presence would only cause more trouble in the royal kingdom, and the United States reportedly passed because it had no indictable complaints against bin Ladin at the time. In 1996, then, on U.S. and Saudi instructions, bin Ladin was expelled from Sudan, and he moved to the last stop on the terror line, Afghanistan. Still relatively unknown to the public, bin Ladin came into view through a CNN interview in 1997, when he claimed that his disciples had been behind the killing of 18 American soldiers in Somalia in 1993. The next year he issued a fatwa, an Islamic decree, of questionable authenticity, calling for all-out war against all Americans. But it was in August 1998 that he was indelibly etched into the world's consciousness, when terrorists thought to have links to his Al Qaeda organization struck simultaneously at American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, killing 224 persons, including 12 Americans, and wounding 5,000. The U.S. response was quick but futile - 75 cruise missiles were launched at bin Ladin's training camps in Afghanistan and at a pharmaceutical factory suspected of producing precursors for chemical weapons in Sudan. Bin Ladin escaped unharmed, and the attack on the Sudanese pharmaceutical factory remains a smoldering controversy to this day. BACK TO THE FUTURE SINCE 1998, the hunt for bin Ladin has been the driving force behind U.S. policy toward Afghanistan. Though the Taliban have repeatedly claimed that the Saudi has been under their control and incapable of fomenting the various attacks with which he is charged - including that against the U.S.S. Cole in Aden and those on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon - the U.S. government has little doubt that bin Ladin is the culprit. The confrontation with him and those who shelter him is at the point of no return. It probably could not be otherwise, but how this first engagement in the new U.S. war on terrorism is conducted will be crucial to all that follows. The coalition being carefully constructed will function differently from that built for the Gulf War a decade ago. The bulk of the military tasks in that brief war against Iraq were intended from the outset to be carried out by the Americans, the British, and the French. The participation of the Arab states was not crucial to the fighting, though it was crucial to the U.S. ability to operate from bases near Iraq. In this new conflict, the roles will, in many ways, be reversed. The coalition partners from the Arab and Islamic states will have specific, front-line operational roles. They will serve as force multipliers for the usual alliance of American and European intelligence and security services and special operations forces. If the terror network is to be dismantled, it will be with help from the security services of Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan, Sudan, and a few others, not from the exclusive efforts of the United States or its European allies. So the tale ends where it began, at Michni Point. As the Bush administration balances its military and political goals, plans to send U.S. troops into Afghanistan to seize bin Ladin should be weighed carefully for their practicality and political implications. Strident calls to add the overthrow of the Taliban regime to the list of American objectives may be attractive in terms of human rights, but that objective, too, must be weighed against the goal of making certain that the events of September 11 are not repeated. Some have called for arming and forming an alliance with Afghanistan's now-leaderless Northern Alliance. This grouping of commanders, meticulously pulled together in shifting alliances by the late Ahmed Shah Masoud, now holds about ten percent of Afghan territory. Already the recipient of military and financial support from Russia and Iran, it seems a logical partner in the U.S. quest to locate and neutralize the bin Ladin network and replace the Taliban regime. But that is not a wise course - not simply because of the cold irony of allying ourselves with the Russians in any fight in Afghanistan, but because it is not likely to achieve either goal. It is more than doubtful that the Northern Alliance forces could capture bin Ladin and his followers, and there is no reasonable guarantee that they could dislodge the Taliban. On the contrary, the more likely consequences of a U.S. alliance with the late Masoud's fighters would be the coalescing of Afghanistan's majority Pashtun tribes around their Taliban leaders and the rekindling of a brutal, general civil war that would continue until the United States simply gave up. The dominant tribe in Afghanistan, which also happens to be the largest, will dominate; replacing the Pashtun Taliban with the largely Tajik and Uzbek Northern Alliance is close to impossible. The threat of providing covert assistance to the Northern Alliance might be a useful short-term strategy to pressure the Taliban, if it is handled delicately, but any real military alliance to Masoud's successors will backfire. The administration would do better to try to draw off segments of the Pashtun population only loosely allied with the Taliban regime. Those Pashtuns who signed on with the Taliban over the last five years did so because the Taliban seemed at the time to offer a fair chance for peace after decades of indescribably brutal war. They did not sign on to fight the United States, whose military might many of them will recall from the struggle against the Soviet occupation. The administration seems to realize this, and it is now moving quietly, gathering resources in the land of the Pashtun. If anyone is to replace an emir in Afghanistan, it will have to be the people of Afghanistan themselves. Any doubters should ask the British and the Russians. GRAPHIC: Photo, Not much left to lose: Outside Kabul, Afghanistan, September 2, 2001, AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS; Map, no caption, Map by IP Ohisson Copyright 2001 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. Foreign Affairs From shuddha at sarai.net Wed Dec 5 11:49:14 2001 From: shuddha at sarai.net (Shuddhabrata Sengupta) Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 11:49:14 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Hokote and Trojanow - The Afghan Crisis: A Reflection Message-ID: <01120511491400.01122@sweety.sarai.kit> Here is a Text by Ranjit Hoskote and Ilija Trojanow on the September 11 and the war in Afghanistan. It rehearses some of the arguments that we have already heard on this list, but since Afghanistan has cropped up again for discussion in many of the forwards on the list - here's another one - and, I am sure that the rest of us will agree with me that we need to have a spate of original writings now - in tandem with the forwards Shuddha ---------- Forwarded Message ---------- Subject: The Afghan Crisis: A Reflection Date: Tue, 04 Dec 2001 18:49:52 From: "ranjit hoskote" To: mangeshkul at vsnl.com Dear Friends and Colleagues: We enclose an extended reflection, co-authored by us, on the Afghan crisis, its construction and presentation in the (West-dominated) mass media, and the political and moral questions that this has thrown into high relief. A shorter version of this essay will appear in *The Hindu: Sunday Magazine* later this month. With very best wishes, Ranjit Hoskote and Ilija Trojanow --------------------------------- (essay follows, as inline text) The Nonsense Mantras of Our Times By Ilija Trojanow and Ranjit Hoskote What's the world like? A flock of sheep. One falls into the ditch, the rest jump in. -­ Kabir (Sakhi: 240, The Bijak of Kabir, trans. Linda Hess and Shukdev Singh) On TV screens across the globe, for more than two months now, the sheep have been jumping into the ditch without a bleat of protest. What's worse, they believe that's the way to go, the way of justice and salvation. Kabir's acerbic stanza accurately describes the debate in the mainstream media following the events of September 11. Legions of experts and viewers have committed themselves to an absurdly simplistic and Manichean account of the world, in which President Bush and his cast of international supporters are portrayed as God's good men, arrayed in battle against maniacal fiends in turbans, baggy robes and sandals, who threaten the world's sanity and security. Within weeks, the debate on terrorism and global conflict has been reduced to a mumbo-jumbo of self-justifying mantras, which have instantly become axiomatic. Foremost among these is the infamous "clash of civilisations" hypothesis most often associated with a certain Samuel Huntington, but which has a genealogy of its own, leading back to such justifications of imperialism as Arnold Toynbee's schema of antagonistic civilisational blocs. The Toynbee-Huntington vision emphasises the fault-lines among "eight or nine" cultural-political blocs arbitrarily defined as 'civilisations', and seen to exist in a state of conflict based on profoundly distinct cultural values. In Huntington's view, the great clash of our times, which takes the place of the Cold War face-off between the USA and the USSR, is that between Islam and the West. After September 11, he has popularly and uncritically been hailed as the prophet of the age. The truth is somewhat less dramatic, if no less violent, and has more to do with fundamental differentials of economic and political power than with fundamental cultural differences. Civilisations, as the proper scrutiny of historical evidence would show, are marvellous hybrids: they have never been pure, self-consistent entities. Historically, they have evolved through exchange and synthesis, through the encounter of different races, religions and philosophies. What is of interest, in the study of civilisations, is not the differences that hold people apart, but the heritage that people are able to share across borders. A more tenable view than the "clash of civilisations" is that the battle-lines run through societies, not between civilisations or nation-states. A US pacifist, who believes in the necessity of social justice, is worlds apart from an American investment banker, whose clients include Lockheed and Unocal, and who believes that each man is master of his own destiny. An urbane West European, who practises yoga, has a deeply informed interest in African art, listens to reggae, and travels the world in search of cultural inspiration, is equidistant from both the West European skinhead and the Bajrang Dal storm-trooper. Has there ever really been a clash of civilisations? Did Venice and the Ottoman Empire clash because of differences in their interpretation of Abraham's decisions, or because they were locked in a struggle for control over the Mediterranean maritime trade? And why, throughout the Mughal and colonial periods in India, did both elite and subaltern-resistance movements comprise coalitions of Hindus and Muslims, if Hinduism and Islam are fundamentally irreconcilable? Huntington's theory cannot explain why the Rajputs supported the Mughals, why Akbar created a culture of multi-religious dialogue and understanding, why some of Aurangzeb's highest-ranking military commanders were Hindu, why the sanyasin-fakir resistance movement against the East India Company embodied an alliance of Hindu and Muslim ascetic-warriors, and why the Indian National Congress comprised the enlightened leadership of the Hindu and the Muslim communities. Civilisation can never be defined in absolute and static terms. It is a fragile construct: a constant process of self-evaluation rather than a stable cultural structure. And once it tears apart under economic or political strain, it can quickly uncover the most terrifying barbarism. No one has depicted this syndrome more poignantly than Joseph Conrad in Heart of Darkness; the most enduring and unfortunate example of this syndrome is the rise of Nazism from the rich soil of German culture. Unfortunately, the assumptions of the West, which are based on binary models, continue to be projected upon the former colonised world, often with the devastating effect of the self-fulfilling prophecy. The worst example of this tendency may be summed up as the 'principle of ethnicity as the basis of political conflict'. Put to excellent use by the Western powers in such situations of conflict as Lebanon and Rwanda, this principle has most recently been introduced into the Afghanistan debate, immediately following the flight of the Taliban regime from Kabul and the entry of the Northern Alliance into the Afghan capital. For the notion of the tribe is accompanied by the stereotypes of primitive, tribal behaviour: barely had the Northern Alliance marched into Kabul, when the Western media came abuzz with loose talk of 'revenge killings' and 'warlordism' (the US Air Force's killing of Afghan civilians is not, apparently, to be categorised under the former rubric; and the strategists at the Pentagon, calibrating the precise degree of offensive force, are not warlords, since neither Powell and Rice favours turbans). As has been well established, 'tribes' were often invented by anthropologists ranging unfamiliar terrain driven by a classificatory mania. Never mind that the identities on the ground were often shifting in character, language defining one affiliation, clan system a second, religious sect a third, and political allegiance a fourth. Also, identities and allegiances could change, leaving the already inaccurate taxonomy further behind; but the so-called tribal differences, once established by the Western knowledge system, were exploited by the Western power system through the honourable imperialist formula: Divide and rule! Until the Soviet occupation, ethnicity played a minor role in the modern Afghan consciousness. After 1978, however, the foreign powers which interfered in Afghanistan (and kept the civil war going) raised and supported militias that were organised on ethnic lines. Within this scheme, the success of the Taliban was due only to the fact of a vacuum in Pashtun representation. Nevertheless, Kabul's Pashtun population has welcomed the predominantly Tajik and Uzbek Northern Alliance troops. Should the foreign powers continue to insist on bizarre ethno-federalist structures with quotas, veto rights and reservation proportional to clout in the post-Taliban scenario, this would spell disaster for Afghanistan's future. There will always be forces that will instrumentalise differences. What is needed is a vision of unity, a vision of what the Afghan people really need to invent themselves out of and beyond the quagmire in which they have been thrust by superpower politics and the cynical power-games of regional powers. It's Religion, Stupid! The current debate proceeds from broad, unquestioned certainties about the nature and history of Islam, certainties that are as dogmatic as the supposed dogmas that they oppose. This critique-by-media of Islam proceeds on the basis of certain 'core Western values', founded on the principles of the Enlightenment, that are assumed to lie at the base of all civilised discourse. Interpreted correctly, these core Western values enshrine the method of radical doubt, which is central to Enlightenment discourse, all the way from Spinoza and Descartes to Derrida and Foucault. This method helps us to unmask religion as ideology, to examine the overt practices and concealed motives of ideology, the manner in which it masks a power structure and the interests of a dominant class. Unfortunately, the current rhetoric of the West -- in government and media -- proceeds in complete contravention of this heritage. The academic gurus are no better. According to Francis Fukuyama, "Islam is the only cultural system that regularly seems to produce people like bin Laden or the Taliban, who reject modernity lock, stock and barrel." As a matter of fact, it is precisely the lock, stock and barrel of modernity that Islamic extremism has taken up, since military technology was the aspect of Western civilisation that the colonialists exported most vigorously (read, for example, T. E. Lawrence's classic of romantic-Orientalist autobiography, The Seven Pillars of Wisdom). Even today the West blesses the world with lock, stock and barrel worth billions of dollars. Consider, also, the various unexamined axioms built into this ill-fated sentence. "The only cultural system?" Three decades ago, such irrational violence was believed to be the monopoly of the Vietcong, who then yielded place to the Khmer Rouge. Were the Vietcong and the Khmer Rouge closet believers in the Word of Allah? Has North Korea, regarded by US leaders through the 1990s as the major scourge of humankind, fallen under the influence of the mullahs? "Regularly produces people like bin Laden"? How many bin Ladens have the 1.2 billion Moslems produced? 50? Or 500? And to blame Islam for the disaster in Afghanistan, a country repeatedly abused by Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA, is to indulge in despicable cynicism. Western Values, and the US as their Guardian Instead of scrupulous attention to the historical record and the application of the core Western values, then, the Western media offer us nonsensical mantras that, by repetition, have acquired the air of spiritual truths. Paul Pillar's formulation, in his Terrorism and U.S. Foreign Policy, sums these up briskly: "The longevity of the principles (of US counter-terrorist policy) attest to their firm grounding in an American political, moral, and legal tradition that places high value on the rule of law and on the idea that malevolence should be punished." To point out that this sentence has no relation to reality would be an offence to the intelligence of the reader. Malevolence should be punished? The USA has consistently supported states that sponsor terrorism, and has itself committed acts of terrorism ­- for instance, the Contra war against Nicaragua, as a result of which the US government was tried, found guilty and mandated to pay substantial reparations by the International Court, The Hague. But since the law is only respected if it reaches a verdict in the bully's favour, the USA didn't part with a dime. The rule of law? Once in a while, the truth shines through in an article or a statement:: "If we are hamstrung by absolutist definitions of friend and foe, and democracy and dictatorship, our chances of victory will the diminished" (Robert D. Kaplan, in the New York Times). This is refreshingly honest, by comparison with the (oxy)moronic euphemisms of the propaganda machine (Stanley Hoffmann, writing in the New York Review of Books, praises the "benign US hegemony"). As for free speech, a central tenet of the Western value system, Washington's approach to the fair reporting of the war has been to ask the Emir of Qatar to curb Al Jazeera, the only free TV channel in the Arab world. The Emir, wily Oriental that he no doubt is, took refuge in the Fifth Amendment! In other words: One rule for the West, another for the others. This illiberal attitude within the liberal tradition goes back to J S Mill, that fountainhead of European liberalism who opposed the idea of self-determination for the world's colonised peoples. This colonialist ideology has not yet been eradicated from the Western mind, and though we have achieved a sort of globalism in terms of mass communications and trade, we are still a long way from evolving a global ethics, that would guide the relations among nations and peoples. Without being as ambitious as the Advaita, we would have achieved a great change if every human life could be held to have the same and equal value. The Illusion of a "Safe and Comfortable World" The worst genocide in recent times took place in Rwanda, and left close to a million people dead. UN peacekeepers pulled out; the complicity of France in supporting and arming the mass murderers became clear. But there was hardly a ripple of public disquiet, as the radical artist Alfredo Jaar chillingly demonstrates in his elegiac installations, 'Let There Be Light' and 'The Eyes of Gutete Emerita'. These installations are situated within a performance during which Jaar flashes a sequence of US magazine covers and narrates, in parallel, the events taking place Rwanda in the same weeks. While the numbers of those butchered rises, and the nature of the slaughter becomes more and more feral, Time and Business week continue to put other, more US-centric matters on their covers. The genocide might well have been unfolding on another planet. No minutes of silence were maintained for the victims of the Rwandan genocide; no candlelight vigils were held in their memory, no celebrity-endorsed prayer meetings were convened. On the contrary, the shameful involvement of functionaries of the Roman Catholic Church in the genocide was glossed over: no commentator was inspired to publish vicious diatribes against Christianity as a cultural system that regularly breeds blood-thirsty maniacs. But let's not forget that we are only talking of a million dead blacks. There have been worse times, but hardly more hypocritical ones. As against the complete global and certainly Western apathy towards the one million victims of the Rwandan genocide, September 11 is seen as epochal and apocalyptic for the whole world. The emphasis is on the supposedly sudden burst of dramatic violence into the lives of an otherwise happy and peaceable America. The blissful ignorance or deliberate self-delusion of the Western elites is eloquently, if also comically, illustrated by the Tory MP Bernard Jenkins' view from the charmingly pastoral locale of North Essex: The events of September 11, in the worthy MP's opinion, "shattered the illusion of a safe and comfortable world." On the other hand a journalist in Bihar wrote, a few days after the attacks on New York, that such horrors would hardly make an impression on a Bihari, who has to endure murder and terror on a daily basis. The world is, in reality, far more similar to Bihar than it is to New York or North Essex, and the last few decades have witnessed an increasing global Biharisation. Not only are we speaking of increased violence in the Third World, but we also refer to the routine violence of American life. George Bush, in his address to the nation on 7 October, bravely asserted that "we defend... the freedom of people everywhere to live and raise their children free from fear". This sentiment does not cover even the inner cities of his own country, the Bihars within the USA. In fact, the only novel feature about the 11 September kamikaze attacks is that, for the first time, people from the world's powerless hinterlands have struck at the very heart of the imperium, shattering the myth of the invincibility of the continental USA. War on Terror -- War or Terror? The definition of terrorism is conspicuous by its absence. If terrorism is an attack on civilians or civilian objects with the intent to terrorise the people or the government, then the war on terror should be a war on the whole world order, a system of permanent terror for three-quarters of mankind. By distinguishing between State and non-State terror, the main culprits are left out, and by differentiating between "our friends and our foes", it is narrowed down to a ridiculous proportion: bin Laden, the Taliban and Saddam Hussein. In the cartoon-strip style of argument pursued by the Western powers, these isolated figures are the chief proponents of terror, promulgators of violent manifestos and makers of catastrophic weapons. On the other hand, as some clear-sighted commentators have pointed out, the USA has supported (and continues to support) states like Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, who are probably more to blame for the attacks on New York than the Taliban. And what about the ongoing direct involvement of the "coalition against terror" in terror? There are an estimated 500 million small arms and light weapons in the world, and they have killed 2 million children in the last decade of the 20th century, according to UNICEF estimates. And these killing-machines are produced mainly by the states that are permanent members of the Security Council and enjoy the absurd privilege of a veto. The same global powers, individually or jointly, block all initiatives against weapons and war -­ most recently, for instance, the international agreement on land-mines. Surely the production and sale of weaponry for the purpose of profit qualifies as complicity in terrorism? You don't have to be a fanatic to be a murderer: the military-industrial complex is governed by suave, pleasant men actuated by family values, men who keep their eyes focused on spreadsheets rather than manifestos. The definition of terrorism is kept unclear, not only because the phenomenon covers a multiplicity of changing approaches and contexts, but because such a lack of clarity leaves states a free hand to deal with opposing forces. We see here a shifting game of legitimising self-interest; there is no moral focus to the debate over war and terrorism. There has, in fact, been little moral development since antiquity, despite the persistent talk of Western values. The reality has been aptly described by Thucydides: "They that have odds of power exact as much as they can, and the weak yield to such conditions as they can get." The fashionable argument of the 'just war' is nothing more than an effort at masking this truth. A just war would assume a consistency in dealing with the "evil". When some murderers get punished and others get to enjoy the beaches of Florida, how can we take justice seriously? Not to speak of the death of civilians, which the last 'just war' against Iraq took into account so blithely. Such deaths are covered under the bland Pentagon doctrine of "collateral damage". Indeed, if the murder of civilians is the criterion for defining terrorism, as what should we regard the US action in Afghanistan? Even a leading proponent of the just-war theory like Michael Walzer admits that "when the world divides radically into those who bomb and those who are bombed, it becomes morally problematic, even if this bombing is justifiable." Can we speak of war at all? Doesn't war presume a matching of combatants? This campaign is more reminiscent of punitive actions, which were carried out during the Second World War and the Vietnam War. When you can not catch the perpetrators (in this case because they have already brought themselves to justice) you destroy something of their world as retribution. "That will teach them a lesson," the colonial officer would say, after having torched a village to signal his "benign hegemony" in as dramatic a fashion as possible. "It is important to stress," Walzer writes, "that the moral reality of war is not fixed by the actual activities, but by the opinions of mankind." The bombing of Aghanistan is just, only because it has been called so by the powers involved in the bombing. No one forces us to accept this notion. Every human being has the duty to try and reach an opinion of his own, and to voice it. Frankenstein Inc. (Made in the USA) The lab is well set up and we all know how it works: Dr Frankenstein of the CIA arms his monster, then leaves him to his own devices. The monster begins to misbehave. He no longer listens to his liaison officers from the CIA. He cuts the wires that link him to the State Department. He is out of control. Therefore he is identified as the enemy, magnified in the imagination, and labelled an avatar of Hitler. Then the command is issued: Shoot at Sight. In the good old days of the Cold War, some of the demons and anti-Christs were made in the "Empire of Evil". Today, they are all bastard children of the "Empire of Good", serially stigmatised as their creators run out of enemies. It is a well-known fact that Saddam Hussein, Noriega, bin Laden all began on the right side of the US, and that the CIA funded the Taliban. Curiously, only a few months ago, the Bush administration gave the Taliban a subsidy of $43 million as a reward for suppressing the drug trade. But sometimes the monster takes Dr Frankenstein for a ride: the opium that was burned was the surplus, destroyed to keep prices high in the narcotics trade. It is worthwhile comparing the Taliban to the Khmer Rouge, that other bizarre and genocidal regime (and let's not forget the US outcry against Vietnam for toppling Pol Pot, or the common criticism of Tanzania when it toppled Idi Amin¹s regime of horror). Both came to power after devastating wars. We speak of violent people as though they were trained to be violent by their traditions. But what else would people be in an atmosphere of total and pervasive war? Violence breeds violence ­ you don't have to be General Manon of the Northern Alliance, fighting continuously for the last 22 years, to realise that. This, rather than cultural determinism, is by far the most convincing explanation for the rise of forces like the Taliban and the Khmer Rouge. And where the US has not produced Frankenstein monsters by itself, it has infallibly set up laboratories for their production: Iran is the perfect example. The democratic government of Premier Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran (1951-1953) came closest to Western values, among all 'Islamic' governments and represented a modern, educated, tolerant and inclusive Iranian vision. This was systematically destroyed by the Western powers, through a CIA-sponsored destabilisation programme and coup, which culminated in the restoration of the corrupt and repressive Pahlavi regime. Mossadegh's vision embodied precisely the values that today's analysts claim to find wanting in Islam; his only crime was that he had dared to nationalise the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, bringing down upon himself the wrath of the West for challenging First World control over Iran's oil reserves. America and/or Critical Difference Given the tenor of the current debate, our arguments here would automatically qualify as being anti-American. This cry of anti-Americanism is currently the weapon of all rhetorical weapons -­ and the most absurd one at that. Not only does it imply a homogenised unity of American society, culture and government, or a singular American identity (into which factors of race, gender, region and class are quietly collapsed), but it also negates the possibility of maintaining critical difference. To love jazz music does not mean to support the bombing of Afghanistan; to admire the tradition of free speech is not to endorse the idiocy of corporate media. It is impossible to have grown up as a cosmopolitan citizen in today's world without having been inspired by the triumphs of the US in academia and the arts. However, the beauty of US culture is that these accomplishments were born out of an attitude of dissent, questioning, confrontation, self-direction and self-affirmation. Thus, to criticise US foreign policy is to uphold the best and highest impulses in US culture. The mediation of dissent through art and the sustenance of the human spirit through culture are not, of course, confined to US culture. We conclude with a traditional love poem from Herat (the American spell-check on our computers automatically and repeatedly alters the unfamiliar Afghan place-name from 'Herat' to 'Heart', but the error may be apposite). Since all music, even traditional Afghan music, was banned by the Taliban, this song has not, perhaps, been heard in the city of its origin for years. Its poignancy underscores the tragedy of what two decades of war has done to this society: "When the waterfalls cry, when the sheep cry, my heart thinks of Syamui. How long must I cry, O Syamui? As the rubies come out of the mines, As the sun shines over the mountains at dawn, So too does Syamui show herself on the roof of her house." In Afghanistan today, the rubies are mined to finance the internecine warfare, and Syamui has fled into the cellar, afraid to show herself in public, her future menaced as much by the Taliban whip-squads as by the rain of American bombs. ------------- _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp ------------------------------------------------------- From rustam at cseindia.org Wed Dec 5 17:44:30 2001 From: rustam at cseindia.org (rustam) Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 17:44:30 +530 Subject: [Reader-list] Fwd: How to save the world! Message-ID: <8A33A40FE@cseindia.org> Might interest some of you... Regards, Rustam Vania HOW TO SAVE THE WORLD New Scientist is planning a special edition for the spring that will look at how science and technology are helping to solve people's most fundamental problems. It will focus on the developing world, but not exclusively. It will look at poverty, inequality and development, and it will look at unhappiness. It will be less an analysis than a search. We don't know the answers. We don't know if science is really helping, or if it is part of the problem. We want to hear the views of people "on the front line". What do people living in poverty or desperation want? What do they need? What do the people trying to help them, or trying to help them help themselves, think they need? Where has science and technology helped and where has it hindered? We're looking for examples and case studies from the field, positive and negative. We're looking for ideas, however contrary. We're looking for people, however controversial. We want to know how you really improve people's lives. Is there a recipe you can apply everywhere? Can developing countries leapfrog into prosperity and avoid the problems the West went through? Does poverty in a European city feel the same as poverty in an Indian village? Can money--or for that matter science--make you happy? Perhaps you know some of the answers. If you're a writer looking for a commission or a consultant/researcher/activist with ideas, please do get in touch. Michael Bond Opinion Editor New Scientist tel. 020 7331 2718 michael.bond at rbi.co.uk **************************************************************** * NOTE CHANGE IN OUR EMAIL ADDRESS: PLEASE NOTE IT AS FOLLOWS * **************************************************************** CENTRE FOR SCIENCE AND ENVIRONMENT ( CSE ) 41, TUGHLAKABAD INSTITUTIONAL AREA, NEW DELHI- 110 062 TELE: 608 1110, 608 1124 608 3394, 608 6399 FAX : 91-11-608 5879 VISIT US AT: http://www.cseindia.org Email: rustam at cseindia.org **************************************************************** From rana_dasgupta at yahoo.com Wed Dec 5 18:58:27 2001 From: rana_dasgupta at yahoo.com (Rana Dasgupta) Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 05:28:27 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Reader-list] US boycotts international meeting on Israel's human rights Message-ID: <20011205132827.99984.qmail@web14606.mail.yahoo.com> >The Independent >Geneva Conventions states meet on Israel >By Jonathan Fowler, AP Writer >05 December 2001 >Overriding US protests, Switzerland opened an international conference today >to examine whether Israel is violating the Geneva Conventions on warfare by >its occupation of Palestinian territory. > >The meeting of nations that have signed the 1949 treaties on the conduct of >war is looking at the situation in the Middle East and is expected to >conclude that Israel is breaching the accords. > >It is expected also to call on Israel to respect the agreement on the >treatment of civilians in occupied territory and allow independent observers >to monitor the situation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. > >The United States is boycotting the meeting, claiming it is >"counterproductive." Israel also has refused to attend. > >"We believe that convening the conference after the massacre of almost 30 >Israelis over the weekend renders it even more meaningless that it would be >in any case," said Israel's ambassador to the United Nations, Yaakov Levy. > >Levy approached Switzerland – the depository of the Geneva Conventions – and >asked for the meeting to be canceled or postponed, but the request was >rejected. > >The 189 signatories of the conventions last met in July 1999, also to discuss >the Middle East, but suspended their session after 17 minutes, citing >positive developments in the region. > >Arab states and many other signatories have been calling for a new meeting >since the outbreak of the Palestinian intifada, or uprising, in late >September 2000. > >In the 14 months of fighting since, more than 780 people on the Palestinian >side have died and more than 230 on the Israeli side. > >Switzerland has condemned as a breach of the conventions Israel's policy of >building Jewish settlements on land conquered in the 1967 Mideast war. About >200,000 Israelis live in the settlements. > >Swiss officials have also criticized Israeli executions without trial of >Palestinian militants suspected of targeting Israel, and a blockade of >Palestinian–inhabited areas. > >Israel defends its policy, maintaining that the West Bank and Gaza are >disputed territory, not occupied land, and therefore the conventions do not >apply. > >Human rights group Amnesty International on Tuesday cited "grave breaches" of >the conventions by Israel. But, it said, Palestinian militants also were >breaking the convention by targeting civilians. > >All signatories – including Israel – are pledged to respect civilians' >rights and to make sure others do likewise. > >Under the conventions states are supposed to prosecute their own soldiers if >they commit war crimes. They can also turn to other organizations to set up >special courts, like the UN war crimes tribunals for former Yugoslavia or >Rwanda. > >But there are no legal measures to ensure compliance, and no sanctions >specified if signatories do not respect the agreements. > __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Buy the perfect holiday gifts at Yahoo! Shopping. http://shopping.yahoo.com From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Wed Dec 5 23:11:00 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 5 Dec 2001 17:41:00 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] What the BSF wants and other news... Message-ID: <20011205174100.395.qmail@mailweb10.rediffmail.com> KASHMIR MEDIA WATCH Weekly Kashmir News BORDER SECURITY FORCE: RESOLVE KASHMIR POLITICALLY The Kashmir problem, which has been hanging fire since past 53 years and draining resources of two major South Asian countries, cannot be solved militarily. The issue can only be resolved through political means. These views were expressed by Inspector General of BSF Baramulla, Naresh Mehra in an interview to The Kashmir Monitor. He, however, cautioned that this winter will be very harsh on the militant front and termed the situation 'volatile'.The IG BSF just like the Corps Commander of 15 Corps, Lt Gen Mukherjee said that military has not resolved the issues. The delicate issues have only been resolved through peaceful and political means. Referring to the Kashmir dispute, he said politicians of all shades should work for the political solution of the issue. Gun is not the answer. He said "we can only curb the militancy but cannot eliminate it". DAL LAKE HEADING TOWARDS EXTINCTION One of the main tourist attractions in Kashmir - the coveted Dal lake might disappear completely in another 100 years, a scientist has warned. Blaming various forms of human interventions for the phenomenon, G M Rather from the Department of Geography and Regional Development at the University of Kashmir, told a four-day workshop on Ecohydrology, which concluded here yesterday that rate of sedimentation in Dal lake had increased and the lake was heading towards its total disappearance. KASHMIR TIMES November 30 10 girls arrested by SOG, Army Thousands of people today took to streets at Bandipore to protest against the arrest of 10 local girls by army and SOG during midnight swoops. Police today resorted to firing in air and lobbed dozens of teargas shells to disperse a rampaging crowd which attacked the offices of the National Conference and a legislative member and set its furniture on fire. BAND PATHER ARTISTS MAKE LAST-DITCH EFFORTS TO SURVIVE By Ajay Bachloo The ongoing turmoil in the Valley ma arked the beginning of its doom. The state government with its indifference is only sounding its last call. That is how one could see one of the most classic and popular art forms of the Valley, bhand pather as it is today - dying and waiting in vain to be rejuvenated and regain its lost glory. Once, one of the most popular dance dramas of Kashmir with its secular credentials appealing to the Kashmiri Pandits and Muslims alike, bhand pather is now reduced to occasional shows. With some Kashmiris having migrated to Jammu and outside the state and those within the Valley unable to come out and make a big audience due to constant fear, the number of bhand groups has drastically come down to 5 This ancient folk dance was performed by a select group of performers in Kashmir on various occasions and gatherings. The bhands, through this dance-drama form would highlight the shortcomings of the kings, princes and landlords in ancient times... From bhochka at yahoo.co.uk Wed Dec 5 23:16:26 2001 From: bhochka at yahoo.co.uk (=?iso-8859-1?q?aditya=20sarkar?=) Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 17:46:26 +0000 (GMT) Subject: [Reader-list] Fwd: in response to the march for capitalism Message-ID: <20011205174626.6042.qmail@web20703.mail.yahoo.com> apologies to shuddha....meant this long-winded discourse for the reader list, but sent it to his inbox by mistake. written in the heat of the moment, probably an exaggerated response to something so ridiculous as that `march for capitalism', but that kind of triumphalism is as depressing as it is amusing. Note: forwarded message attached. ________________________________________________________________ Nokia 5510 looks weird sounds great. Go to http://uk.promotions.yahoo.com/nokia/ discover and win it! The competition ends 16 th of December 2001. -------------- next part -------------- An embedded message was scrubbed... From: =?iso-8859-1?q?aditya=20sarkar?= Subject: in response to the march for capitalism Date: Sat, 1 Dec 2001 19:07:38 +0000 (GMT) Size: 6424 Url: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011205/2c2f09b2/attachment.mht From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Wed Dec 5 23:18:39 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 5 Dec 2001 17:48:39 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] Recognising the Other... Message-ID: <20011205174839.23790.qmail@mailweb33.rediffmail.com> from THE HINDU Recognising the Other By Manash Bhattacharjee But the other refuses to disappear... he is the hard bone on which reason breaks its teeth - Antonio Machado WHAT made our eyes go wide and our mind go dark as we watched the World Trade Centre being hit must have been this: one human object, a civilian aircraft, crashing into another human object, a building with people at work. The shock of the image lies in how our straightforward distinction between warring and peaceful objects got erased. The sight transformed our conventional notions of the signifier and the signified, and violently collapsed our sense of distinguishing zones of terror from zones of peace. By this it also opened up a new awareness: that these zones are no longer separate. The fact that the privilege which had enabled such an innocent distinction needed such a tragic event to wake up to the shifting terrain of violence merely reveals how people should now live under a certain political awareness. This awareness has to do primarily with trying to engage in the ``causes'' which lie behind these violent episodes in order to not remain an ignorant victim of the meaning of its ``effects''. Like it or not, the structured fantasy of our political and social knowledge has been destabilised by reality. If there is anything positive to be drawn from the events of September 11, it is the fact that we can no longer depend on the cushions of our indifference to the nature of power and the way it plays in different ways with the plights of people in the world. Milan Kundera had warned that the ``unity of mankind means: no escape for anyone anywhere''. Our plights have got intricately entwined. It's time now to wake up to the political battles being waged across the world and know which side has what at stake. We cannot let any argument justify the way countries play with the fate of other countries by indulging in proxy wars. In Afghanistan we know how the Russians, the Pakistanis and the Indians have their hands a today for Afghanistan, has also given nothing to the country except slogans of solidarity. So let no one take any superior moral postures here. On the one hand we have the U.S. government trying to come to terms with the guilt of their own support for the Taliban and the havoc that was played on America's symbolic and human essence as an ironical result of it, which of course includes other issues. It then responded with the only language it always finds at its disposal: a hegemonic diplomatic and military threat coupled with a bemused critique of the terrorist forces, not knowing exactly from where and why they came, and hiding what they know, as it would open up the list of American crimes. On the other hand, the strong fundamentalist Islamic upsurge of the Sunni kind has given rise to complex cultural phenomena. It's interesting how various factors have coincided with the coming of the new avatar of the prophet as warrior-god (though it should be pointed out that such potential gods have the possibility of emerging in any society and from any religion once religious intolerance is allowed to breed at the subterranean level) ``In every man there sleeps a prophet'' warned Cioran, ``and the moment he is awake there is a little more evil in this world''. Being the leader of a Sunni brand of fanaticism, Osama is not a clerical leader as generally happens in the case of a Shiite upsurgence. He is a more complex, politico-cultural symbol of a modern Sunni resurgence. He is the corrupt glorification of the demagogue and the tyrant rolled into the figure of a saviour of religious orthodoxy and the hatred of the other (as if the only goal and fate of religious unity and pride is a war against the other). For Osama and his supporters, the U.S. did not merely represent the modern hegemonic power, which exploits out of economic and political interests. The U.S., in the language of Islamic fundamentalism, became the enemy of Islamic prestige and power. They changed the nature of the enemy by medievalising the concep meaning of the U.S. in a way that it became the demon of the delirious language of fanaticism. But Salman Rushdie is erroneously worried about the terrorists' alleged attack on Western political and cultural values which he thinks are at threat. The West has reached democracy out of the struggles of its own history and it cannot be threatened as a value from outside by anyone. So that is not the issue. The issue is how the U.S., out of self-interest, treated the Taliban like their guinea pigs and how they turned out to be, in a slightly bizarre comparison, like the pigs of George Orwell's Animal Farm. This blindness and ignorance towards solving national concerns with instrumentalist methods, where even the true nature of the other in all its dimensions is not perceived, shows the crisis of modern democracies in their failure to understand the accumulative and indifferent spirit of their selves and their relationship with others. The U.S. as a result, through the transformed meaning given by religious fanaticism, became a meta-historical enemy of the faithful. The Osama phenomenon is symbolic of the language of resurrection which is archaic and modern at the same time in that it interrupts the present with its buried, repressed language of a religious mythology poised against the rationalistic language of democracy. By this it puts the modern discourse of rationality versus irrationality upside down. Unless our moderns understand this archaic language and engage with it through conceptual tools which would include the other, repressed side of their own modernity, we would keep becoming victims of this wound at the heart of our modern self consciousness and its presence would remain a hole in the dialectic. To go back to what can be called a neo-Islamic fundamentalism (like neo-Hindu fundamentalism), it is not simply a reaction against modernisation, but a by-product of it. It's a desperate attempt to intervene the frustrations of the modern self faced with mongrelism, with the aura of buried demons as nd rooted identity as a source of power. Just as terrorism is not a (conceptual) critique of the decadence and hegemony of the modern state but one of its symptoms. As by-products, these movements carry a double-construct: on the one hand they seem to be based on movements which speak in the name of modern values like rights but, on the other hand, they speak in the language of an invented solidarity of a common past. But in this they echo the language of all nationalist struggles. The past is very important for any movement, which culturally distances itself against the ideology and the power they are contesting.Prof. Dipankar Gupta completely misses the point when he says in a recent article that moderns are not interested in the past nor should they be and that the anti-moderns are obsessed about the past and will always make the modern lose ground if they argue on that terrain. "The struggle of man against power" wrote Milan Kundera, "is the struggle of memory against forgetting". Forgetting is as pathological as memory. What needs to be understood and constantly reaffirmed is the question of ethics in all inventions. It's the only way to bridge the gap between morality and history. As Walter Benjamin has put it, "To be sure, only a redeemed mankind receives the fullness of its past — which is to say, only for a redeemed mankind has its past become citable in all its moments''. But this is impossible until the relationship with the other is solved. How to describe and understand the self with regard to the other? How to conceptualise and ethically formulate the relationship with the other in history (and in some measure against history)? In India we have seen this refusal to face the other in one's own history being repeatedly paid with blood. Octavio Paz uttered a truism when he said that "India as a country and as a history is much greater than Hinduism". Nehru too was alive to the wisdom that culturally Hindus and Muslims in India belonged to one common cultural heritage. I feel that to say Muslims are f a greater achievement historically by the Muslims as they belonged to the ruling class till the British appeared on the scene and so the effort was against the power equation and was based on a spirit which gave roots to movements like the Sufi. We have our own intimate relationship with Islam and our Muslims. So we should never fall into the trap of the current Western discourse, which would like to tell us about our own other. The West has itself been unable to sort out the relationship with its own, repressed others and with the others belonging to different cultures of the world. We cannot hence make the mistake of seeing Islam through Western eyes. Every relationship is specific and has a specific history. The nature of the crisis between the West and Islam is not our crisis. It's of course true that from the 18th Century onwards, our own intellectual understanding of Hinduism emerged from a dialogue with Western ideas. It is impossible, and I think undesirable, to deny that influence. It has helped us to add western knowledge as a part of our eclectic, cultural heritage. And no doubt we have gained a lot from the secular knowledge of Western civilisation. But we cannot understand the history of our civilisation and the relationship between the various cultures of India through Western ideas alone. On the other hand we cannot fall victims to pathological constructs of the wounds in those relationships. For example, partition is one such construct. In order to endorse the codes of religious hatred as operative during partition and create an exclusive meaning of independence, Hindu fundamentalism in India questions the role and identity of Muslims. In order to be an Indian, according to the logic of Hindu fundamentalism, the Muslim must derive his own definition from what the Hindu thinks of him. To strip the other of his right to attach meaning to his own self and derive his own definition from what the Hindu thinks of him. To strip the other of his right to attach meaning to his own self and derive gh it, is to deny the basic condition of an ethical relationship. The more we deny the place of the Muslim in the very part of our historical self as our intimate other, the more we will fall into the trap of the language of the State. The State interrupts our dialogue with the other through its language of law and order. Its sub-text is the fetish of nationalism, the old suspicion between communities, the need for state secrecy and the importance of security over freedom. This is a circular plot. No wonder then that we are sentimental about Kashmir but not about Kashmiris. The fetishism of territory matters to us much more than the aspirations of the other. It's strange how some people feel they have more stakes in Kashmir than the people who live there. But isn't true that with the death of each Kashmiri we are losing the spirit of the land? (` "Where was he wounded?" You don't know/ if they mean a place in his body/ Or the place in the land' — Yehuda Amichai). Any indifference to the spilling of the blood of the other would be the spilling of the blood of our own self-denial. The Hindu fundamentalist movement in India is of one such denial. The way the U.S. has managed the Taliban issue is also the progression of the circular plot of State logic. But though the U.S. can destroy the enemy it cannot bury the ghosts. And the ghosts always return with a new language of vengeance. The circular plot of the State feeds the circular resurrection of historical enmities. We have to wake up to the ways of the State. It is in the political nature of terrorist groups to make their acts visible, create spectacles. By this, however, they make us aware of the tragedy of innocent human lives caught unjustifiable between the State and terrorist groups. We don't come to know of the stories of State terrors. Because governments act in an invisible manner. Whatever acts of violence they indulge in are carried out with the aim to hide, distort, legitimise and justify according to their own necessity. How long will we be indiffe ort the way it ruthlessly creates the phantasm of security in our name as it acts out its megalomania on populations which face them? "How many more deaths will it take" as Neruda asked, " to say so many have died?" However, one has to be alert on the judgement against the terrorist elements which hijack popular movements even as they are always at threat from State forces. Violence in popular movements threatens to make them lose credibility. We cannot escape critical opinions about the methods of struggle. Somewhere the causal as well the ethical link which justifies popular movements in their agitation against the State gets disrupted. In any popular movement violence enters with its own secret and uncontrollable motives and agenda whose moral claims against repression cannot be trusted or supported. Or else, we would have stopped talking about Gandhi. We still, however, have to be bold enough to make distinctions between these terrorist groups and the popular movements which go on side by side as these are complex political situations and cannot be over-determined this way or that. After all, these are the most acutely contested and historically disputed issues which embarrass our fantasies of a peaceful co-existence supported by force. But these are issues which should make us ask the most evaded questions of our past, present and future. There is no escape for us. We have to learn to introduce new values to our consciousness through the ills of history, and never give up. From announcements-request at sarai.net Thu Dec 6 11:11:55 2001 From: announcements-request at sarai.net (announcements-request at sarai.net) Date: Thu, 6 Dec 2001 06:41:55 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Announcements digest, Vol 1 #4 - 2 msgs Message-ID: <200112060541.GAA01336@zelda.intra.waag.org> Send Announcements mailing list submissions to announcements at mail.sarai.net To subscribe or unsubscribe via the World Wide Web, visit https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/announcements or, via email, send a message with subject or body 'help' to announcements-request at mail.sarai.net You can reach the person managing the list at announcements-admin at mail.sarai.net When replying, please edit your Subject line so it is more specific than "Re: Contents of Announcements digest..." Today's Topics: 1. 8.12.2001: Advertising Bombay (Mumbai Study Group) 2. Welcome to the "Reader-list" mailing list (reader-list-request at sarai.net) --__--__-- Message: 1 Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 12:18:46 +0530 To: Recipient List Suppressed:; From: Mumbai Study Group Subject: [Announcements] 8.12.2001: Advertising Bombay Dear Friends: In our next session, we welcome Dr WILLIAM MAZZARELLA, Lecturer in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Chicago, U.S.A., who will speak on "Critical Publicity/Public Criticism: Reflections on Fieldwork in the Bombay Ad World". He will offer a series of reflections based on his experience of conducting anthropological fieldwork on the Bombay advertising business. He will examine the ethical and practical contradictions of this kind of research project, as well as those contradictions internal to the business itself. The overall aim will be to move towards a form of critical engagement that understands consumer goods advertising as a crucial form of public cultural intervention. Dr William Mazzarella has previously taught at Harvard University, and at the University of California at Berkeley, where he completed his Ph.D. in 2000 in Socio-Cultural Anthropology, which was titled "Shovelling Smoke: The Production of Advertising and the Cultural Politics of Globalization in Contemporary India". He is the author of several essays and papers, and a forthcoming monograph from Duke University Press, on the cultural politics of globalization and the advertising industry in South Asia. This session will be on SATURDAY 8 DECEMBER 2001, at 10.00 A.M., on the SECOND FLOOR, Rachna Sansad, 278, Shankar Ghanekar Marg, Prabhadevi, Mumbai, next to Ravindra Natya Mandir. Phone: 4301024, 4310807, 4229969; Station: Elphinstone Road (Western Railway); BEST Bus: 35, 88, 151, 161, 162, 171, 355, 357, 363, to Ravindra Natya Mandir, 91 Ltd, 305 Ltd, A1 and A4 to Prabhadevi. MUMBAI STUDY GROUP SESSIONS, 2001-2002 22 DECEMBER 2001 "Shanghai and Mumbai: Sustainability of Development in a Globalizing World" by Dr Tapati Mukhopadhyay, Siddharth College Dept of Geography, Mumbai 12 JANUARY 2002 "Manufacturing Space: Textile Policy and the Politics of Industrial Location in Mumbai" by Harini Narayanan, University of Illinois Dept of Urban Geography, Urbana-Champaign, U.S.A. 26 JANUARY 2002 "Food Security in Mumbai and Thane: A Study of the Rationing Kruti Samiti" by Mayank Bhatt, Journalist and Research Associate, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, U.K. 9 FEBRUARY 2002 "Party Politics in Mumbai: A Panel Discussion on the Eve of the Civic Elections" Participants to be Announced 23 FEBRUARY 2002 "Mumbai Modern" by Dr Carol Breckenridge, University of Chicago Dept of History, Chicago, U.S.A. 9 MARCH 2002 Film Screening of "Jari-Mari: Of Cloth and Other Stories" Discussion with Surabhi Sharma, Producer and Director 23 MARCH 2002 "Girangaon: The Past, Present and Future of Mumbai's Textile Mills and Mill Workers" Participants to be Announced 13 APRIL 2002 "Gender and Space in Mumbai" by Shilpa Phadke, Visiting Lecturer in Sociology, Nirmala Niketan School of Social Work, Mumbai and Neera Adarkar, Architect, Adarkar Associates, Mumbai ABOUT the MUMBAI STUDY GROUP The MUMBAI STUDY GROUP meets on the second and fourth Saturdays of every month, at the Rachana Sansad, Prabhadevi, Mumbai, at 10.00 A.M. Our conversations continue through the support extended by Shri Pradip Amberkar, Principal of the Academy of Architecture, and Prof S.H. Wandrekar, Trustee of the Rachana Sansad. Conceived as an inclusive and non-partisan forum to foster dialogue on urban issues, we have since September 2000 held conversations about various historical, political, cultural, social and spatial aspects of the Mumbai Metropolitan Region. Our discussions are open and public, no previous membership or affiliation is required. We encourage the participation of urban researchers and practitioners, experts and non-experts, researchers and students, and all individuals, groups and associations in Mumbai to join our conversations about the the city.The format we have evolved is to host individual presentations or panel discussions in various fields of urban theory and practice, and have a moderated and focussed discussion from our many practical and professional perspectives: whether as architects or planners, lawyers or journalists, artists or film-makers, academics or activists.Through such a forum, we hope to foster an open community of urban citizens, which clearly situates Mumbai in the theories and practices of urbanism globally. Previous sessions have hosted presentations by the following individuals: Kalpana Sharma, Associate Editor of The Hindu; Kedar Ghorpade, Senior Planner at the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority; Dr Marina Pinto, Professor of Public Administration, retired from Mumbai University; Dr K. Sita, Professor of Geography, retired from Mumbai University, and former Garware Chair Professor at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences; Dr Arjun Appadurai, Professor of Anthropology at the University of Chicago, Director of Partners for Urban Knowledge Action & Research (PUKAR), Mumbai; Rahul Srivastava, Lecturer in Sociology at Wilson College; Sandeep Yeole, General Secretary of the All-India Pheriwala Vikas Mahasangh; Dr Anjali Monteiro, Professor and Head, and K.P. Jayashankar, Reader, from the Tata Institute of Social Sciences Unit for Media and Communications; Dr Sujata Patel, Professor and Head, Department of Sociology, University of Pune; Dr Mariam Dossal, Head, Department of History, Mumbai University; Sucheta Dalal, business journalist and Consulting Editor, Financial Express; Dr Arvind Rajagopal, Associate Professor of Culture and Communications at New York University; Dr Gyan Prakash, Professor of History at Princeton University, and member of the Subaltern Studies Editorial Collective; Dr Sudha Deshpande, Reader in Demography, retired from the Department of Economics, Mumbai University and former consultant for the World Bank, International Labour Organisation, and Bombay Municipal Corporation; Sulakshana Mahajan, doctoral candidate at the Taubman College of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, U.S.A., and former Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, Rachana Sansad; Dr Rohini Hensman, of the Union Research Group, Mumbai; Mrs Jyoti Mhapsekar, Head Librarian, Rachana Sansad and Member, Stree Mukti Sanghatana. Previous panel discussions have comprised of the following individuals: S.S. Tinaikar, former Municipal Commissioner of Bombay, Sheela Patel, Director of the Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC), and Bhanu Desai of the Citizens' Forum for the Protection of Public Spaces (Citispace) on urban policy making and housing; Shirish Patel, civil engineer and urban planner, Pramod Sahasrabuddhe and Abhay Godbole, structural engineers on earthquakes and the built form of the city; B. Rajaram, Managing Director of Konkan Railway Corporation, and Dr P.G. Patankar, from Tata Consultancy Services, and former Chairman of the Bombay Electric Supply & Transport Undertaking (BEST) on mass public transport alternatives; Ved Segan, Vikas Dilawari, and Pankaj Joshi, conservation architects, on the social relevance of heritage and conservation architecture; Debi Goenka, of the Bombay Environmental Action Group, Professor Sudha Srivastava, Dr Geeta Kewalramani, and Dr Dipti Mukherji, of the University of Mumbai Department of Geography, on the politics of land use, the city's salt pan lands, and the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) Act; Nikhil Rao, of the University of Chicago Dept of History, Anirudh Paul and Prasad Shetty of the Kamala Raheja Vidyanidhi Insitute of Architecture, and members of the various residents associations and citizens groups of the Dadar-Matunga, on the history, architecture, and formation of middle-class communities in these historic neighbourhoods, the first suburbs of Bombay. CONTACT US We invite all urban researchers, practitioners, students, and other interested individuals to join us in our fortnightly conversations, and suggest topics for presentation and discussion. For any more information, kindly contact one of the Joint Convenors of the Mumbai Study Group: ARVIND ADARKAR, Architect, Researcher and Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, Phone 2051834, ; DARRYL D'MONTE, Journalist and Writer, 6427088 ; SHEKHAR KRISHNAN, Coordinator-Associate, Partners for Urban Knowledge Action & Research (PUKAR), 4462728, ; PANKAJ JOSHI, Conservation Architect, Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, and PUKAR Associate, 8230625, . --__--__-- Message: 2 Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 13:37:36 +0100 From: reader-list-request at sarai.net To: announcements at sarai.net Subject: [Announcements] Welcome to the "Reader-list" mailing list Welcome to the Reader-list at sarai.net mailing list! Welcome to the Sarai Reader List. The Reader List partly serves as a platform for online discussion on the themes that emerged in the Sarai Reader 01, and partly to create a lively community that discusses and debates key issues in new & old media practice and theory and reflects on the experience of the everyday, as well as technology, culture and politics in city spaces. The Sarai Reader's concern with the theme of the Public Domain means that the list is especially open to reflections on what is the nature of a free public space in our cities, and in our various practices, and what it might come to mean. The people who often post on the list include social theorists, activists, filmmakers, telecommunications engineers, artists and software programmers. LOCATING THE LIST The list is administered out of Sarai in Delhi, on a server located in Amsterdam, and our members are spread over many parts of the world, with strong concentrations in Delhi, Mumbai, Amsterdam, Bangalore, Lahore, Kathmandu, Berlin, Chicago, the eastern Atlantic seaboard (including New York), Brisbane, Sydney and London. You could say that the List is beginning to be truly reflective of the dispersed nature of internet culture, although we do need more people from places that are nearer (in geographic terms) and perhaps more distant (in virtual terms). It would be great to get postings from Calcutta, Dacca or Ahmedabad... So, if you want to spread word of the list, to people and places both far and near, please do so! I would even request you to forward this email to others whom you think might be interested in some (or all) of the things that the Sarai Reader List sets out to discuss. LURKERS AND POSTERS As in all lists, (and especially new lists) the majority of subscribers are also lurkers, (everyone who has ever been on an online discussion has lurked for some time - there is nothing wrong with lurking as long as it does not last for ever). I am sure you would agree with me that over time one can even recognise personalities and quirks of regular posters, and that we look forward to our personal favourite correspondent who has been silent for some time. So do lurk, but only for a while, and we look forward to reading what you have to say. DIRECTION(S)? We at Sarai who have been involved with the list on a day to day basis feel that future directions for and on the list should emerge from the community of subscribers. To this end, we propose that we spend some time discussing the list itself and how best to make it as lively and convivial as possible, how best to maintain a provocative edge so that there is always room for fresh and new perspectives, and how to ensure the broadest possible participation, so that the list does not become subject to anyone's private agenda, but a true digital commons, very much in the 'public domain', where everything that is relevant to cities, media and the flows of information, culture, knowledge and power can be discussed and talked about. WHAT SHOULD THE LIST DISCUSS So far, there has been a tendency on the list to have a great deal of discussion on computer technology, (especially free software) the internet, online surveillance, privacy, even water. Even though these strands may look quite disparate, interestingly enough, a common binding principle has been reflecting on public access to resources. Some of these may have seemed to speak to and from specialists, but we are sure that most people got the gist/essence of the discussion, although we urge all posters that they try and make their postings sufficiently accessible to non-technical people. The habit of using metaphors and experiences from outside one's immediate discipline and experience is a good one, it connects people with 'idea bridges' and the more 'idea bridges' there are the more walking across can be done. Anyway, what we do realize is that it is not necessary for these issues to dominate the list to the exclusion of all other issues. So please go ahead and post on things that seem relevant and important to you. CONVERSATIONS Please be willing to enter into an argument, post something that is interesting, and take issue with each other, in a frank and civilised manner - we can then have a reasonable yet an interesting online culture of debate. INTER DISCIPLINARY CONVERSATIONS This list is a platform for inter-disciplinary conversation, and that can happen if techies, artists, activists and the theorists who are on the list realize that they are not talking to people of their own kind alone. This list is as much about the last film that you saw that made you sit up and think, as much as it is about the last piece of code that challenged your humanity. It is also as much about the delight and the rage of living in a city, and it is especially looking for resonances between urban experiences located in different places. The list needs to have a sustained take on other issues of significance, like the presence of media in urban spaces, the politics of information, spaces of autonomy and freedom in contemporary culture - the aesthetics, ethics and politics of representation - all of these are equally important to us, and we need to talk about all these as well. GLOBAL/LOCAL What is also important is the ability of the list to have a sustained reflection on what goes on around us in the immediate vicinity of our lives. For example, there has been a reasonably active discussion thread on online surveillance and the politics of information which at times wove in the realities of many places, (esp. Delhi and Amsterdam) onto a complex map of what happens when information and power coalesce, but such discussions have tended to be limited to thoughts on the 'Digital Domain' alone. This skews the list into a mirror of the activity that happens 'in other places' and a silent, mute bystander to what goes on close to our own offline realities. We all know how easily our sense of what constitutes our reality is defined by the mainstream media. How the filters that are locked into place by the big media also ensure that many things that concern us remain unexpressed, unknown and unarticulated. This is particularly true of the happenings and realities in South Asian cities. This list can then be seen as a space for the free encounters for the ideas, reports and reflections that either slipped out of, or were suppressed by the 'big' (old & new) media. Over time, we can see a whole cluster of lists emerging around the Reader List, with sub-themes, and perhaps with invited moderations, or proposals for discussions on specific topics. All this can happen, and will depend on how much initiative and energy we all put into the list. WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE For starters, we have a few suggestions. These are not mandatory, but we would like you to give them due consideration, as a sketchy roadmap of where the list can go. 1. That people on the list write a paragraph about themselves and their interests and and send this to me (the list administrator). This will help us all get a sense of who we are, and allow many lurkers to have their say. I will prepare digests of these postings and put them back into the list. 2. That topics and threads for discussion be proposed for discussion, within the broad ambit of the interconnections between old and new media practices, city spaces, info-politics and net criticism. 3. That the list spends some time discussing itself, and what direction(s) it wants to take. 3, That we try and ensure that as much material that reflects South Asian realities gets into the list as do news and views from elsewhere. 4. That Original postings constantly keep coming into the list, and that the list does not turn into a cooking pot of 'forwards' and 'announcements' alone. 5. That no one uses the list for spamming, private agendas, propaganda, personal aggrandizement, pet hates and advertising. This is a long and perhaps unusual welcome note, but I hope that it provides something to chew (and then post) on. I would welcome any responses, and urge that they be made on the list itself, and I hope we can spark a thread of discussions on discussion itself. Warm regards, and welcome again. For old threads, do check the archives. The reader is also available online at www.sarai.net/journal/reader1.html Monica Narula List Administrator. To post to this list, send your email to: reader-list at sarai.net General information about the mailing list is at: http://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list If you ever want to unsubscribe or change your options (eg, switch to or from digest mode, change your password, etc.), visit your subscription page at: http://mail.sarai.net/mailman/options/reader-list/announcements%40sarai.net You can also make such adjustments via email by sending a message to: Reader-list-request at sarai.net with the word `help' in the subject or body (don't include the quotes), and you will get back a message with instructions. You must know your password to change your options (including changing the password, itself) or to unsubscribe. It is: unukka If you forget your password, don't worry, you will receive a monthly reminder telling you what all your sarai.net mailing list passwords are, and how to unsubscribe or change your options. There is also a button on your options page that will email your current password to you. You may also have your password mailed to you automatically from the Web page noted above. --__--__-- _______________________________________________ Announcements mailing list Announcements at mail.sarai.net https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/announcements End of Announcements Digest From fatimazehrarizvi at hotmail.com Fri Dec 7 01:37:38 2001 From: fatimazehrarizvi at hotmail.com (zehra rizvi) Date: Thu, 06 Dec 2001 15:07:38 -0500 Subject: [Reader-list] journal snippets Message-ID: dear reader list, a piece i have been working on. other work of mine is archived on chowk.com. no title...im still working on that. will take suggestions. and comments (you can reply directly to me if you'd like) many thanks, f. zehra rizvi. ------------------ I'm a young American (culturally) Muslim woman working in NYC and living in Brooklyn. This hits close to home for you say people. I never know which home they mean. ------------ On the interact board of Chowk.com, Ras Siddique, responded to a response of mine on an article by Azmat Tanauli called A New Role. (Parts of my original response that Ras looks at are in quotes): Date Posted: Dec-3-01 2:0:12 EST Reply #: 28 Ras Siddiqui RE: Reply #: 26 Zehra wrote: "this article made me sick. how can you so despotically declare that the clear choice is option number three (educating americans about islam and muslims)?" I would not go that far Zehra. Wisdom does come with age, and this is the most reasonable path available. You added later: "anyway, it seems really superficial and fake to be all smiling and model minority when some white guy is yelling at you in new jersey for no reason other than the fact that you look a certain way, and you are expected to smile when you would rather tell him where to stick his big fat ugly head." Very genuine feeling that we I hope will see in article form on CHOWK soon. We need honest reaction to the events AFTER 9/11 here. Ras ------------------ I'm looking at this call for an honest reaction and thinking how I am just unable to write. I've wanted to so that I can finally get it all out of my system. They way it all makes me sick. Both sides, all sides of it. I can't sleep at night. When I do sleep, I don't want to wake up. I've stopped reading the papers. First I stopped reading the papers but would look at the action shot photographs of Bush, Blair, Powell, Rumsfeld and the rag tag afghan armies of either side. They looked like such a collage of nightmares so I had to stop that as well. I've stopped watching television. What scares me is that the rest of American is glued to their television sets, listening to every Tom, Dick and Harry give their specialized, and expert opinions. I've found ways to get out of conversations that have anything to do with Afghanistan. For days I could see nothing rational around me except Robert Fisk. He seems so far removed though from my every day reality that even his yelling and screaming comes across now as a television salesman on mute. Bulging eyes and an image that looks at me for a few seconds then fades into a commercial for Survivor. -------- Tempers are short and people are sick. The air is not healthy but the government and the city will not say so. The job market from its dip has taken a nose dive and people are getting desperate. FEMA and the Red Cross are still beaurocratic and ask for stacks of paperwork from widows, orphans and the homeless. High School students are displaced (normally traveling two hours by subway to get to school everyday is not unusual in this city, blown up school houses however, are a different story) but now have great stories for the college applications essays. People in offices think they are going mad. This madness is in direct correlation to an irrational strive for normalcy that their President and Mayor have repeatedly asked for. It would be unpatriotic to not come to work, go home, have dinner, see the world self combust on the evening news before the weather report, go to bed, get up, go to work, write a memo� ------------- John, a house mate of mine who is half Japanese and half Hungarian, 4 days after the attack would look at me and Kiran, another housemate of mine and grin. Internment camp he would say and we would all laugh since we live in NYC and it's a big city with thinking metropolitan people. I don't feel terrorized here. A 2 hour ride from me where my parents live in suburban New Jersey however every single Blockbuster and major movie store had run out of all their copies of The Siege. According to my father, Muslims in suburbia were renting them out to feed their own fears. After a while cable television broadcasting and Dan Rather were enough. Early November has had 2 hour documentaries on USA and TNT on the lives of M. Atta et al. In interviews with neighbours, grocery store owners near by and the local petrol pump attendant we learn that the hijackers lived in a cute little well-to-do suburban town, they sometimes spoke to their neighbours, they traveled only with their own kind and in groups. They are described in fact as the epitome of a suburban desi. The filming, editing and voice over, though make it more like the suburban desi in the twilight zone. Eerie music, shady backgrounds, foreshadowing sentences before the commercial break and all. Could the instructor who taught Mohd Atta how to fly ever know the consequences of his actions? We'll hear from him and others when we return. I was horrified when I saw this on television. My parents like other Americans are watching TV all the time. Their neighbours are like the nice people we saw on TV. I've stopped going to see my parents. New Jersey and other places like it (imagine the mid-west: the horror, the horror) in this country scare the shit out of me. ----------------- An email to a friend on an issue I struggle with but had to confront, though not comprehensively or coherently post 9/11. To : Asohan Amarasingham From: Zehra Rizvi. Han, good to hear from you�.all is well on this end. School, work etc. are getting back to normal�whatever that's supposed to mean these days J I realized something that was somewhat upsetting. No one has been looking at me funny or making remarks or anything like that at all...whereas it is happening to all my desi friends. They are expecting it as well since most of them are not legally in the country or just here on visas. I am walking down the streets and meeting people with a confidence that these guys don't have because I know that I am an American. That's upsetting because I've tried not to be. I lived in Pakistan for seven years and not once did I forget or was I allowed to forget that I wasn't a Pakistani and that I was indeed an American. I didn't grow up with this pressure to do extraordinarily well in school in order to have a chance to leave Pakistan or look at other families around me packing up and leaving and wondering what would happen to me or have to stand in lines at the American embassy for days on end� I didn't want to be American but I couldn't be anything else. and when all hell breaks loose it hits me sitting in a subway that if anyone even looks at me funny or lifts a finger questioning me or who I am, it'll break my heart. because when it comes down to it, an American I am and this is just how it is. I mean, fuck man, it's the only identity I really have to hold onto any longer. And even that hold is yet again, tenuous. NYC is the only place that I want to call home. It's the only place where I feel comfortable in all my skins. Does that make sense? I'm having a hard time communicating this to other people. and its interesting because its hitting my friends for the first time that I am an American and how my experience in all of this is just on a completely different level and perspective even though we share a skin color and first impression prejudices. Pick up a phone once in a while and call. Love, Zehra. ------------ Han understood what I meant. As an American of Sri Lankan descent he grapples with the same. Our skin color and names put our nationalities into question here and 'back home' it's our accents. The NYTimes today (12/5) had the story on the American Taliban, John Walker Lindh. They describe him as an eccentric young man who Rumsfeld is hesitant to call a traitor or terrorist. Lindh's story comes under several different captions. No one is sure how to categorize him. Some media is calling him a traitor, others headline him :"U.S.Citizen's Saga". If Han or I went over to fight with the Taliban, the new and shiny military tribunal would be out in a second. Our interviews would not be on CNN or on the evening news. The headlines would not read U.S Citizen's Saga, it would read "Terrorists Breeding In Your Gentrified Neighbourhood of Ft. Greene, Brooklyn." Our parents would not be nameless and location-less finding us a lawyers, they would be mobbed and possibly in jail with us. And you tell me this is not a war of the West. Vs the East. To that, I raise my glass in a hearty salute to utter bullshit. ------------- I live in NYC, one sister lives in D.C, one works in Syria and Rajistan. My parents are active members of their Shia'a community in southern New Jersey where they have lived for the last 20 + years. Is it any wonder or surprise that the FBI came knocking one fine Sunday morning at 10 AM? My father enjoyed the visit thoroughly, he thought it all very funny. My mother did not. Only the day before she heard how a 55 year old Pakistani man died under INS detention in jail. You are an American citizen, they can't do anything to you Amee, I say to her. She looks at me wearily. If they want to, nothing will stop them from taking your father away. They have absolutely no reason to, I tell my mother, but that doesn't comfort her. My mother is reliving the political agony of Karachi they thought they had left behind when they left in the early 90's. As one Pakistani quoted in the NYTimes said, "In my country, its never good when the authorities come knocking on your door". They are knocking on every Muslim door though. My parents, probably were not the only ones asked if their children would like to join the FBI. Amee was probably the only one though who looked mortally offended and told them her daughters were not into spying and lying. Bush, evil incarnate, passed the anti-terrorism bill, Amee tells me, getting more and more animated as she talks about how any one of us could be picked up at any given moment. Don't talk to people. Don't say anything to them about the war, about Osama or about anything, she tells me. I tell her to get out of Jersey before she completely loses it. I am unable to see why any brown skinned person is living in anything but a city these days. She is convinced, however, that the world is coming to an end. She called me again today with yet another sign that the end is near. December 5th and its going to be 70 F degrees. Along with a bunker, I think she is going to start building an ark in the backyard. They are preparing for anything and everything under the American sun. In such confusing and horrible times, I can't find it in me to talk to them rationally about anything. How do you tell a woman who is afraid to go shopping because she wears hijab that she has unalienable rights as a citizen? How do you tell her something like that when she is yelled at, stared at, honked at and verbally abused post 9/11 on a daily basis? You don't. You just listen to her talk and try to keep your own sanity intact by not dreaming about it every night. You sleep, you wake up, you go to work. _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp From rehanhasanansari at yahoo.com Fri Dec 7 10:29:49 2001 From: rehanhasanansari at yahoo.com (rehan ansari) Date: Thu, 6 Dec 2001 20:59:49 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Reader-list] Afghan Mountains Surrender! Message-ID: <20011207045949.90331.qmail@web12907.mail.yahoo.com> AFGHAN MOUNTAINS SURRENDER! Those Who Said Bombs Wasted on Mountains Proved Wrong Pamir Knot, Afghanistan (SatireWire.com) � After weeks of relentless bombing that has taken a devastating toll, the mountains of Afghanistan unconditionally surrendered to the United States today. U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, credited with targeting the attacks, announced the topographic capitulation in a press conference this morning, and insisted the mountains themselves have always been a prime objective in the fight against the al-Qaeda network and the ruling Taliban. "We said from the outset that those harboring terrorists were just as culpable as the terrorists themselves, and the mountains of Afghanistan were harboring terrorists," said Rumsfeld. "Also, if we include the mountains, more than 90 percent of our bombs have hit their targets." Responding to complaints from Afghans that many bombs had hit people and weapons, Rumsfeld conceded there was "some collateral damage," but insisted many mountains were parked in residential areas. According to eyewitnesses, day and night raids by U.S. and British forces have shattered and demoralized the Hindu Kush, the westernmost extension of the Karakorum Mountains, and the Himalayas, which push from the Pamir Knot into central Afghanistan. Those who have traveled along many of the high passes and ridges in the country say the scene is one of utter devastatation. "It is difficult to talk about, but there are literally pieces of mountain all over the place," said one Saudi journalist. "From all indications, these were direct hits. They never had a chance." "Yes, it is horrible," added one Peshawar shopkeeper. "Everything looks just as it did before the bombing." For Afghanistan's neighbors, the surrender staves off an unprecedented mountainarian crisis, as hundreds of peaks, fleeing the war, were arranged in makeshift refugee ranges along the borders with Pakistan and Tajikistan. "We feel for these mountains, but many of them are 7,000 meters (23,000 feet), and we lack an adequate ski resort industry to absorb them," said a Tajik government spokesman. U.S. allies were also relieved, and said they hoped America would be satisfied with this victory, and would not seek to expand the conflict by declaring war on other mountain ranges in nearby Iran or Turkmenistan. With the mountains defeated, President George Bush said the United States will now turn to the diplomatically difficult task of mountain-building in an effort to one day bring the Afghan mountains into the international family of mountains. While no plan is yet in place for the restructuring, it is believed any such effort will have to include forces from the U.S. Geological Survey. Bush also warned that the overall campaign is far from complete. "People said we could not win in Afghanistan. They said we would be wasting our bombs on mountains," said Bush. "We proved them wrong, but we still face a very tough, very determined adversary, and we urge patience. Finding and destroying all these Red Cross centers will take time." RECOMMEND THIS PAGE Copyright � 2001, SatireWire. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Send your FREE holiday greetings online! http://greetings.yahoo.com From patrice at xs4all.nl Fri Dec 7 11:52:49 2001 From: patrice at xs4all.nl (Patrice Riemens) Date: Fri, 7 Dec 2001 07:22:49 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] [paul@xtdnet.nl: KMPG decides linking to their website needs special permission] Message-ID: <20011207072249.A27999@xs4all.nl> Where corpomania leads too... ----- Forwarded message from Paul Wouters ----- Date: Fri, 7 Dec 2001 01:10:59 +0100 (MET) To: Subject: KMPG decides linking to their website needs special permission From: http://chris.raettig.org/email/jnl00036.html > A recent audit of Web sites, to which KPMG is hyperlinked, has revealed that > www.corporateanthems.raettig.org contains a link to KPMG's Web site, > www.kpmg.com. Please be aware such links require that a formal Agreement > exist between our two parties, as mandated by our organization's Web Link > Policy. > We have been unable to locate records that correspond with an Agreement that > permits the linking of our two Web sites. A relationship may already have > been established with one of our KPMG professionals, in which case we would > ask that their name be provided. [ ... ] Amazing, not even Scientology has tried to prevent linking TO them (just linking FROM them has been restricted to only sites under their full control) Guess it's time to link to KPMG on all your pages :) Paul, adding his obligatory www.kpmg.com link :) -- Nisam ja kriv, to je vas"a c'erka uc"inila ! ----- End forwarded message ----- From joy at sarai.net Fri Dec 7 12:03:25 2001 From: joy at sarai.net (Joy Chatterjee) Date: Fri, 07 Dec 2001 12:03:25 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Recent Atrocities Against Minorities in Bangladesh Message-ID: <5.1.0.14.2.20011207120023.00a1cde0@mail.sarai.net> Recent Atrocities Against Minorities in Bangladesh From: Bangladesh Foundation for Dev. Research Lord Hardinge police station: ============================== While we reached at the village namely Anandaprasad one Aicha Ram Das (50) years and his wife Kanchan Mala Das (35) started to narrate the manner of torture by the local miscreants. The miscreants on 2nd October, 2001 with ram dao, kirish and deadly weapons approached to Kanchan Mala Das to use her house to rape two neighboring hindu girls, but as Kanchan Mala vehemently refused to allow them to do so the local miscreants threatened to rape Kanchan in her house forcefully she (Kanchan) went into her room and brought a bottle of poison showing the miscreantsthat she would swallow the poison and commit suicide. While narrating the story of torture she burst into tears before us and we took her picture. Kanchan Mala did not say what happened later on as she fell unconscious. The house of Kanchan Mala has been looted on that day and we paid her some amount of money and she told us that money is not necessary but security of life is necessary. One Upendra Kishore Das(75) of Anandaprasad village son of Nanda Basi told us that all his belongings including wearing clothes had been looted on 2nd October, 2001 by some unruly mob. The mob gave threat Upendra if he discloses the names of the mob he would be killed. We found that the said old man has no means to survive. We gave him taka 5000/- in disguise because if the criminals know that Taka 5000/ has been given to Upendra he will be looted again. We informed the local police station and local administration so that this may not happen again. 1) Puspa Rani Das wife of late Braja Lal Das , 2) Bakuli Das wife of Bankim Das have been gang raped on 2nd October by the miscreantrs at night in a crop field. The miscreants looted all the belongings including utensils of the inmate on that very day. Jogendra Kumar Das son of Ram Kumar Das of Anandaprasad village was attacked by the terrorist 3 or 4 times in October. In this connection, Abu, son of Jalil Meah, village Anandaprasad, has been arrested by police. Dulal, Sohag Zakir, Minto and Kamal were also arrested in connection with this case. Khokan son Waziullah, Nabi son of Nasiruddin of village Chandpur of Lord Hardinge, Belayet son of Nur Islam, Nazir Ahmed son of late Badiuzzaman , Farid son of late Langra, Nazir Mohibullah , Malek Majee son of Kamal, Musleuddin , all of village Chandpur are responsible for the communal persecution against the Hindu religious minority. Saymal Das son of late Monindra Das had a cow which is the only source of income. This cow had also been looted by the criminals of the locality. We paid him Taka 5000- to purchase another one. Fatimabad village : ============= We visited Fatimabad village where Sabita Rani Das wife of Siddu Das, Bakuli wife of Kali Mohan have been gang raped and due to severe persecution they left the country. Sujata Rani Das wife of Jadev, Supriya wife of Ramani were also raped on 2nd October, 2001 by some terrorists . Maarani Das wife of Shibu Das was cross examined by us but she refused to tell the history of rape. They had no food even to eat, we paid Tk.2000/- for their survival. Dulal Das, Sura Bala wife of Mongal Das, Nepal Das son of Aswani Das, Ramesh Das son of Mongal Das , Minu Rani Das wife of Samir Das, Sontolshi Das wife of Upendra Das have been paid Taka 1000/- each as we saw the victims have got no clothes to wear. We also distributed some winter clothes to them and as a result they became happy. We will also visited Tamizuddin police station, Doulatkhan police station, Char Facision police stations Lal Mohan police station and Borhanuddin police stations on 23rd of November, 2001 We are going to prepare a list very soon and we will send it to all concerned one after another. The most pathetic and significant incident of torture of women has been detected at Bhola where we came to know from a doctor that one Hindu woman has been raped and after raping one Battery cell was pushed into her vagina, who was subsequently admitted in the local Hospital. We went to that Hospital, but the victim was not available at that time. The administration denied the allegations, but local people have come forward to inform us of the incident which took place on 3rd of October, 2001. Report from Bangladesh on November 25, 2001 We just reached in the morning at Dhaka after a through visit from Bhola, Gazaria, Lal mohan, Barisal, Perojpur, Agailjhara, Gournadi and some adjoining villages in Bangladesh on behalf of "World Hindu Federation" Bangladesh Chapter, Dhaka Unit and also on behalf of HRCBM. We distributed an amount of taka 35,500/- in cash and also distributed some winter clothes amounting to taka 25,000/- to the needy and affected Hindu and Christian minorities at the spot mentioned above. We give below the nature and extent of mischief and damages caused to the Hindu and Christian Minority by terrorists. The damages and mischief were so uncountable which are more and more higher than that of news published in the daily news papers of Bangladesh earlier and other sources. The subscription is so meager we could not imagine that the amount of money and clothes would have been consumed and utilized at Bhola district only. Bhola: ===== We first of all went to the Office of Deputy Commissioner, Bhola District to ascertain the spot. He was kind enough to give us a vehicle on request at 12.00 hours to facilitate our journey. The D.C. Bhola also gave us an interview on 21.11.01 ignoring a great number of incidents communal attack on the religious minorities (No leader of Awami League was made available ). Gazaria police station: ======================== Gazaria is within Bhola district. In this police station more than 5000 religions minorities live there. First we got information that only 2 families of this police station were displaced. But on scrutiny it has been ascertained that more than 50 families have been uprooted and their belongings have been looted by terrorists. One Pallabi Rani told us that her rice, pot, clothes have been looted and she has got no other means to purchase the rice, pot even clothes. Another Purna Thithi told us in a crying mood that her adjoining land has been occupied by her neighbor during communal frenzy. A Radha Gobinda Mondir which was constructed during British regime was demolished and a huge amount of tax has been imposed upon the inmates of the house and the male member are still hiding their skin due to fear of life. Another Ram Krishna Doctor's house was demolished and five lacs of taka have been taken away from him. One female member Isha Moni told us that her each and every coin kept for future expenses of her children has also been looted by the terrorists. Lal Mohan police station ================== One Basana Das, Sushama Das of Lal Mohan told us in pathetic language that some terrorists came to them and asked for money and ordered them to go out from the homestead and also showed them Dao, Kirish and knife and ultimately caused heavy injury on them and looted even wood for cooking. The local chairman was also interviewed who told me that there would be no further communal atrocities in future. Lord Hardinge police station: ===================== More than 300 Hindu families are living there. We went there on 21st of Nov 2001, Before hand some people of the locality misguided us and requested not to go there because there was no communal attack on Hindus. We became surprised that when we reached with a motorcycle there more than 40 men and women came to us and started to tell their story after the election is over on 1st of October 2001. Most of them left for India. Only some old and minor boys and girls are staying .Three women have been identified as rape victim. Their names are 1) Surma Das, 2) Basana Das, 3) Puspa Rani ,They have been thoroughly cross-examined and they confessed that they have been raped. But due to social prestige they kept themselves mum. Barisal: ======== A great number of communal incidents at Barisal took place. We could realize that this area was dominated by Mr.Abul Hasanat Abvdullah, the then Chief Whip of BD Parliament. After the election is over the veteran leader Mr. Abvdullah left the country and staying in India for life. As a result the workers have became leaderless and tremendous persecution upon the religious minorities started from the 2nd of October 2001. Agailjhara police station : ================== We visited so many places of Agailjhara police station and we accompanied the Officer-in-charge of Agailjhara who for the first time did not encourage us to go to the spot, but when we insisted him to accompany us then he went up to only 2 spots where we saw more than 23 houses of different religious minorities have been either demolished or broken into pieces. We asked each and every member of their families and admitted that a serious communal violence took place. They told me that they don't want money but they want security and prestige, although they lost their belongings. We distributed taka 500/- for each family for food and utensils only. Gournadi police station: ================== A terrible communal attack on the Hindu and Christian minorities in this place took place after the election is over. We saw 50 Hindu families and 3 Christian families have become rendered homeless as their dwelling houses have been broken into pieces, tin shed houses have been broken, there is no article left behind. The Officer-in-Charge of Gournadi was interviewed but he did not admit any communal attack on the Minority community. When I saw him a video tape then he became furious and called a Leader of local BNP and warned me for the consequence. House of Krishna Para of Chadshi was demolished as Krishna Pada was the supporter of a particular party "Awami League". His puja Maddap was also broken into pieces. ( More details regarding communal attack on minorities at Gournadi p.s. will be exhibited soon.) We did not pay money to the distressed Hindus in this police station due to shortage of money, we also assured them rehabilitation soon. A project is expected to be made very soon. Perojpur District: ============ We also visited some spots at Perojpur where we saw 4 hindu families have been totally rendered homeless as the terrorists compelled them to leave the country within 48 hours. I contacted with the President of Local Puja Parishad of Perojpur, but he for the first time did not admit any communal frenzy in Perojpur as soon as one Priyatosh told me that 4 Hindu families namely 1)Sawpan 2) Haripada Tarapder 3) Nepal Halder and 4) Surja Kanta Paul were badly affected by the Islamic fundamentalists. The president Local Puja Parishad wanted to conceal the fact for the first time although he is Hindu. It seems that the feeling of insecurity and uncertainty was prevailing at that time. Our presence in Perojpur town made the Hindus more courageous and turbulent I found at their attitude. It is very unfortunate that one old lady aged about 60 years was beaten by a group of terror its on 24th of Nov.2001 with a view to kidnap her only daughter Nilima Biswas and also for a piece of cultivable land. I went to the spot and asked the local people and admitted the fact. I have asked the local police authority to register a case against the culprits responsible for the offence. From zfa at comsats.net.pk Fri Dec 7 01:38:43 2001 From: zfa at comsats.net.pk (Zubair Faisal Abbasi) Date: Fri, 7 Dec 2001 01:08:43 +0500 Subject: [Reader-list] Post-war Reconstruction and Development in Afghanistan Message-ID: <013c01c17e93$ae4786e0$d40a38d2@f8o6u4> Dear All, [The following website offers a wide ranging information on opportunities of knowing and contributing for "Post-war Reconstruction and Development in Afghanistan". You can learn about development opportunities and challenges, contribute information and knowledge resources, become member and participate in discussions. There are news and events section. Get involved in re-construction efforts, discussions, suggestions, intellectual input and others. ZFA] http://www.developmentgateway.org/node/134111/? Introduction: What is this Focus about? This Development Focus is about the process of rebuilding Afghanistan after more than 20 years of wars and chaos which will be starting with the formation of a new broad-based Government in Kabul expected in early 2002. This Focus will concentrate on issues of post-conflict reconstruction and socio-economic development covering other issues only as needed for background information. What is the mission of this Development Focus? This Development Focus is dedicated to providing comprehensive coverage of reconstruction and development in Afghanistan to the development community in the broad sense. Our aim is to make relevant information and other related resources more readily available to those who need them. What are the key issues and areas this Focus highlights? As a starting point we identified the following issues. Other content is welcome but postings on these areas will receive more attention on the page: About Afghanistan, Aid Coordination, Empowering Afghan Women, Governance and Institutions, Humanitarian Relief, International Experience, Poverty, Terrorism and Peace, Public-Private Partnerships, Rebuilding Infrastructure, Reconstruction Strategy, Reporting the Story, Role of Islam, Social Development, Take Action!, Photo Gallery, News Sources. Your thoughts about what should be added to this list or removed from it are welcome. Write to the editor at the e-mail address opetrov at worldbank.org. What will this Focus do for me? This Focus will provide you with the latest news, events, project information, statistics, useful web links and other knowledge resources as well give you an opportunity to engage in current discussions on the hottest issues related to post-war reconstruction and development in Afghanistan. You will be able to find colleagues from partner organizations and build new organizational partnerships through this Focus page. You can post your announcements, requests and news on the Bulletin Board, share your reports and best practices with others interested in this topic. Let us know if we can help you in any other way! Send us an email at opetrov at worldbank.org Who is this Focus for? All who share our professional or educational interest in Post-War Reconstruction and Development in Afghanistan are welcome to join us. You might work or study at a university, a humanitarian relief NGO or at a donor agency. Or you might be in need of a quick answer to a tough question or would like to voice your opinion to a broader audience. How can I contribute? Content that is unavailable or cannot easily be found on the web is particularly welcome - in English, French, Spanish, Russian or Portuguese. Apart from linking to existing web pages, you can upload files in Word, PDF (Acrobat), Excel, PowerPoint and other formats to the Gateway. Be sure that you are not infringing any copyright restrictions. In other words, if you are not the author or publisher, please obtain their permission before posting their content on the Gateway. Please contact us at opetrov at worldbank.org! ---- Regards, Zubair Faisal Abbasi. Islamabad, Pakistan. Tel (Res):++92-51-2263481 Cell: ++92-303-6512182 ================================================= Plant the tree of friendship; it will give delightful fruits. Uproot the weed of enmity; it will bring innumerable troubles....Hafiz ================================================= From ravis at sarai.net Fri Dec 7 23:55:06 2001 From: ravis at sarai.net (Ravi Sundaram) Date: Fri, 07 Dec 2001 23:55:06 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] free software & GPL Society Message-ID: <5.0.2.1.2.20011207235356.00ade608@mail.sarai.net> This is a useful posting in nettime, sorry for cross-posting Ravi Preview of next issue of subsol, online Dec 15 http://subsol.c3.hu // FREE SOFTWARE & G P L SOCIETY // << Interview with Stefan Merten, Oekonux, Germany >> by Joanne Richardson, November 2001 >> Q: Oekonux - an abbreviation of "OEKOnomie" and "liNUX" - is a German mailing list discussing the revolutionary possibilities of Free Software. Many people speak of Free Software and Open Source Software interchangeably - could you explain how you understand the differences between them? The term "Free Software" is older than "Open Source". "Free Software" is used by the Free Software Foundation [http://www.fsf.org/] founded by Richard Stallman in 1985. The term "Open Source" has been developed by Eric S. Raymond and others, who, in 1998, founded the Open Source Initiative [http://www.opensource.org/]. It's not so much a question of definition as of the philosophy behind the two parts of the movement - the differences between the definition of Open Source Software and Free Software are relatively few. But whereas Free Software emphasizes the freedom Free Software gives the users, Open Source does not care about freedom. The Open Source Initiative (OSI) was founded exactly for the reason to make Free Software compatible with business people's thinking, and the word "freedom" has been considered harmful for that purpose. >> Q: Free software means the freedom to run, copy, distribute, study, change and improve the software, and these freedoms are protected by the GNU General Public License. The definition presupposes open sources as the necessary condition for studying how the software works and for making changes, but it also implies more. The definition of Open Source is quite close: it means the ability to read, redistribute, and modify the source code - but because this is a better, faster way to improve software. Openess = speed = more profit. The Open Source Initiative proclaims quite proudly that it exists in order to persuade the "commercial world" of the superiority of open sources on "the same pragmatic, business-case grounds that motivated Netscape." But recently, it is the term "Open Source" that has gained popularity and by analogy everything has become "Open"--open source society, open source money, open source schooling (to echo some of the titles of panels of the last Wizards of OS conference in Berlin.) Indeed the Open Source Initiative has been extremely successful in pushing the freedom-subtracted term into people's heads. Today people from the Free Software Foundation always feel the need to emphasize that it's the freedom that is important - more important than the efficiency of production, which is the primary aim behind open source. Of course open sources are a precondition for most of this freedom, but open sources are not the core idea of Free Software and so Open Source is at least a misnomer. >> Q: How do you mean it's a "misnomer"? The two movements exist and the names correspond to the different ideas behind them. And "Open Source" is the name the people from this initiative chose for themselves, and seems quite an accurate characterization of their focus. Free Software and Open Source Software are not two movements, but a single movement with two factions, and as far as I can see the distinction plays a major role mostly in the more ideological discussions between members of the two factions. They are collaborating on projects, and sometimes unite, for instance, when it is a question of defending against the attacks of Micro$oft [http://perens.com/Articles/StandTogether.html]. And, no, "Open Source" is not an accurate characterization of this faction, since their focus has been making Free Software compatible with business people's thinking. A more correct name would have been "Free Software for Business" - or something like that. >> Q: What seems misleading to me is that the leftist intelligentsia has begun to use "Open Source" as a cause to promote without realizing the pro-capitalist connotations behind the term. Today the widespread inflation of the term "Open Source" has a deep negative impact. Often the core idea behind Free Software - establishing the freedom of the user - is not known to people who are only talking of Open Source - be it leftist intelligentsia or other people. I think this is a pity and would recommend using only the term Free Software because this is the correct term for the phenomenon. You don't call "green" "red" if "green" is the right term - do you? After all, even "Open Source" software would not be successful if the practical aspect of freedom was not inherent in its production and use. Interestingly, in an article entitled "Its Time to Talk about Free Software Again," one of the founders of the Open Source Initiative also considers the current development as wrong. [http://www.perens.com/perens_com/Articles/ItsTimeToTalkAboutFreeSoftwareAgain.html] >> Q: The idea behind Oekonux began, in kernel form at the first Wizards of OS conference in Berlin in 1999. How did the motivation to begin Oekonux develop from this context? I had the idea that Free Software is something very special and may have a real potential for a different society beyond labor, money, exchange - in short: capitalism - in 1998. In September 1998, I tried to make that a topic on the Krisis mailing list. However, next to nobody was interested. In July 1999, I attended the first "Wizard of Open Source" [http://www.mikro.org/Events/OS] conference organized by mikro in Berlin, and was especially interested in the topic "New economy?". However, in the context of the idea I mentioned above - the potential to transform society - I found the ideas presented there not very interesting. After the talks I took the opportunity to organize a spontaneous BOF (Birds Of a Feather) session and luckily it worked well. So we sat there with about 20 people and discussed the ideas presented in the talks. At the end I asked all the people to give me their e-mail address. After the WOS conference, mikro created a mailing list for us - and that was the birth of the Oekonux mailing list which is the core of the project. In December 1999 I created the web site [www.oekonux.de]. Its main purpose is to archive the mailing list. Texts and other material created in the context of the project is presented there as well as links to web sites and pages relevant to our discussion in some way. There is also an English/international part of the project ([www.oekonux.org] archiving [list-en at oekonux.org]), which, however, is still nearly non-existent. I find this a pity but unfortunately until now there is nobody with enough free time and energy to give this part of the project a real start. So until today all the material is in German and there are only a few translations of the texts. In June 2000 I created another mailing list ([projekt at oekonux.de]) which is concerned with the organization of the project. During April 28-30, 2001 in Dortmund we had the first Oekonux conference ([http://www.oekonux-konferenz.de/]), which brought together people from different areas who were interested in the principles of Free Software and the possible consequences of these principles on their particular field. The conference was attended by about 170 persons from a very broad range of ages and backgrounds, from software developers, to political theorists and scientists. It was a very exciting conference with a perfect atmosphere and another milestone in the way we and - if we're not completely wrong - the whole world is going. The next conference is planned to take place in Nov 1-3, 2002. >> Q: How active and large is the list? >From the start we have had very interesting discussions with some silent periods but usually an average of 6-8 mails a day. The atmosphere on the list is very pleasant and flames are nearly unknown. Fortunately it has not been necessary to moderate the list, as it regulates itself very well. The discussions are very contentful and this interview would not have been possible without them. They cover a wide number of details but nearly always stay on the central topic of the list: the possible impacts of Free Software on society. At the moment we have about 200 subscribers at [liste at oekonux.de], who come from a wide range of intellectual traditions and areas of interest. Though of course they all share a common interest in political thought, there are people from the Free Software and Hardware areas as well as engineers of different brands, hard core political people as well as people with a main interest in culture and so on. Though the traffic is quite high we have nearly no unsubscriptions which I think is a proof for the quality of the list. >> Q: In a previous interview with Geert Lovink [http://www.nettime.org/cgi-bin/wilma_hiliter/nettime/200104/msg00127.html?line=8] you mentioned that the relationship between free software and Marxism is one of the central topics debated on the list ... Do you think Marx is still relevant for an analysis of contemporary society? Could you give an idea of the scope of this debate on the list? First of all we recognize the difference between Marx' views and the views of the different Marxist currents. Although different brands of Marxism have distorted Marx' thought to the point where it has become unrecognizable, I tend to think that only Marx' analysis gives us the chance to understand what is going on today. The decline of the labor society we are all witnessing in various ways cannot be understood without that analysis. The Krisis group [http://www.krisis.org] has offered a contemporary reading of Marx, claiming that capitalism is in decay because the basic movement of making money from labor works less and less. This doesn't mean that capitalism must end soon, but it won't ever be able to hold its old promises of wealth for all. A number of people on the Oekonux mailing list have built upon the Krisis theories and carried them onto new ground. On the list among other things we try to interpret Marx in the context of Free Software. It's very interesting that much of what Marx said about the final development of capitalism can be seen in Free Software. In a sense, we try to re-think Marx from a contemporary perspective, and interpret current capitalism as containing a germ form of a new society. >> Q: According to many circles, Marx is obsolete - he was already obsolete in the sixties, when the mass social upheavals and the so-called new social movements showed that not class but other forms of oppressive power had become determining instances and that the economic base was not the motor that moved contradictions. I think that at that time the economic base was not as mature as it has become today. In the last ten to twenty years Western societies started to base their material production and all of society more and more on information goods. The development of computers as universal information processors with ever increasing capacity is shifting the focal point of production from the material side to the immaterial, information side. I think that today the development of the means of production in capitalism has entered a new historical phase. The most important thing in this shift in the means of production is that information has very different features than matter. First of all, information may be copied without loss - at least digital information using computers. Second and equally important, the most effective way to produce interesting information is to foster creativity. Free Software combines these two aspects, resulting in a new form of production. Obviously Free Software uses the digital copy as a technical basis. Thus Free Software, like any digital information, is not a scarce good; contrary to the IPR (intellectual property rights) people, the Free Software movement explicitly prevents making Free Software scarce. So, scarcity, which has always been a fundamental basis for capitalism, is not present in Free Software: Existing Free Software is available for next to zero price. More importantly, however, the organization of the production of Free Software differs widely from that of commodities produced for maximizing profit. For most Free Software producers there is no other reason than their own desire to develop that software. So the development of Free Software is based on the self-unfolding or self-actualization of the single individual. This form of non-alienated production results in better software because the use of the product is the first and most important aim of the developer - there simply is no profit which could be maximized. The self-unfolding of the single person is present in the process of production, and the self-unfolding of the many is ensured by the availability of high quality Free Software. Another important factor is that capitalism is in deep crisis.Until the 1970s capitalism promised a better world to people in the Western countries, to people in the former Soviet bloc and to the Third World. It stopped doing it starting in the 1980s and dismissed it completely in the 1990s. Today the capitalist leaders are glad if they are able to fix the biggest leaks in the sinking ship. The resources used for that repair are permanently increasing- be it financial operations to protect Third World states from the inability to pay their debt, or the kind of military operations we see in Afghanistan today. These processes were not mature in the 1960s but they are today. Maybe today for the first time in history we are able to overcome capitalism on the bases it has provided, by transcending it into a new society that is less harmful than the one we have. >> Q: How can Free Software "overcome" capitalism from the bases it has provided? The idea of a dialectical negation of capitalism (an immanent critique from the inside that takes over the same presuppositions of the system it negates) has frequently been discredited. Both Marx and Lenin's ideas of a dialectical negation of capitalism preserved the imperative of productivity, the utility of instrumental technology, the repressive apparatus of the State, police and standing army, as a necessary "first stage." And if you start from the inside, you will never get anywhere else . . . the argument goes. Free Software is both inside and outside capitalism. On the one hand, the social basis for Free Software clearly would not exist without a flourishing capitalism. Only a flourishing capitalism can provide the opportunity to develop something that is not for exchange. On the other hand, Free Software is outside of capitalism for the reasons I mentioned above: absence of scarcity and self-unfolding instead of the alienation of labor in a command economy. This kind of relationship between the old and the new system is typical for germ forms - for instance you can see it in the early stage of capitalist development, when feudalism was still strong. >> Q: In what sense is the production of Free Software not "alienated"? One of the reasons that labor is alienated is because the workers sells a living thing - qualitatively different forms of productive activity which in principle can't be measured - in exchange for a general measure, money. As Marx said somewhere, the worker does not care about the shitty commodities he is producing, he just does it for this abstract equivalent, the money he receives as compensation. It seems you're talking about the difference between use value - the use of goods or labor - and exchange value - reflected in the price of the commodities that goods or labor are transformed into by being sold on the market. It's true that the use value of goods as well as labor is qualitatively different. It's also true that the exchange value of a commodity - be it a commodity or wage labor - is a common measure, an abstraction of the qualitative features of a product. But after all you need a common measure to base an exchange on. One of the problems of capitalism is that this abstraction is the central motor of society. The use of something - which would be the important thing in a society focusing on living well - is only loosely bound to that abstraction. That is the basis of the alienation of work performed for a wage. In Free Software because the product can be taken with only marginal cost and, more importantly, is not created for being exchanged, the exchange value of the product is zero. Free Software is worthless in the dominant sense of exchange. Free Software may be produced for numerous reasons - but not for exchange. If there is no external motivation - like making money - there must be internal motivations for the developers. These internal motivations, which are individually very different, are what we call self-unfolding (from the German term "Selbstentfaltung", similar but not completly the same as "self-development"). Without external motivations, there is not much room for alienation. Of course self-unfolding is a common phenomenon in other areas, such as art or hobbies. However, Free Software surpasses the older forms of self-unfolding in several ways and this is what makes it interesting on the level of social change: * Most products of self-unfolding may be useful for some persons, but this use is relatively limited. Free Software, however, delivers goods which are useful for a large number of persons - virtually everybody with a computer. * Most products of self-unfolding are the results of outmoded forms of production, like craft-work. Free Software is produced using the most advanced means of production mankind has available. * Most products of self-unfolding are the fruits of the work of one individual. Free Software depends on collaborative work - it is usually developed by international teams and with help from the users of the product. * All products of self-unfolding I can think of have been pushed away once the same product becomes available on the market. By contrast, Free Software has already started to push away software developed for maximizing profit in some areas, and currently there seems to be no general limit to this process. So contrary to older forms of self-unfolding Free Software provides a model in which self-unfolding becomes relevant on a social level. The products of this sort of self-unfolding can even be interesting for commercial use. >> Q: Some theorists have analyzed the internet as a kind of "gift" economy. In other words, it is not subject to measure and exchange. Things are freely produced and freely taken. And unlike exchange, which has a kind of finality (I pay one dollar I buy one bottle of Coca Cola, and it's over), the gift, since it cannot be measured, is a kind of infinite reciprocity. Gifts are not about calculation of value, but about building social relationships. Do you see Free Software as a gift "economy"? I don't like talking about gifts in Free Software or in terms of the Internet in general. There is no reciprocity in Free Software as, similarly, there is no reciprocity on the Internet. I have used thousands of web pages and millions of lines of code contained in Free Software without giving anything back. There simply is no reciprocity and even better: there is no need for reciprocity. You simply take what you need and you provide what you like. It's not by chance, that this reflects the old demand of "Everybody according to his/her needs". Indeed there are several attempts, which are at best misleading, to understand the Internet and/or Free Software in terms of capitalist dogmas. The talk about "gift economies" is one of them, because it focuses on gifts as some sort of - non-capitalist but nonetheless - exchange. Even worse is the talk of an "attention economy" which defines attention as a kind of currency. The Internet, and especially Free Software are new phenomena which can't be understood adequately by using the familiar thought patterns of capitalism. >> Q: In what sense is "GPL Society" beyond the familiar thought patterns of capitalism? With the term "GPL Society" we named a society based on the principles of production of Free Software. These principles are: * self-unfolding as the main motivation for production, * irrelevance of exchange value, so the focus is on the use value, * free cooperation between people, * international teams. Though the term has been controversial for some time, today it is widely accepted in Oekonux. I like the term particularly *because* you can't associate anything with it that you already know. GPL Society describes something new, which we try to discover, explore and understand in the Oekonux project. Ironically, part of this process of understanding has reached the conclusion that a GPL Society would no longer need General Public License because there won't be any copyright. So at least at this time maybe it should be renamed ;-) . As I tried to explain Free Software is not based on exchange so neither is a GPL Society. How a GPL Society may look like concretely can't be determined fully today. However, at present there are many developments which already point in that direction. * One development is the increasing obsolescence of human labor. The more production is done by machines the less human labor is needed in the production process. If freed from the chains of capitalism this development would mean freedom from more and more necessities, making room for more processes of self-unfolding - be it productive processes like Free Software or non-productive ones like many hobbies. So contrary to capitalism, in which increasing automation always destroys the work places for people and thus their means to live, in a GPL Society maximum automation would be an important aim of the whole society. * In every society based on exchange - which includes the former Soviet bloc - making money is the dominant aim. Because a GPL Society would not be based on exchange, there would be no need for money anymore. Instead of the abstract goal of maximizing profit, the human oriented goal of fulfilling the needs of individuals as well as of mankind as a whole would be the focus of all activities. * The increased communication possibilities of the Internet will become even more important than today. An ever increasing part of production and development will take place on the Internet or will be based on it. The B2B (business to business) concept, which is about improving the information flow between businesses producing commodities, shows us that the integration of production into information has just started. On the other hand the already visible phenomenon of people interested in a particular area finding each other on the Internet will become central for the development of self-unfolding groups. * The difference between consumers and producers will vanish more and more. Already today the user can configure complex commodities like cars or furniture to some degree, which makes virtually each product an individual one, fully customized to the needs of the consumer. This increasing configurability of products is a result of the always increasing flexibility of the production machines. If this is combined with good software you could initiate the production of highly customized material goods allowing a maximum of self-unfolding - from your web browser up to the point of delivery. * Machines will become even more flexible. New type of machines available for some years now (fabbers, [http://www.ennex.com/fabbers/index.sht]) are already more universal in some areas than modern industrial robots - not to mention stupid machines like a punch. The flexibility of the machines is a result of the fact that material production is increasingly based on information. At the same time the increasing flexibility of the machines gives the users more room for creativity and thus for self-unfolding. * In a GPL society there is no more reason for a competition beyond the type of competition we see in sports. Instead various kinds of fruitful cooperation will take place. You can see that today not only in Free Software but also (partly) in science and for instance in cooking recipes: Imagine your daily meal if cooking recipes would be proprietary and available only after paying a license fee instead of being the result of a world-wide cooperation of cooks. >> Q: This sounds very utopian: Free Software as the sign of the end of capitalism and the transformation of the new society? How do you predict this transformation coming about - spontaneously, as the economic basis of capitalist production just withers away? I hope these more or less utopian thoughts give an idea of the notion of a GPL Society as it is currently discussed within the Oekonux project. And it's not Free Software in itself which may transform capitalism. Instead, the principles of the production of Free Software - which have developed within capitalism! - provide a more effective way of production on the one hand and more freedom on the other. The main question is how is it possible to translate these principles to other areas. I tried to explain how Free Software - as a germ form of the GPL society - is inside as well as outside of capitalism. I think Free Software is only the most visible of the new forms which together have the potential to lead us into a different society. Capitalism has developed the means of production to such an extent that people can use them for something new. Of course, the transformation also requires a political process and although historically the preconditions now are better than ever before there is no automatic step that will lead to the GPL society. People have to want this process. However, I'm quite optimistic that they will, because Free Software shows us, in microcosm, how a better life would look, so the GPL Society is in the best interest of people. And Oekonux is there to understand the process of this change, and perhaps at some point our thoughts may help to push the development forward :-) . From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Sat Dec 8 22:57:42 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 8 Dec 2001 17:27:42 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] The Dominion of Death Message-ID: <20011208172742.1488.qmail@mailweb10.rediffmail.com> The article below was written by Dr. Nurit Peled-Elhanan, a long-time Israeli peace activist and recent winner of a peace award from the European Parliament. Nurit was the mother of Smadar Elhanan, 13 years old when she was killed by a suicide bomber in Jerusalem in September 1997. The Dominion of Death Nurit Peled-Elhanan Dylan Thomas wrote a war poem entitled "And Death Shall Have No Dominion." In Israel, it does. Here death governs: the government of Israel rules over a dominion of death. So the most astonishing thing about yesterday's terrorist attack in Jerusalem and all similar attacks is that Israelis are astonished. Israeli propaganda and indoctrination manage to keep coverage of these attacks detached from any Israeli reality. The story in the Israeli (and American) media is one of Arab murderers and Israeli victims, whose only sin was that they asked for seven days of grace. But anyone who can remember back not even one year but just one week or several hours knows the story is different, that each attack is a link in a chain of horrific bloody events that extends back 34 years and has but one cause: a brutal occupation. An occupation that humiliates, starves, denies jobs, demolishes homes, destroys crops, murders children, imprisons minors without trial under appalling conditions, lets babies die at checkpoints and spreads lies. Last week, after the assassination of Abu Hanoud, a journalist from Yediot Ahronot asked me whether I felt "relief." Hadn't I been frightened that "a murderer like that was roaming free"? No, I did not feel relief, I told her, and I will feel no relief as long as the murderers of Palestinian children continue to roam free... On Friday it was reported that politicians from both sides had reached a deal in Jerusalem to allow the reopening of the casino upon which their own livelihood depends. They did it without American intervention, without high-level committees, with just the assistance of lawyers and business people, who promised the parties what was tween the leaders: when an issue affects them directly (unlike the deaths of children) they are quick to find a solution. It strengthens my belief that all of us, Israelis and Palestinians,are victims of politicians who gamble the lives of our children on games of honour and prestige. To them, children are worth less than roulette chips. Nurit Peled-Elhanan Yediot Ahronot, Dec 1, 2001 Translated by Edeet Ravel, Montreal. From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Sat Dec 8 23:22:52 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 8 Dec 2001 17:52:52 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] If you have killed my son tell me you have killed him Message-ID: <20011208175252.10407.qmail@mailweb25.rediffmail.com> from rediff.com 'If you have killed my son tell me you have killed him' Ten years ago the NSG took Parveena Ahangar's son away. She is still searching for him ... The National Security Guards came one night and knocked on my door. They kicked it open. There was curfew all the time those days. The military was guarding us. We didn't even have food to eat. But they would not allow us to go out. There were three of them. Captain Dhanush, another captain and Major Gupta. They were looking for Javed. There's another house here where a boy named Javed lives. But because my son's name is also Javed, they came here. My son was then 17. He had joined college just two months ago. He was home studying. When he heard them coming he got scared and tried to run away. But they caught him. They beat him a lot. Then they found out that he wasn't the person they were looking for. That night they caught three boys from this area. They let one go. But my son and another boy was taken away in a jeep. That was the last I saw of Javed. The next morning I went to the deputy inspector of police and the SPsaab (superintendent of police) and told them that they had taken my son away. I told them my son was like a dumb person. He never spoke to anybody, never went out with anybody. They said my son had been admitted to the military hospital in Badami Bagh and he would be released within three days. I went there, but he was not there. I filed a FIR with the police, then went to the court. But I still haven't got my son back. I went to all interrogation centres. Delhi, Meerut, Jodhpur... I went to every jail. I couldn't find my son anywhere. It's 10 years now. They arrest boys and kill them and leave the bodies far away in some village. There are 2,000 boys missing. Where will you search for them? I ask them, if my son is alive tell me he is alive. If you have killed him tell me you have killed him. What crime has he committed? I am still searching for my son. My home is ruined. I cannot I have no peace. I think of my son all the time. I will fight as long as I am alive. I don't want this injustice happening to anyone else. Dr Farooq (Abdullah, the chief minister) says that everything in Srinagar is all right. Everything is not all right. If his son was caught and killed he would understand our pain. What does he know? He is a leader. When he goes to urinate there are 10 army people accompanying him. Come with me. I will show you each and every house that will tell you what the situation is. The army people told me they would give me Rs 10 lakh (one million). I told them I had no use for it. I want my son. Can't they at least tell me whether he's alive or dead? Interviewed by Chindu Sreedharan From jimmychoi_kc at hotmail.com Sun Dec 9 05:40:13 2001 From: jimmychoi_kc at hotmail.com (Jimmy Choi Kam Chuen) Date: Sun, 09 Dec 2001 00:10:13 +0000 Subject: [Reader-list] (no subject) Message-ID: An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011209/593d5df6/attachment.html From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Sun Dec 9 13:22:50 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 9 Dec 2001 07:52:50 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] 1987...Kashmir in the times of peace... Message-ID: <20011209075250.21717.qmail@mailweb9.rediffmail.com> This is Kashmir in the times of peace in 1987...somewhere in the picture lurks the Kashmiri terrorist... From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Sun Dec 9 21:12:22 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 9 Dec 2001 15:42:22 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] 1987...Kashmir in the times of peace... Message-ID: <20011209154222.7836.qmail@mailweb15.rediffmail.com> Yes,the attatchment got dropped off.I'll try and post the picture...it is by Mehrajuddin,the Valley's valiant news photographer...the photograph and the accompanying text is from rediff.com : Police harassment in 1987. The gentlemen supervising the exercise are Criminal Investigation Department officials. "Youths were regularly stripped and paraded," recollects Meraj-ud-din. On Sun, 09 Dec 2001 electricshadows at vsnl.com wrote : > Was there an attachment in your posting? It got dropped > off. > > > > ** Original Subject: [Reader-list] 1987...Kashmir in > the times of peace... > > ** Original Sender: "abir bazaz" > > > ** Original Date: Sun, 9 Dec 2001 13:38:46 +0530 > (IST) > > > ** Original Message follows... > > > > > This is Kashmir in the times of peace in > 1987...somewhere in the picture lurks the Kashmiri > terrorist... > > > > _______________________________________________ > > Reader-list mailing list > > Reader-list at sarai.net > > http://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list > > > >** --------- End Original Message ----------- ** > > > > -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: 11blood1.jpg Type: image/pjpeg Size: 20760 bytes Desc: not available Url : http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011209/e24e7688/attachment.bin From andraz.kusej at guest.arnes.si Mon Dec 10 03:02:51 2001 From: andraz.kusej at guest.arnes.si (jan) Date: Sun, 9 Dec 2001 21:32:51 +0000 Subject: [Reader-list] invitation:Tanja Vujinovic at the Museum of the City of Skopje Message-ID: <20011209202923.590DCE700@razor.arnes.si> Variola Vera, video installation Tanja Vujinovic Open Graphic Studio Museum of the City of Skopje Mito Hadgi Vasilev bb 12.12.2001-10.01.2002 Opening: 12.12.2001. at 19h Organization and public relations: Atanas Botev +389 (0)2 114 742, mgs at unet.com.mk With the support of: Pro Helvetia, Youth Cultural Center Maribor, and Museum of the City of Skopje The video installation Variola Vera is derived from Yugoslav film director G. Markovic's motion picture, which is a narrative about the last great outbreak of this disease in Europe (Belgrade, 1972), and takes place in the isolation ward of a hospital. The subject gains in its possible actuality in the context of the latest treats of potential bio-terrorist attacks. Video projections are functioning as diverse mirrors that are reflecting developments of individual anxieties within the collective. Variants of this work were exhibited this year in Cultural Center Gallery Belgrade and Media Nox Gallery Maribor. In January 2002, it will be presented within the Helium project, organized by Ballongmagasinet and NIFCA (Nordic Institute for Contemporary Art). «with Variola Vera, Vujinovic insists on the ontological dimension within the social. Variola Vera is the ontological horizon of the Balkan condition. The installation, in drawing upon the classic feature film entitled Variola Vera, produced some 20 years ago in the territory known as Yugoslavia, is the contingency reservoir. Our very certainty of the dissolution of any certainty is already stated - there, in the film. Hence, it indicates a deeper ontological level of contingency within the social. Variola Vera is an actualization of the absent ground for present representations of art. Variola Vera is the marker of our proper, deeply bodily dimension of uncertainty. Variola Vera is the dark, smelly, dirty, poisoned flesh of any society and someone's, anyone's, private obsessions ». Marina Grzinic,philosopher and new media theorist, margrz at zrc-sazu.si Part of the text from the exhibition catalogue Tanja Vujinovic Kusej was born in 1973 in Yugoslavia. Since 1996, she has been presenting interventions, video installations and other works at various galleries, artist-run centres and public spaces in more than thirty individual and group exhibitions (Germany, Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Scotland, France, Slovenia etc.). Tanja had completed her studies in Belgrade at the College of Industrial Design, at the Faculty of Fine Arts and had been a guest student in Jan Dibbets class at Kunstakademie Düsseldorf, Germany. In her work, Tanja Vujinovic deals with some of the most significant aspects of contemporary society: various crises and its effects on the individual, manifestation of ideological parameters imposed by mass media; appropriating mass media visual and audio material and transforming it into new structures with modified meanings. In early videos and drawings-pictograms, she investigates a variety of compulsive activities interiorized by the individual as well as a number of restrictive behavioural patterns, within the frame of acceptable and expected. Repetitive annoying noise and visual element patterns are investigating mechanisms of subliminal suggestive media messages. She is a freelance artist currently living in Ljubljana, Slovenia. Contact address: tanjavujinovic at hotmail.com www.ljudmila.org/vujinovic/ From jeebesh at sarai.net Mon Dec 10 10:28:25 2001 From: jeebesh at sarai.net (Jeebesh Bagchi) Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 10:28:25 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] INDIA-LINUX: Listing of LUGs on yahoogroups.com Message-ID: <01121010282505.00594@pinki.sarai.kit> Subject: INDIA-LINUX: Listing of LUGs on yahoogroups.com Date: Sun, 9 Dec 2001 02:42:45 +0530 (IST) From: Frederick Noronha ******************************************************************* INDIAN GNU/LINUX CARVES OUT A NICHE FOR ITSELF IN CYBERSPACE ******************************************************************* There's an interesting amount of activity (or planned activity) going on at yahoogroups.com when it comes to GNU/Linux and India. You might be surprised to see how many India-related GNU/Linux groups have been created on just yahoogroups (one of the major sites allowing you to create free mailing-lists). Some of these are very active mailing lists. Others have got only a handful of members, maybe five or less. But it's interesting to check out all the options nonetheless. If you'd like to subscribe to any, send a blank email to: GROUPNAME-subscribe at yahoogroups.com Replace GROUPNAME with the actual group's name. To check the activity/postings of any group, check out http://www.groups.yahoo.com/group/GROUPNAME/ Again, replace GROUPNAME with the actual group's name. Some lists have their discussions open only to members. It is possble to temporarily subscribe to groups you find interesting, via a web-visit, and then unsubscribe or opt for the no-mail option. Here are some of the groups you can find, listed not in any particular order of merit or importance... ------------------------------------------------------------------- ILUGs India Linux User Groups (in various cities) ------------------------------------------------------------------- ilug-cbe Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu ilug-kottayam Kottayam, Kerala ilug-jodhpur Jodhpur, Rajasthan ilug-indore Indore, MP ilug-ngp Nagpur, Maharashtra ilug-tvm Trivandrum, Kerala ilug-cal Calcutta, West Bengal ilug-cochin Cochin/Kochi, Kerala ilug-bbsr Bhubaneswar, Orissa ilug-mangalore Mangalore, Karnataka ilug-hyd Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh ilug-bom Bombay/Mumbai, Maharashtra ilug-goa Goa (covers Panjim, Farmaguddi, Margao groups) ilughyd Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh ilugcta-technical Chitradurga, Karnataka ilugcta-general Chitradurga, Karnataka pda-lug From a college in Gulbarga, Karnataka lug-northindia North India Linux_Madurai Madurai, Tamil Nadu linux-bangalore2001 List to prepare for the Dec 2001 meet there linux-bangalore-lli Localisation for India blore-linux Bangalore, Karnataka nashlug Nashik jlug Jawaharlal Nehru College, Shimoga linux-Ahmedabad-users Ahmedabad, Gujarat vizaglug Vizag, Andhra Pradesh lugj Jaipur, Rajasthan linuxatterna Terna Engineering College, Nerul, Navi Mumbai FLUG Future Linux Users of Punjab linux-guwahati Guwahati, Assam mecta2k Delhi Col. of Engg (Master of Engg & Compu Tech) lug-bhopal Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh alabhya-linux To learn PCQuest version of Linux redhat-users NIIT students' group tamillinux Tamil Nadu erumbugal-linux Linked to Tamil Nadu (?) lug-cet College of Engineering, Trivandrum EA19shivalik Shivalik, IIT Delhi hostel ilinux Project to develop Linux distbn with support for Indian languages klint_life Kernal internals group of the Linux India Foundation for Education VidyalankarLUG linux-bangalore-programming ------------------------------------------------------------------- Linux groups from in South Asia and around (our neighbours): ------------------------------------------------------------------- pluc Pakistan bglug Bangladesh mauritius-linux Mauritius thai-linux-webmaster Thailand libux Libya LinuxInAfrica Africa... as its name suggests Linux_Egypt Linux in Egypt TTLUG Trindade & Tobago linuxiran Iran indonesia-linux Indonesia kafelinux Cheap solution for Internet cafes (Malaysia?) This list of mailing lists related to Linux in India, and its neighbourhood, is far from complete. Send me more details if available. Guess what! There's even a muslimlug and an AnandaMargisLug. Again, as mentioned above, not all are very active. Parag Mehta informs that the ilug-bom mailing list runs at : http://mm.ilug-bom.org.in/mailman/listinfo/linuxers and not at yahoogroups.com. He says the yahoogroups list is "just a backup for web browsable search archives". To join the actual list, please send a mail to linuxers-request at mm.ilug-bom.org.in with subject: subscribe. Indranil adds that the ilug-cal list on yahoogroups is just the archive, and not the actual mailing list. Can our more active Linux groups in India think of mentoring the smaller ones so that they can get active? Unless each mailing-list touches critical mass (of at least a couple of dozen members), it is unlikely to become a useful tool for sharing Linux-related information. Your suggestions are welcome. Let's make it happen... FN COMPILED AND CIRCULATED BY: Frederick Noronha * Freelance Journalist * Goa * India BYTESFORALL www.bytesforall.org * GOAPIX www.goacom.com/wallpapers/ GOARESEARCH www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/1503 * NEWS www.goacom.com/news/ -- THIS IS AN OPENCONTENT INITIATIVE: OpenContent License (OPL) Version 1.0, July 14, 1998 or later. The original version of this document may be found at http://opencontent.org/opl.shtml * Information is power, spread it... -- ------------------------------------------------------- From zamrooda at sarai.net Mon Dec 10 16:22:18 2001 From: zamrooda at sarai.net (zamrooda) Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 16:22:18 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Iftar Party Message-ID: <0112101622180G.00998@legal.sarai.kit> Yesterday at a dinner I was innocently asked by my host- When are the iftar parties held? Iftar parties? very frankly I had not heard of anything like this till the time I became aware of the political situation in my country. It was only then that I realised that rozas can and are becoming a way for politicians to attain gains. The cartoon in Times of India (Delhi) this sunday could not have described the term Iftar party in a better way for the common man. Iftar for us was always a time when the family members fasting would come together and break open the days fast. Along with Special food, special attention is paid to the fasting members. Friday is a special day for Muslims and this is one day that my mother wanted to go to the Darga at Nizzamudin to offer some offerings. I happened to accompany her this particular Friday. As we approached the circle near the Humayun Tomb, big boards stating Iftiar party pointing to wards the Tomb zoomed into vision. One could see big fancy cars entering the complex accompanied by security's cars. It was beyond doubt that this was another of the big Iftiar parties being sponsored by a big man of the city. The Darga was packed with all kinds of food stalls. The aroma of the food was overwhelming. Each person was waiting for the gong which will be the signal for people to break their fast. Inside the Darga people of different classes were gathered together to break the fast. Trays laden with food were being circulated around the Darga. the Khadims who would normally hound the people visiting the Darga were today seen serving .No questions asked. All were welcomed. The siren went off and the fast was broken. Soon after Azan calling people for Nimaaz was heard. Prayers were offered collectively. As the prayers were being workers of the Darga silently cleaned the place clean of all the left overs. As soon as people got over with their prayers the Quawwalis for the evening took over the buzz of the Darga. Slowly people left for their houses. As we approached our car to go to our recluse one noticed a chaos at the entrance. A mammoth sized car with people in white khaadi was trying to reverse. No doubt they had come to the wrong venue. From sagnik_chakravartty at yahoo.com Mon Dec 10 19:16:52 2001 From: sagnik_chakravartty at yahoo.com (Sagnik Chakravartty) Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 05:46:52 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Reader-list] Validity of the UGC-NET Exam for Lecturership to Colleges and Universities Message-ID: <20011210134652.94822.qmail@web20301.mail.yahoo.com> Only Criteria For Lecturership in Universities and Colleges: Passing the National Educational Test (NET) conducted by the University Grants Commission !!!!! SAGNIK CHAKRAVARTTY At the time of independence, we inherited the colonial university system. At that time, there was no exams held for appointments as lecturers in universities and colleges which is sadly being done today. This exam is the NET exam. At that time, only committed persons with a passion towards teaching used to come to this profession. With the passage of time, however, things began to change. The number of qualified persons applying in colleges and universities began to increase with the growing population. The University Grants Commission (UGC), in charge of giving grants to colleges and universities and also the authority for recognizing degrees, in the early eighties, began to think of introducing a test to fix the eligibility of lecturership in colleges. Thus the NET from 1989 was introduced. The UGC thought that by holding such an exam, standards of lecturership could be restored as it claimed that persons, although qualified, with no academic pursuit or inclination to teaching, were being appointed as lecturers by the selection committees. So the UGC wanted to make the selection process stringent by making NET cleared as the essential requisite for appointment as college lecturers. Also, what was seen at that time, was the growing demand for teaching posts. However, corresponding increase in teaching posts was not seen. In such a situation, UGC thought it proper to hold the bi-annual NET exam in June and December. However, we have seen that all persons who have cleared the NET exam have not yet got a teaching job in a college. This is so because the number of posts of lecturership in colleges are very scarce with permanent lecturers having being appointed long time ago. Vacancy arises when a retirement of an incumbent lecturer arises. Lecturers are often appointed on a temporary and adhoc basis. At the selection stage, we see lot of nepotism taking place in a number of university colleges, Delhi University, being one example. In such a scenario, we see competition among NET cleared candidates, with persons holding a Ph.D degree from Cambridge who has cleared NET, or an M.Phil. degree holder who has cleared NET, or an internal candidate who has worked in that college for a long time as Adhoc being given preference. Such qualified persons, who have cleared NET are numerous. But only a handful among them get permanent job as lecturer. In such a scenario, with number of teaching posts scarce and the UGC declaring a freeze in teaching posts, we have to examine the validity of the NET exam . I think that NET exam should not be the sole criteria for judging that he/she is a good teacher or a bad teacher. The paper I of NET exam, tests the candidate's reasoning and mental abilities. This Paper is not easy to clear in one go. It needs a lot of hard work, with hours of practice and perseverence. Besides logic, maths problems are also posed in this paper. It is an objective paper with ticking the correct choices. There is a provision that paper I is checked first . Paper II and Paper III scripts of only those candidates are checked whose Paper I is cleared by the computer checker. It is a quite a daunting task to clear Paper I, although it is based on reason and logic. Perhaps, a better alternative to this NET exam may be introduction of a National Lecturership Orientation Course (NLOC) conducted by UGC in all Central and State Universities to churn out good lecturers. The Delhi University Researcher's Association (DURA) is calling for the scrapping of NET exam as it has been observed that many M.Phil and Ph.D scholars cannot apply for college lecturership as they have failed to clear the UGC-NET exam . Perhaps only for giving Junior Research Fellowship (JRF) to young budding scholars, such a test should be held and not for lecturership. Many bright scholars having a passion for teaching just cannot apply as (a) vacancies are limited, (b) due to not clearing the NET exam . In fact, learning is a life long process. Teachers should be those who not only possess good degrees , but they must be inclined to learn all throughout their life and give their knowledge to others. Indeed, there is a great deal of controversy regarding the scrapping of the UGC-NET exam . I have just ignited a spark to this debate. In fact, a good lecturer is one who believes in a dialogue with the student , eternally engaged in the quest for knowledge and has a capacity to debate issues and has an open mind. The NET exam has instilled a sense of competition among the aspirants for teaching in colleges. Teaching should not be seen as a competitive vocation where only the fit get a chance to teach , that is , only those clearing the NET exam get a chance to teach . This is similar to the philosophy of the Survival of the Fittest of Charles Darwin . In fact exams instill notions of superiority and inferiority in the candidate aspiring to be a lecturer. Rather a creative engagement with learning and teaching processes should be undertaken by the UGC through the NLOC. Only those who have taken this course could be called for the Interview . Nobody should be exempted from taking such a course, not even M.Phil or Ph.D holders who have completed their research on or before 1993. Fresh appointments should be of those candidates who have taken this NLOC . The NLOC could be a six-month course. The UGC could appoint an expert committee in reviewing the present exam-centric NET and examine this innovative course. The UGC should also not introduce couses like astrology and priesthood in universities. Rather a scientific, creative temper could be inculcated in the minds of the students taking the NLOC which would further their development as good, complete teachers always immersed in the world of learning and spreading their knowledge to the students. This sort of a relationship between the teacher and the taught could be congenial to the development of higher education. Universities should not be privatised by UGC. Rather it should be a centre for creative research in fundamental knowledges, a place where ideas are exchanged and hot debates take place over cups of coffee. Private agencies manning Universities, as suggested by the Ambani-Birla Report , will not understand this deeper meaning of a University and would convert the university into a polytechnic and treat it as a factory where the students would churn out products for the market. Rather one should review the present examination system which has put brakes on a person's creativity. n this sort of a scenario, the validity of the NET exam has to be scrutinised. The NLOC could act as a very innovative idea . Privatisation of universities would remove the autonomy the Universities enjoy. Vacancies will also be freezed. Rather, we have to make serious efforts to save our universities and create teaching opportunities for the interested youth who want to become teachers. Teaching has to considered the noblest of all professions as it creates the base on which the future India would grow. Teachers teach and spread knowledge to the youth who would become future citizens of India. India is unique because we see that here only NET exam clearance is required for budding aspirants to lecturership in colleges. Nowhere in the world, we see that such a clearance is required. Rather, the selection process is made stringent elsewhere , say, Europe, which ensures merit being given weightage to mediocracy and NET clearance. It is only in a classroom environment that the teacher learns from the students and vice-versa . It is only then , that is, learning through practice, that one becomes or attempts to become a good teacher. Constant interaction helps in the personality of the teacher to grow . The question foremost in one's mind is : Are we producing good lecturers by fixing minimum eligibility for lecturership to that of clearing the NET exam ? Only time will tell about the validity of such an exam. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Send your FREE holiday greetings online! http://greetings.yahoo.com From pnanpin at yahoo.co.in Mon Dec 10 23:54:18 2001 From: pnanpin at yahoo.co.in (=?iso-8859-1?q?pratap=20pandey?=) Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 18:24:18 +0000 (GMT) Subject: [Reader-list] Re: Sagnik's complaint about NET Message-ID: <20011210182418.92382.qmail@web8103.in.yahoo.com> Hey Sagnik, It is such an easy exam. All you got to do is get your literature basics clear. Read your history of literature. Read your history. Read your theory. Your complaint is such a common one nowadays that your write-up made me feel sick, and not a little depressed. You are an intelligent person. So, don't use shit like "survival of the fittest" rhetoric to justofy your anxiety about the exam, which I hink hides a deeper trauma: your unbelief that you didn't do your lit. courses well. I'll tell you what I like about the NET Exam. It requires you to know your subject. You know, you should sit outside the IIT-JEE exam centres and protest. Your slogan should be: knowledge is not a niche. You should definitely sit on a fast unto death outside the subject-GRE test centre. Here, your slogan should be: hey, you didn't let me in! Relax, man. Go work. I passed the NET the first time. It was a piece of cake. I slogged for it. Have you? As it is, there are a lot of asshole lecturers who get university and college jobs because they have connections. This exam is a deterrant to university and college mafiosos ruling the roost. You want to put an end to one (very weak, in my opinion) objective criterion that tests the students aptitude towards the subject? You want mistaken-modern India to rule the roost in Indian universities? You want a rash of phone calls from cabinet ministers to university VCs? You want knowledge to die in the name of a mistaken radicalism like yours? Tell you what. You are not only a Sagnik but also a chakravarty, and therefore at least a third-generation literate. Why don't you pay me Rs 300 per session? In 4 months of 3 sessions per week, I will make you NET-compatible. Alternatively, you could get to grips abour your subject. I know you are an intellectual. But the world over, intellectuals crack exams like the Net. Why don't you study, instead of complaining? pratap pandey. bokachoda bangaali aantale, talk to me at pnanpin at yahoo.co.in pp ________________________________________________________________________ For Stock Quotes, Finance News, Insurance, Tax Planners, Mutual Funds... Visit http://in.finance.yahoo.com/ From pnanpin at yahoo.co.in Tue Dec 11 11:22:36 2001 From: pnanpin at yahoo.co.in (=?iso-8859-1?q?pratap=20pandey?=) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 05:52:36 +0000 (GMT) Subject: [Reader-list] apologies to all Message-ID: <20011211055236.65785.qmail@web8102.in.yahoo.com> Dear all, Yesterday I read a posting from Sagnik C on NET. I replied to the posting. Today, on reading what I wrote, I am completely horrified. My response is needlessly high-minded, badly farcical. I seemed to have thundered down at Sagnik from a pulpit of my own making. The reader list is a public space. Here, there take place discussions, not drubbings. I therefore apologise a)to Sagnik: sorry, buddy; b)the sarai people: sorry, I overstepped the thin line that separates opinion from invective; and c)all reader-list people: junk my response, please. yours, pratap ________________________________________________________________________ For Stock Quotes, Finance News, Insurance, Tax Planners, Mutual Funds... Visit http://in.finance.yahoo.com/ From jeebesh at sarai.net Tue Dec 11 12:46:21 2001 From: jeebesh at sarai.net (Jeebesh Bagchi) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 12:46:21 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] internet radio project in afghanistan (a proposal) Message-ID: <01121112462101.00594@pinki.sarai.kit> via: jo at xs4al.nl (please forward to those who could be interested) Internet and Radio for the people of Agh at nistan. a radically democratic communication initiative also known as Radio Reed Flute "Broken glass becomes stronger" (Hazara saying) We propose to use internet and radio to enable Afghans in Afganistan and in diaspora to communicate and create a civil society network aimed at rehabilitating and reconstructing Afghanistan. Joining a variety of forces and skills it can be realized step-by-step in different places according to partners and local situations. You may want to join this initiative by contributing contacts, advice, money, content, ideas or written support. Our ideal is to move beyond aid and advocacy and stimulate the use of information technology in a do-it-yourself approach. After the military, the politicians and the diplomats the time is now for the people of Afghanistan to get a chance to express their needs and opinions. Afghans in exile, the diaspora, have found their ways to the media or created their own infrastructures which enables them to speak. But for who? Who do they represent? And to whom are they actually speaking? Intellectuals who left their country 20 or 30 years ago, and even the younger generation that escaped the Mujahideen and the Taliban in the last ten years have to admit that they have grown distant from the reality of local Afghans in many ways. And this is often a personal tragedy in itself. Meanwhile the international community is pondering ways to bring relief, to rehabilitate and to reconstruct the country and the society. Over the last months practically all ex-pats left Afghanistan leaving local staff and local NGO's to save whatever could be saved. We believe that reinforcing these nuclei of civil society and (re)connecting them with the outside world is vital for a number of practical and principal reasons. At the same time, the Afghan diaspora, is challenged to engage itself in positive moves to act for their homeland. This communication initiative is also meant to support them. The ultimate goal is of course, to reconstruct, and possibly re-invent Afghanistan as a nation, a home fit for human beings. We all know that the internet is an essential tool for communication by literate people, including Afghans around the world, NGO's, Aid-workers, human rights activists, grass roots community developers, (media) activists and roaming kite-flyers and other poets. We also know that many people in Afghanistan are uprooted and dependent on aid for their survival and for the rehabilitation of their environment. With the exception of some priviliged urbans they never did have access to the internet. In fact a huge majority of perhaps 80% is illiterate. Therefore a combination of internet facilities and independant community radio run and owned by Afghans seems to be an appropiate option to provide some necessary communication facilities. "Necessary" if the intention is to enable Afghans to fully participate in the process of rehabilitation and reconstruction of their lives and regions. What we propose is a communication platform that is independent and at the service of Afghan civil society and its supporters. The media situation is as fluid as the policitical situation. The Northern Alliance forces took over Radio Sharia'a and still control Radio Aghanistan. Commando Solo is still broadcasting from his airplanes. The BBC and Voice of America are doing their job. Especially the BBC Pashto and Dari programs are broadly considered a reliable source of information. In Herat the first internet cafe is open again, it seems. Hopefully Kabul will follow soon... However, these media are not enough, to serve as a communicator for civil society and the people in general, who have a whole range of needs: ranging from logistics to education and channels for independent expression. The internet could, in combination with radio -- and other traditional media -- be of vital importance to link people around the globe on various issues. It will help to get as many people as possible involved in the reconstruction of Afghanistan. It can be a vehicle for contact, exchange, education, debate and democracy Jo van der Spek and Chris Swart have been working on various related projects in Amsterdam, Hungary, Kosovo, Lesotho, South-Africa and Romania. --- first nodes in Peshawar the right to communicate A node is a place that offers internet access and tools for radio production. Zubair Faisal Abbasi, development consultant and journalist based in Islamabad, is doing a fact finding and liaisoning study in Peshawar. A presentation of the concept to representatives of the Afghan Women Council, the University of Peshawar and Radio Pakistan received serious interest from the AWC and a willingness to share technical facilities of Radio Pakistan and the University with radio reed Flute. They are establishing a community radio station that would cover the area around Peshawar up to Jalalabad and Kabul in Afghanistan. This project is supported by German donor FeST. Another option is an internet and radio facility in ARIC, Peshawar. From their home page http.www.geocities.com/mstanikzai/mainfile/Intotoa.htm we quote: Objective ARIC aims to collect documents generated by all members of the NGO community and from the UN system working for Afghanistan. It then disseminates information about these materials throughout the aid community and to interested parties in Pakistan and abroad, including donors and academic institutions. Contents The ARIC Collection contains books, reports, maps, newspapers, journals, periodicals, posters, pamphlets, and a rare collection of the Mujahideen press, bibliographies, videos and audiocassettes. Many documents relate to NGO and UN agency reports and surveys. Specific subjects include analytical and descriptive writings on health, education, agriculture, veterinary sciences and animal husbandry, women, children, law, music, folklore and archaeology, history, political science, monuments, literature, language and other aspects of cultural heritage. ARIC is also the depository for the minutes of ACBAR sectoral and regional meetings. (ACBAR is the Agency Coordinating Body for Afghan Relief, website http.www.afghan-resources.com.pk ARIC BOX LIBRARY EXTENSION (ABLE) ARIC extended its services inside Afghanistan in 1996. By 1999 there were 31 mobile libraries operating in 22 out of 32 provinces, with a total of some 10,000 books. Other agencies following the ABLE model have also placed libraries in villages, district centers and provincial capitals. The number grows steadily and there are now some 400 libraries spread throughout Afghanistan. The subjects range from technical works on health, including mother-child care, to agriculture and animal welfare; Islam; history, poetry and literature toy making and a variety of vocational subjects such as carpentry and masonry. The aim is not only to provide instructional materials but also to spread the word that reading is entertaining. Jurjen van der Tas, program officer Central-Asia of NOVIB is investigating if ARIC is willing and able to host a node of Radio Readflute. Access to these facilities and services would be open to: - the staff of involved partners - civil society groups in Peshawar, NGO's and community organisations - the public: ordinary people who wish to use communication facilities (email, fax, web surfing). E.g. people who wish to contact family members abroad, students, artists, (re-)emerging entrepreneurs, etc. - ex-pats, foreign aid workers, journalists, researchers - special hours of free internet access and training for specific groups (recovering mine victims, children, groups nominated by local organisations) content: The purpose of Radio Reedflute and of the various nodes is to produce and distribute radio programming. Internet makes it possible to collect input without borders in a cheap way. The content would be produced by a local editorial team, to be recruited by the local partners. each node will have its own characteristics according to location and partners in their situation. Radio production aimed at literate and illitarate audiences in and from Afghanistan is a basic aim of radio reed Flute. But with the same technical facilities other products can be developed: web sites, mailing-lists, Audio CD production, publishing, etc. a prototype in The Netherlands a challenge for diaspora Again, a node, in our conceptis a place that offers internet access and tools for radio production. Some four or five prototype nodes are now being developed in several places in the Netherlands. Each node has internet connectivity, (some broadband), CD writer (for Audio CD's and CD-roms), a printer, a telephone connection. The internet connection supports streams (dynamic audio signals broadcast via the internet) allowing Reed Fluters to send and receive audio/radio peer to peer and also broadcast to up to 900 listeners on-line. Thus each node is a production place and virtual radio station for radio journalists. Audiofiles or live streams can be picked up from the web site and relayed on various ether frequencies around the globe (short wave, community radio, "official" radio). On-line listeners need a computer with sound card and internet access. The working title of this radiostation on internet is Radio Reed Flute. It is a musical instrument, a brilliant poem by Molana Djalal eddine Roemi written in the 13th centry and it is a song that was played every morning on the radio in Aghanistan. It's a song known to every Afghan, because that's what you woke up with or played as a sheppard. Qader Shafiq, community worker and writer from Kabul and living in Nijmegen plays a key role in defining this a project as culturally open and emancipatory, inclusive and respectful. He is collecting contributors in the Netherlands and Germany for a variety of columns, informations, music, poetry and stories. Nasir Rahim, also from Kabul, is a producer of a local radio and TV programs for Afghans (RTV Asmai). The editors and contributors are mostly Afghans who live and work in the Netherlands and share an urge to do something for their country and people. They are already producing content relevant to the reconstruction of Afghanistan. We have contacted interested persons in New York and California ond offered them to link with this networking concept. Radio Reed Flute is to be an environment for people to meet eachother, to reach out and to relieve the Afghans and all those that share a compassion for their plight. http://www.xs4all.nl/~jo planning and time line december 2001- january 2002 identifying partners defining project details 10 day visit to Pkistan and possibly Afghanistan to meet with partners draft a definite plan, organizational framework and budget proposal testing technical infrastructure web site construction february - may 2002 implementation of first 3 nodes in Peshawar, the Netherlands training and workshops with local editors, journalists nd technicians project developers Zubair Faisal Abbasi, journalist and development consultant in Islamabad Nasir Rahim, student and radimaker with local Radio Asmai in Amsterdam Qader Shafiq q.shafiq at planet.nl, writer and community worker in Nijmegen Jo van der Spek jo at xs4all.nl, radio journalist and tactical media consultant in Amsterdam Chris Swart gris at saloon.dhs.org, programmer and tools developer in Budapest and Amsterdam interested partners in Pakistan Afghan Women Council, (AWC) was formed in mid-1993. Composed solely of Afghan women, including doctors, teachers and university lecturers, the AWC is headed by Fatana Gilani. Its aim is to provide educational and health facilities to Afghan children and women in the refugee areas, and to train Afghan women in the area of women's rights within the framework of Afghanistan's religious and cultural traditions. It maintains a well-organized school and a mother-and-child health clinic in Peshawar, Pakistan, as well as a hospital and a clinic in Kabul. contacts: Zia Habibi , Dr. Afifa (AWC- health), Ms. Nadia SDNP, Sustainable Development Networking Programme http://www.isb.sdnpk.org/ University of Peshawar, department of journalism Radio Pakistan interested partners in the Netherlands Global Ministries of the Uniting Churches in the Netherlands (Kerken in Actie), Evert van Bodegom NOVIB, Jurjen van der Tas SFO-CAF, Communication Assistance Foundation "A world without walls needs windows nor gates" (anonymous Linux developer) Amsterdam December 2001 --- content Among the Afghan diaspora and the serious observers there is a well based trust towards new transitional government, because of the bad records of many of its constituants, the socalled broad government is based on military logic, not on democratic or humanitarian logic. In this situation the civil soiety can be expected to be critical if not opposed to the government. If it is true that civil society in Afghanistan can not rely on authorities to respect their independance and may therefore be hampered in some of its operations, then they may seek (more) support and protection from external agents. However we feel that a complete dependance on external support and aid might lead on the long run to another form of "clientelism". That is why we hope to create a structure in which a board or team of content managers/editors consisting of a majority of Afghans that will decide the agenda, editorial policy and development of related projects and collaborations of this project. A process of networking, consultations and workshops should build the capacity for a smooth and quick hand over to this board. This process is already under way in the Netherlands. The content is to be culturally open-minded and emancipatory. The attitude is to be inclusive and respectful, looking for means to connect, finding common ground, confronting tradition with compassion, presenting modernity with humility, emanating curiosity, more personal than political, eagerness to learn, create, change The principal purpose is bridging the distance between diaspora, generations and between urban and country side. Education (distribution of educational material and software), cultural expression (poetry, music, story telling) and direct secure communication between distant relatives are the main targets at this stage. Another matter for consideration is whether Radio Reedflute, through its various channels, will be able to provide accurate and non-partisan news and information. This would require the involvement of journalists, and possibly seeking collaboration and linkage with other souces (e.g. BBC Worldservice, Pashto and Dari department, but also a selection of afghan websites, links to relevant sites on Human Rights, Health Matters, gender issues, legal matters, etc. This will probably require a program of training and exchange to attain certain professional and ethical standards. Jo van der Spek, radio journalist, program maker & tactical media consultant H. Seghersstraat 46 1072 LZ Amsterdam, the Netherlands tel. +31.20.6718027 mob. +31.6.51069318 jo at xs4all.nl http://www.xs4all.nl/~jo ************************************** better a complex identity than an identity complex ------------------------------------------------------- From patrice at sarai.net Mon Dec 10 19:23:20 2001 From: patrice at sarai.net (Patrice Riemens) Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 19:23:20 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] LOL: Is your son *obsessed* with "Lunix"? (sic)..... Message-ID: <01121019232000.06656@janta7.sarai.kit> Enjoy! (and sorry for formatting glitches due to C+P) Is Your Son a Computer Hacker? By T Reginald Gibbons Posted on Sun Dec 2nd, 2001 at 11:00:21 AM PST As an enlightened, modern parent, I try to be as involved as possible in the lives of my six children. I encourage them to join team sports. I attend their teen parties with them to ensure no drinking or alcohol is on the premises. I keep a fatherly eye on the CDs they listen to and the shows they watch, the company they keep and the books they read. You could say I'm a model parent. My children have never failed to make me proud, and I can say without the slightest embellishment that I have the finest family in the USA. Two years ago, my wife Carol and I decided that our children's education would not be complete without some grounding in modern computers. To this end, we bought our children a brand new Compaq to learn with. The kids had a lot of fun using the handful of application programs we'd bought, such as Adobe's Photoshop and Microsoft's Word, and my wife and I were pleased that our gift was received so well. Our son Peter was most entranced by the device, and became quite a pro at surfing the net. When Peter began to spend whole days on the machine, I became concerned, but Carol advised me to calm down, and that it was only a passing phase. I was content to bow to her experience as a mother, until our youngest daughter, Cindy, charged into the living room one night to blurt out: "Peter is a computer hacker!" As you can imagine, I was amazed. A computer hacker in my own house! I began to monitor my son's habits, to make certain that Cindy wasn't just telling stories, as she is prone to doing at times. After a few days of investigation, and some research into computer hacking, I confronted Peter with the evidence. I'm afraid to say, this was the only time I have ever been truly disappointed in one of my children. We raised them to be honest and to have integrity, and Peter betrayed the principles we tried to encourage in him, when he refused point blank to admit to his activities. His denials continued for hours, and in the end, I was left with no choice but to ban him from using the computer until he is old enough to be responsible for his actions. After going through this ordeal with my own family, I was left pondering how I could best help others in similar situations. I'd gained a lot of knowledge over those few days regarding hackers. It's only right that I provide that information to other parents, in the hope that they will be able to tell if their children are being drawn into the world of hacking. Perhaps other parents will be able to steer their sons back onto the straight and narrow before extreme measures need to be employed. To this end, I have decided to publish the top ten signs that your son is a hacker. I advise any parents to read this list carefully and if their son matches the profile, they should take action. A smart parent will first try to reason with their son, before resorting to groundings, or even spanking. I pride myself that I have never had to spank a child, and I hope this guide will help other parents to put a halt to their son's misbehaviour before a spanking becomes necessary. 1. Has your son asked you to change ISPs? Most American families use trusted and responsible Internet Service Providers, such as AOL. These providers have a strict "No Hacking" policy, and take careful measures to ensure that your internet experience is enjoyable, educational and above all legal. If your child is becoming a hacker, one of his first steps will be to request a change to a more hacker friendly provider. I would advise all parents to refuse this request. One of the reasons your son is interested in switching providers is to get away from AOL's child safety filter. This filter is vital to any parent who wants his son to enjoy the internet without the endangering him through exposure to "adult" content. It is best to stick with the protection AOL provides, rather than using a home-based solution. If your son is becoming a hacker, he will be able to circumvent any home-based measures with surprising ease, using information gleaned from various hacker sites. 2. Are you finding programs on your computer that you don't remember installing? Your son will probably try to install some hacker software. He may attempt to conceal the presence of the software in some way, but you can usually find any new programs by reading through the programs listed under "Install/Remove Programs" in your control panel. Popular hacker software includes "Comet Cursor", "Bonzi Buddy" and "Flash". The best option is to confront your son with the evidence, and force him to remove the offending programs. He will probably try to install the software again, but you will be able to tell that this is happening, if your machine offers to "download" one of the hacker applications. If this happens, it is time to give your son a stern talking to, and possibly consider punishing him with a grounding. 3. Has your child asked for new hardware? Computer hackers are often limited by conventional computer hardware. They may request "faster" video cards, and larger hard drives, or even more memory. If your son starts requesting these devices, it is possible that he has a legitimate need. You can best ensure that you are buying legal, trustworthy hardware by only buying replacement parts from your computer's manufacturer. If your son has requested a new "processor" from a company called "AMD", this is genuine cause for alarm. AMD is a third-world based company who make inferior, "knock-off" copies of American processor chips. They use child labor extensively in their third world sweatshops, and they deliberately disable the security features that American processor makers, such as Intel, use to prevent hacking. AMD chips are never sold in stores, and you will most likely be told that you have to order them from internet sites. Do not buy this chip! This is one request that you must refuse your son, if you are to have any hope of raising him well. 4. Does your child read hacking manuals? If you pay close attention to your son's reading habits, as I do, you will be able to determine a great deal about his opinions and hobbies. Children are at their most impressionable in the teenage years. Any father who has had a seventeen year old daughter attempt to sneak out on a date wearing make up and perfume is well aware of the effect that improper influences can have on inexperienced minds. There are, unfortunately, many hacking manuals available in bookshops today. A few titles to be on the lookout for are: "Snow Crash" and "Cryptonomicon" by Neal Stephenson; "Neuromancer" by William Gibson; "Programming with Perl" by Timothy O'Reilly; "Geeks" by Jon Katz; "The Hacker Crackdown" by Bruce Sterling; "Microserfs" by Douglas Coupland; "Hackers" by Steven Levy; and "The Cathedral and the Bazaar" by Eric S. Raymond. If you find any of these hacking manuals in your child's possession, confiscate them immediately. You should also petition local booksellers to remove these titles from their shelves. You may meet with some resistance at first, but even booksellers have to bow to community pressure. 5. How much time does your child spend using the computer each day? If your son spends more than thirty minutes each day on the computer, he may be using it to DOS other peoples sites. DOSing involves gaining access to the "command prompt" on other people's machines, and using it to tie up vital internet services. This can take up to eight hours. If your son is doing this, he is breaking the law, and you should stop him immediately. The safest policy is to limit your children's access to the computer to a maximum of forty-five minutes each day. 6. Does your son use Quake? Quake is an online virtual reality used by hackers. It is a popular meeting place and training ground, where they discuss hacking and train in the use of various firearms. Many hackers develop anti-social tendencies due to the use of this virtual world, and it may cause erratic behaviour at home and at school. If your son is using Quake, you should make hime understand that this is not acceptable to you. You should ensure all the firearms in your house are carefully locked away, and have trigger locks installed. You should also bring your concerns to the attention of his school. 7. Is your son becoming argumentative and surly in his social behaviour? As a child enters the electronic world of hacking, he may become disaffected with the real world. He may lose the ability to control his actions, or judge the rightness or wrongness of a course of behaviour. This will manifest itself soonest in the way he treats others. Those whom he disagrees with will be met with scorn, bitterness, and even foul language. He may utter threats of violence of a real or electronic nature. Even when confronted, your son will probably find it difficult to talk about this problem to you. He will probably claim that there is no problem, and that you are imagining things. He may tell you that it is you who has the problem, and you should "back off" and "stop smothering him." Do not allow yourself to be deceived. You are the only chance your son has, even if he doesn't understand the situation he is in. Keep trying to get through to him, no matter how much he retreats into himself. 8. Is your son obsessed with "Lunix"? BSD, Lunix, Debian and Mandrake are all versions of an illegal hacker operation system, invented by a Soviet computer hacker named Linyos Torovoltos, before the Russians lost the Cold War. It is based on a program called "xenix", which was written by Microsoft for the US government. These programs are used by hackers to break into other people's computer systems to steal credit card numbers. They may also be used to break into people's stereos to steal their music, using the "mp3" program. Torovoltos is a notorious hacker, responsible for writing many hacker programs, such as "telnet", which is used by hackers to connect to machines on the internet without using a telephone. Your son may try to install "lunix" on your hard drive. If he is careful, you may not notice its presence, however, lunix is a capricious beast, and if handled incorrectly, your son may damage your computer, and even break it completely by deleting Windows, at which point you will have to have your computer repaired by a professional. If you see the word "LILO" during your windows startup (just after you turn the machine on), your son has installed lunix. In order to get rid of it, you will have to send your computer back to the manufacturer, and have them fit a new hard drive. Lunix is extremely dangerous software, and cannot be removed without destroying part of your hard disk surface. 9. Has your son radically changed his appearance? If your son has undergone a sudden change in his style of dress, you may have a hacker on your hands. Hackers tend to dress in bright, day-glo colors. They may wear baggy pants, bright colored shirts and spiky hair dyed in bright colors to match their clothes. They may take to carrying "glow-sticks" and some wear pacifiers around their necks. (I have no idea why they do this) There are many such hackers in schools today, and your son may have started to associate with them. If you notice that your son's group of friends includes people dressed like this, it is time to think about a severe curfew, to protect him from dangerous influences. 10. Is your son struggling academically? If your son is failing courses in school, or performing poorly on sports teams, he may be involved in a hacking group, such as the infamous "Otaku" hacker association. Excessive time spent on the computer, communicating with his fellow hackers may cause temporary damage to the eyes and brain, from the electromagnetic radiation. This will cause his marks to slip dramatically, particularly in difficult subjects such as Math, and Chemistry. In extreme cases, over-exposure to computer radiation can cause schizophrenia, meningitis and other psychological diseases. Also, the reduction in exercise may cause him to lose muscle mass, and even to start gaining weight. For the sake of your child's mental and physical health, you must put a stop to his hacking, and limit his computer time drastically. I encourage all parents to read through this guide carefully. Your child's future may depend upon it. Hacking is an illegal and dangerous activity, that may land your child in prison, and tear your family apart. It cannot be taken too seriously. From stopby at bigfoot.com Mon Dec 10 19:51:29 2001 From: stopby at bigfoot.com (stopby at bigfoot.com) Date: 10 Dec 2001 19:21:29 +0500 Subject: [Reader-list] Subrata Mitra Message-ID: <200112101346.OAA25842@zelda.intra.waag.org> Subrata Mitra, who photographed the Apu Trilogy (1955-1959) and worked with Satyajit Ray till Charulata (1964) passed away in Kolkata last Friday, 7 December. A friend tells me that the film industry there didn't stop work that day and in Chennai, where I live, I haven't seen a public obituary notice as yet. For the past few years, Subrata was doing something that he always loved, teaching and working with young filmmakers at the Satyajit Ray Film & Television Institute in Kolkata. Subrata is credited with having pioneered techniques - born out of necessity - that were later used by people like Raoul Coutard in the French New Wave period. He was greatly respected both internationally and here and had a large number of disciples. He didn't do...or perhaps get...that much work though, partly because he had a reputation for being difficult, like insisting that Indira Gandhi herself stand in while he took a light reading for a shot of her. Subrata belonged to a band of people, working from the 40-s to the 80-s, whose aesthetics, sensiblities and techniques absorbed the spirit of the public spaces they inhabited - in this case, the street corners, coffee houses and middleclass dwellings of Kolkata. Now that these spaces themselves are being dismantled, I don't suppose there is any possibility of the reverse happening. Dhritiman Chaterji From monica at sarai.net Tue Dec 11 13:06:02 2001 From: monica at sarai.net (Monica Narula) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 13:06:02 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] National norm for language computing Message-ID: From CDAC (Centre for the Development of advanced Computing, India) website, although it must be said that that they have been working on this for many years by now! National norm for language computing gets on its way Dated December 04, 2001 Economic Times The ten-year-old problem of lack of standards in Indian language computing is moving towards a solution. The Language Technology Consortium formed a year ago by MAIT, with representatives from the IT industry, making some headway at last in evolving a National Standard for Font Layouts and Character Encoding. Ironically, the "national" standard may have to co-exist with the international standard, which is based on an earlier version of what would be the national standard! To date, growth of computing in Indian languages has been retarded due to adhoc standards and proliferation of proprietary software. Consumers have been taken for a ride, as the multiple packages in use simply don't talk to each other. Representatives from leaders in the segment like Modular Infotech, Summit Infotech, TVS Finance, IT giants like Microsoft and IBM and representatives from the government including the Centre for Development of Advanced Computing (C-DAC) and National Centre for Software Technology have drafted a layout for Devanagari (used in Hindi, Marathi, Konkani and Sanskrit) and Gujarati. The Devanagari draft has been referred to the Ministry of Information Technology and expert opinions from state governments are awaited. A similar exercise is on for Malyalam and Punjabi as well. When the drafts are finalized they would be put on the MAIT website, to elicit public opinion before announcing them as the National Standard for Font Layout. However, the national standard, in itself, may not be the answer to problems of language computing as it is likely to co-exist with Unicode - an international standard which has changed alphabetical order, omitted some characters, included unused ones and does not have currency signs. As Mr. M.N. Cooper, Joint MD, Modular Infotech says, "Our effort is mainly to revisit the Indian Script Standard Code for Information Interchange (ISCII) of '91 and make further improvements." -- Monica Narula Sarai:The New Media Initiative 29 Rajpur Road, Delhi 110 054 www.sarai.net From rana_dasgupta at yahoo.com Tue Dec 11 14:13:17 2001 From: rana_dasgupta at yahoo.com (Rana Dasgupta) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 00:43:17 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Reader-list] Quaid-e-Azam University Professor on Muslims and the West post 9/11 Message-ID: <20011211084317.35640.qmail@web14605.mail.yahoo.com> MUSLIMS AND THE WEST AFTER 11 SEPTEMBER Pervez Hoodbhoy America has exacted blood revenge for the Twin Towers. A million Afghans have fled US bombs into the cold wastelands and face starvation. B-52s have blown the Taliban to bits and changed Mullah Omar�s roar of defiance into a pitiful squeak for surrender. Osama bin Laden is on the run (he may be dead by the time this article reaches the reader). But even as the champagne pops in the White House, America remains fearful � for good reason. Subsequent to September 11th we have all begun to live in a different, more dangerous world. Now is the time to ask why. Like clinical pathologists, we need to scientifically examine the sickness of human behavior impelling terrorists to fly airliners filled with passengers into skyscrapers. We also need to understand why millions celebrate as others die. In the absence of such an understanding there remains only the medieval therapy of exorcism; for the strong to literally beat the devil out of the weak. Indeed, the Grand Exorcist � disdainful of international law and the growing nervousness of even its close allies � prepares a new hit list of other Muslim countries needing therapy: Iraq, Somalia, and Libya. We shall kill at will, is the message. This will not work. Terrorism does not have a military solution. Soon � I fear perhaps very soon � there will be still stronger, more dramatic proof. In the modern age, technological possibilities to wreak enormous destruction are limitless. Anger, when intense enough, makes small stateless groups, and even individuals, extremely dangerous. Anger is ubiquitous in the Islamic world today. Allow me to share a small personal experience. On September 12th I had a seminar scheduled at the department of physics in my university in Islamabad, part of a weekly seminar for physics students on topics outside of physics. Though traumatized by events, I could not cancel the seminar because sixty people had already arrived, so I said, �We will have our seminar today on a new subject: on yesterday�s terrorist attacks�. The response was negative, some were mindlessly rejoicing the attacks. One student said, �You can't call this terrorism.� Another said, �Are you only worried because it is Americans who have died?� It took two hours of sustained, impassioned, argumentation to convince the students that the brutal killing of ordinary people, who had nothing to do with the policies of the United States, was an atrocity. I suppose that millions of Muslim students the world over felt as mine did, but probably heard no counter-arguments. If the world is to be spared what future historians may call the �Century of Terror�, we will have to chart the perilous course between the Scylla of American imperial arrogance and the Charybdis of Islamic religious fanaticism. Through these waters, we must steer by a distant star towards a careful, reasoned, democratic, humanistic, and secular future. Else, shipwreck is certain. INJURED INNOCENCE �Why do they hate us?�, asks George W. Bush. This rhetorical question betrays the pathetic ignorance of most Americans about the world around them. Moreover, its claim to an injured innocence cannot withstand even the most cursory examination of US history. For almost forty years, this �naivet�nd self-righteousness� has been challenged most determinedly by Noam Chomsky. As early as 1967, he pointed that the idea that �our� motives are pure and �our� actions benign is �nothing new in American intellectual history � or, for that matter, in the general history of imperialist apologia�. Muslim leaders have mirrored America�s claim and have asked the same question of the West. They have had little to say about 11 September that makes sense to people outside their communities. Although they speak endlessly on rules of personal hygiene and �halal� or �haram�, they cannot even tell us whether or not the suicide bombers violated Islamic laws. According to the Virginia-based (and largely Saudi-funded) Fiqh Council's chairman, Dr. Taha Jabir Alalwani, �this kind of question needs a lot of research and we don't have that in our budget.� Fearful of backlash, most leaders of Muslim communities in the US, Canada, and Europe have responded in predictable ways to the Twin Towers atrocity. This has essentially two parts: first, that Islam is a religion of peace; and second, that Islam was hijacked by fanatics on the 11th of September 2001. They are wrong on both counts. First, Islam � like Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism, or any other religion � is not about peace. Nor is it about war. Every religion is about absolute belief in its own superiority and the divine right to impose itself upon others. In medieval times, both the Crusades and the Jihads were soaked in blood. Today, Christian fundamentalists attack abortion clinics in the US and kill doctors; Muslim fundamentalists wage their sectarian wars against each other; Jewish settlers holding the Old Testament in one hand, and Uzis in the other, burn olive orchards and drive Palestinians off their ancestral land; Hindus in India demolish ancient mosques and burn down churches; Sri Lankan Buddhists slaughter Tamil separatists. The second assertion is even further off the mark. Even if Islam had, in some metaphorical sense, been hijacked, that event did not occur on 11 September 2001. It happened around the 13th century. A quick look around us readily shows Islam has yet to recover from the trauma of those times. A DISMAL PRESENT Where do Muslims stand today? Note that I do not ask about Islam; Islam is an abstraction. Moulana Abdus Sattar Edhi and Mullah Omar are both followers of Islam, but the former is overdue for a Nobel peace prize while the other is a medieval, ignorant, psychotic fiend. Edward Said, among others, has insistently pointed out, Islam carries very different meaning to different people. It is as heterogeneous as those who believe and practice it. There is no �true Islam�. Therefore it only makes sense to speak of people who claim that faith. Today Muslims number one billion, spread over 48 Muslim countries. None of these has yet evolved a stable democratic political system. In fact all Muslim countries are dominated by self-serving corrupt elites who cynically advance their personal interests and steal resources from their people. No Muslim country has a viable educational system or a university of international stature. Reason too has been waylaid. To take some examples from my own experience. You will seldom encounter a Muslim name as you flip through scientific journals, and if you do the chances are that this person lives in the West. There are a few exceptions: Abdus Salam, together with Steven Weinberg and Sheldon Glashow, won the Nobel Prize for Physics in 1979 for the unification of the weak and electromagnetic forces. I got to know Salam reasonably well � we even wrote a book preface together. He was a remarkable man, terribly in love with his country and his religion. And yet he died deeply unhappy, scorned by his country and excommunicated from Islam by an act of the Pakistani parliament in 1974. Today the Ahmadi sect, to which Salam belonged, is considered heretical and harshly persecuted. (My next-door neighbor, an Ahmadi, was shot in the neck and heart and died in my car as I drove him to the hospital. His only fault was to have been born in the wrong sect.) Though genuine scientific achievement is rare in the contemporary Muslim world, pseudo-science is in generous supply. A former chairman of my department has calculated the speed of Heaven: it is receding from the earth at one centimeter per second less than the speed of light. His ingenious method relies upon a verse in the Qur'an which says that worship on the night on which the Qur'an was revealed, is worth a thousand nights of ordinary worship. He states that this amounts to a time-dilation factor of one thousand, which he puts into a formula belonging to Einstein�s theory of special relativity. A more public example: one of two Pakistani nuclear engineers recently arrested on suspicion of passing nuclear secrets to the Taliban had earlier proposed to solve Pakistan's energy problems by harnessing the power of genies. The Qur'an says that God created man from clay, and angels and genies from fire; so this highly placed engineer proposed to capture the genies and extract their energy. (The reader may wish to read the rather acrimonious public correspondence between Sultan Bashiruddin Mahmood and myself in 1988 on this subject, reproduced in my book �Islam and Science � Religious Orthodoxy And The Battle For Rationality�, published in 1991). A BRILLIANT PAST THAT VANISHED Today�s sorry situation contrasts starkly with the Islam of yesterday. Between the 9th and the 13th centuries � the Golden Age of Islam � the only people doing decent science, philosophy, or medicine were Muslims. For five straight centuries they alone kept the light of learning ablaze. Muslims not only preserved ancient learning, they also made substantial innovations and extensions. The loss of this tradition has proved tragic for Muslim peoples. Science flourished in the Golden Age of Islam because there was within Islam a strong rationalist tradition, carried on by a group of Muslim thinkers known as the Mutazilites. This tradition stressed human free will, strongly opposing the predestinarians who taught that everything was foreordained and that humans have no option but surrender everything to Allah. While the Mutazilites held political power, knowledge grew. But in the twelfth century Muslim orthodoxy reawakened, spearheaded by the cleric Imam Al-Ghazali. Al-Ghazali championed revelation over reason, predestination over free will. He refuted the possibility of relating cause to effect, teaching that man cannot know or predict what will happen; God alone can. He damned mathematics as against Islam, an intoxicant of the mind that weakened faith. Held in the vice-like grip of orthodoxy, Islam choked. No longer, as during the reign of the dynamic caliph Al-Mamum and the great Haroon Al-Rashid, would Muslim, Christian, and Jewish scholars gather and work together in the royal courts. It was the end of tolerance, intellect, and science in the Muslim world. The last great Muslim thinker, Abd-al Rahman ibn Khaldun, belonged to the 14th century. ISLAM UNDER IMPERIALISM Meanwhile, the rest of the world moved on. The Renaissance brought an explosion of scientific inquiry in the West. This owed much to Arab translations and other Muslim contributions, but it was to matter little. Mercantile capitalism and technological progress drove Western countries to rapidly colonize the Muslim world from Indonesia to Morocco. Always brutal, at times genocidal, it changed the shape of the world. It soon became clear, at least to a part of the Muslim elites, that they were paying a heavy price for not possessing the analytical tools of modern science and the social and political values of modern culture � the real source of power of their colonizers. Despite widespread resistance from the orthodox, the logic of modernity found 19th century Muslim adherents. Modernizers such as Mohammed Abduh and Rashid Rida of Egypt, Sayyed Ahmad Khan of India, and Jamaluddin Afghani (who belonged everywhere), wished to adapt Islam to the times, interpret the Qur�an in ways consistent with modern science, and discard the Hadith (ways of the Prophet) in favour of the Qur�an. Others seized on the modern idea of the nation-state. It is crucial to note that not a single Muslim nationalist leader of the 20th century was a fundamentalist. Turkey's Kemal Ataturk, Algeria's Ahmed Ben Bella, Indonesia's Sukarno, Pakistan's Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Iran's Mohammed Mosaddeq all sought to organize their societies on the basis of secular values. However, Muslim and Arab nationalism, part of a larger anti-colonial nationalist current across the Third World, included the desire to control and use national resources for domestic benefit. The conflict with Western greed was inevitable. The imperial interests of Britain, and later the United States, feared independent nationalism. Anyone willing to collaborate was preferred, even the ultraconservative Islamic regime of Saudi Arabia. In time, as the Cold War pressed in, nationalism became intolerable. In 1953, Mosaddeq of Iran was overthrown in a CIA coup, replaced by Reza Shah Pahlavi. Britain targeted Nasser. Indonesia's Sukarno was replaced by Suharto after a bloody coup that left a million dead. Pressed from outside, corrupt and incompetent from within, secular governments proved unable to defend national interests or deliver social justice. They began to frustrate democracy. These failures left a vacuum which Islamic religious movements grew to fill. After the fall of the Shah, Iran underwent a bloody revolution under Ayatollah Khomeini. General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq ruled Pakistan for eleven hideous years and strove to Islamize both state and society. In Sudan an Islamic state arose under Jaafar al-Nimeiry; amputation of hands and limbs became common. Decades ago the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was the most powerful Palestinian organization, and largely secular. After its defeat in 1982 in Beirut, it was largely eclipsed by Hamas, a fundamentalist Muslim movement. The lack of scruple and the pursuit of power by the United States combined fatally with this tide in the Muslim world in 1979, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. With Pakistan's Zia-ul-Haq as America's foremost ally, the CIA advertised for, and openly recruited, Islamic holy warriors from Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Algeria. Radical Islam went into overdrive as its superpower ally and mentor funneled support to the mujahideen, and Ronald Reagan feted them on the lawn of White House, lavishing praise on �brave freedom fighters challenging the Evil Empire�. After the Soviet Union collapsed the United States walked away from an Afghanistan in shambles, its own mission accomplished. The Taliban emerged; Osama bin Laden and his Al-Qaeda made Afghanistan their base. Other groups of holy warriors learned from the Afghan example and took up arms in their own countries. At least until 11 September, US policy makers were unrepentant. A few years ago, Carter�s U.S. national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski was asked by the Paris weekly Nouvel Observateur whether in retrospect, given that �Islamic fundamentalism represents a world menace today�, US policy might have been a mistake. Brzezinski retorted: What is most important to the history of the world? The Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire? Some stirred-up Moslems or the liberation of Central Europe and the end of the cold war? But Brzezinski�s �stirred up Moslems� wanted to change the world; and in this they were destined to succeed. With this, we conclude our history primer for the 700 years uptil September 11, 2001. FACING THE FUTURE What should thoughtful people infer from this whole narrative? I think the inferences are several � and different for different protagonists. For Muslims, it is time to stop wallowing in self-pity: Muslims are not helpless victims of conspiracies hatched by an all-powerful, malicious West. The fact is that the decline of Islamic greatness took place long before the age of mercantile imperialism. The causes were essentially internal. Therefore Muslims must introspect, and ask what went wrong. Muslims must recognize that their societies are far larger, more diverse and complex than the small homogenous tribal society in Arabia 1400 hundred years ago. It is therefore time to renounce the idea that Islam can survive and prosper only in an Islamic state run according to Islamic �sharia� law. Muslims need a secular and democratic state that respects religious freedom, human dignity, and is founded on the principle that power belongs to the people. This means confronting and rejecting the claim by orthodox Islamic scholars that in an Islamic state sovereignity does not belong to the people but, instead, to the vice-regents of Allah (Khilafat-al-Arz) or Islamic jurists (Vilayat-e-Faqih). Muslims must not look towards the likes of bin Laden; such people have no real answer and can offer no real positive alternative. To glorify their terrorism is a hideous mistake � the unremitting slaughter of Shias, Christians, and Ahmadis in their places of worship in Pakistan, and of other minorities in other Muslim countries, is proof that all terrorism is not about the revolt of the dispossessed. The United States too must confront bitter truths. It is a fact that the messages of George W. Bush and Tony Blair fall flat while those of Osama bin Laden, whether he lives or dies, resonate strongly across the Muslim world. Bin Laden�s religious extremism turns off many Muslims, but they find his political message easy to relate to � stop the dispossession of the Palestinians, stop propping up corrupt and despotic regimes across the world just because they serve US interests. Americans will also have to accept that the United States is past the peak of its imperial power; the 50�s and 60�s are gone for good. Its triumphalism and disdain for international law is creating enemies everywhere, not just among Muslims. Therefore they must become less arrogant, and more like other peoples of this world. While the U.S. will remain a superpower for some time to come, it is inevitably going to become less and less �super�. There are compelling economic and military reasons for this. For example, China's economy is growing at 7% percent per year while the U.S. economy is in recession. India, too, is coming up very rapidly. In military terms, superiority in the air or in space is no longer enough to ensure security. In how many countries can US citizens safely walk the streets today? Our collective survival lies in recognizing that religion is not the solution; neither is nationalism. Both are divisive, embedding within us false notions of superiority and arrogant pride that are difficult to erase. We have but one choice: the path of secular humanism, based upon the principles of logic and reason. This alone offers the hope of providing everybody on this globe with the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. -------------------- Pervez Hoodbhoy is professor of nuclear and high-energy physics at Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan . __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Check out Yahoo! Shopping and Yahoo! Auctions for all of your unique holiday gifts! Buy at http://shopping.yahoo.com or bid at http://auctions.yahoo.com From manisha.khosla at bworthsindia.com Tue Dec 11 15:19:25 2001 From: manisha.khosla at bworthsindia.com (Manisha Khosla) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 15:19:25 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] RE: Reader-list digest, Vol 1 #319- Iftar Party (zamrooda) Message-ID: the article by zamrooda had some interesting observations and i wish to add to them. the iftaar parties have become a huge political 'mela', with the obvious purpose of displaying 'secular sensibilities'in order to garner Muslim vote. The practice of visiting religious places like dargahs, temples, mausoleums, churches etc was initiated in a planned manner by India's erstwhile prime minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi in order to grab vote banks and maintain a hegemonic control over Indian polity for nearly 2 decades. This indeed paid, both her and the Congress party, dividends and the benefits of which have obviously been recognised by even parties like the BJP which have also begun hosting iftaars. Another interesting point to note is that while iftaars in Muslim homes are never so lavish as a person breaking the roza(fast) is encouraged to have a light meal and not a feast as this is not beneficial to the digestive system of an individual. Manisha Khosla Legal Editor, Butterworths India, 14th Flr, Vijaya Bldg, 17 Barakhamba Road, New Delhi 110 001 Ph: 373 96 14/15/16 Fax: 332 64 56 From: reader-list-request at sarai.net [mailto:reader-list-request at sarai.net] Sent: 11 December 2001 11:12 To: reader-list at sarai.net Subject: Reader-list digest, Vol 1 #319 - 3 msgs Send Reader-list mailing list submissions to reader-list at sarai.net To subscribe or unsubscribe via the World Wide Web, visit http://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list or, via email, send a message with subject or body 'help' to reader-list-request at sarai.net You can reach the person managing the list at reader-list-admin at sarai.net When replying, please edit your Subject line so it is more specific than "Re: Contents of Reader-list digest..." Today's Topics: 1. Iftar Party (zamrooda) 2. Validity of the UGC-NET Exam for Lecturership to Colleges and Universities (Sagnik Chakravartty) 3. Re: Sagnik's complaint about NET (=?iso-8859-1?q?pratap=20pandey?=) --__--__-- Message: 1 From: zamrooda Reply-To: zamrooda at sarai.net Organization: sarai To: reader-list at sarai.net Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 16:22:18 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Iftar Party Yesterday at a dinner I was innocently asked by my host- When are the iftar parties held? Iftar parties? very frankly I had not heard of anything like this till the time I became aware of the political situation in my country. It was only then that I realised that rozas can and are becoming a way for politicians to attain gains. The cartoon in Times of India (Delhi) this sunday could not have described the term Iftar party in a better way for the common man. Iftar for us was always a time when the family members fasting would come together and break open the days fast. Along with Special food, special attention is paid to the fasting members. Friday is a special day for Muslims and this is one day that my mother wanted to go to the Darga at Nizzamudin to offer some offerings. I happened to accompany her this particular Friday. As we approached the circle near the Humayun Tomb, big boards stating Iftiar party pointing to wards the Tomb zoomed into vision. One could see big fancy cars entering the complex accompanied by security's cars. It was beyond doubt that this was another of the big Iftiar parties being sponsored by a big man of the city. The Darga was packed with all kinds of food stalls. The aroma of the food was overwhelming. Each person was waiting for the gong which will be the signal for people to break their fast. Inside the Darga people of different classes were gathered together to break the fast. Trays laden with food were being circulated around the Darga. the Khadims who would normally hound the people visiting the Darga were today seen serving .No questions asked. All were welcomed. The siren went off and the fast was broken. Soon after Azan calling people for Nimaaz was heard. Prayers were offered collectively. As the prayers were being workers of the Darga silently cleaned the place clean of all the left overs. As soon as people got over with their prayers the Quawwalis for the evening took over the buzz of the Darga. Slowly people left for their houses. As we approached our car to go to our recluse one noticed a chaos at the entrance. A mammoth sized car with people in white khaadi was trying to reverse. No doubt they had come to the wrong venue. --__--__-- Message: 2 Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 05:46:52 -0800 (PST) From: Sagnik Chakravartty To: reader-list at sarai.net Subject: [Reader-list] Validity of the UGC-NET Exam for Lecturership to Colleges and Universities Only Criteria For Lecturership in Universities and Colleges: Passing the National Educational Test (NET) conducted by the University Grants Commission !!!!! SAGNIK CHAKRAVARTTY At the time of independence, we inherited the colonial university system. At that time, there was no exams held for appointments as lecturers in universities and colleges which is sadly being done today. This exam is the NET exam. At that time, only committed persons with a passion towards teaching used to come to this profession. With the passage of time, however, things began to change. The number of qualified persons applying in colleges and universities began to increase with the growing population. The University Grants Commission (UGC), in charge of giving grants to colleges and universities and also the authority for recognizing degrees, in the early eighties, began to think of introducing a test to fix the eligibility of lecturership in colleges. Thus the NET from 1989 was introduced. The UGC thought that by holding such an exam, standards of lecturership could be restored as it claimed that persons, although qualified, with no academic pursuit or inclination to teaching, were being appointed as lecturers by the selection committees. So the UGC wanted to make the selection process stringent by making NET cleared as the essential requisite for appointment as college lecturers. Also, what was seen at that time, was the growing demand for teaching posts. However, corresponding increase in teaching posts was not seen. In such a situation, UGC thought it proper to hold the bi-annual NET exam in June and December. However, we have seen that all persons who have cleared the NET exam have not yet got a teaching job in a college. This is so because the number of posts of lecturership in colleges are very scarce with permanent lecturers having being appointed long time ago. Vacancy arises when a retirement of an incumbent lecturer arises. Lecturers are often appointed on a temporary and adhoc basis. At the selection stage, we see lot of nepotism taking place in a number of university colleges, Delhi University, being one example. In such a scenario, we see competition among NET cleared candidates, with persons holding a Ph.D degree from Cambridge who has cleared NET, or an M.Phil. degree holder who has cleared NET, or an internal candidate who has worked in that college for a long time as Adhoc being given preference. Such qualified persons, who have cleared NET are numerous. But only a handful among them get permanent job as lecturer. In such a scenario, with number of teaching posts scarce and the UGC declaring a freeze in teaching posts, we have to examine the validity of the NET exam . I think that NET exam should not be the sole criteria for judging that he/she is a good teacher or a bad teacher. The paper I of NET exam, tests the candidate's reasoning and mental abilities. This Paper is not easy to clear in one go. It needs a lot of hard work, with hours of practice and perseverence. Besides logic, maths problems are also posed in this paper. It is an objective paper with ticking the correct choices. There is a provision that paper I is checked first . Paper II and Paper III scripts of only those candidates are checked whose Paper I is cleared by the computer checker. It is a quite a daunting task to clear Paper I, although it is based on reason and logic. Perhaps, a better alternative to this NET exam may be introduction of a National Lecturership Orientation Course (NLOC) conducted by UGC in all Central and State Universities to churn out good lecturers. The Delhi University Researcher's Association (DURA) is calling for the scrapping of NET exam as it has been observed that many M.Phil and Ph.D scholars cannot apply for college lecturership as they have failed to clear the UGC-NET exam . Perhaps only for giving Junior Research Fellowship (JRF) to young budding scholars, such a test should be held and not for lecturership. Many bright scholars having a passion for teaching just cannot apply as (a) vacancies are limited, (b) due to not clearing the NET exam . In fact, learning is a life long process. Teachers should be those who not only possess good degrees , but they must be inclined to learn all throughout their life and give their knowledge to others. Indeed, there is a great deal of controversy regarding the scrapping of the UGC-NET exam . I have just ignited a spark to this debate. In fact, a good lecturer is one who believes in a dialogue with the student , eternally engaged in the quest for knowledge and has a capacity to debate issues and has an open mind. The NET exam has instilled a sense of competition among the aspirants for teaching in colleges. Teaching should not be seen as a competitive vocation where only the fit get a chance to teach , that is , only those clearing the NET exam get a chance to teach . This is similar to the philosophy of the Survival of the Fittest of Charles Darwin . In fact exams instill notions of superiority and inferiority in the candidate aspiring to be a lecturer. Rather a creative engagement with learning and teaching processes should be undertaken by the UGC through the NLOC. Only those who have taken this course could be called for the Interview . Nobody should be exempted from taking such a course, not even M.Phil or Ph.D holders who have completed their research on or before 1993. Fresh appointments should be of those candidates who have taken this NLOC . The NLOC could be a six-month course. The UGC could appoint an expert committee in reviewing the present exam-centric NET and examine this innovative course. The UGC should also not introduce couses like astrology and priesthood in universities. Rather a scientific, creative temper could be inculcated in the minds of the students taking the NLOC which would further their development as good, complete teachers always immersed in the world of learning and spreading their knowledge to the students. This sort of a relationship between the teacher and the taught could be congenial to the development of higher education. Universities should not be privatised by UGC. Rather it should be a centre for creative research in fundamental knowledges, a place where ideas are exchanged and hot debates take place over cups of coffee. Private agencies manning Universities, as suggested by the Ambani-Birla Report , will not understand this deeper meaning of a University and would convert the university into a polytechnic and treat it as a factory where the students would churn out products for the market. Rather one should review the present examination system which has put brakes on a person's creativity. n this sort of a scenario, the validity of the NET exam has to be scrutinised. The NLOC could act as a very innovative idea . Privatisation of universities would remove the autonomy the Universities enjoy. Vacancies will also be freezed. Rather, we have to make serious efforts to save our universities and create teaching opportunities for the interested youth who want to become teachers. Teaching has to considered the noblest of all professions as it creates the base on which the future India would grow. Teachers teach and spread knowledge to the youth who would become future citizens of India. India is unique because we see that here only NET exam clearance is required for budding aspirants to lecturership in colleges. Nowhere in the world, we see that such a clearance is required. Rather, the selection process is made stringent elsewhere , say, Europe, which ensures merit being given weightage to mediocracy and NET clearance. It is only in a classroom environment that the teacher learns from the students and vice-versa . It is only then , that is, learning through practice, that one becomes or attempts to become a good teacher. Constant interaction helps in the personality of the teacher to grow . The question foremost in one's mind is : Are we producing good lecturers by fixing minimum eligibility for lecturership to that of clearing the NET exam ? Only time will tell about the validity of such an exam. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Send your FREE holiday greetings online! http://greetings.yahoo.com --__--__-- Message: 3 Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 18:24:18 +0000 (GMT) From: =?iso-8859-1?q?pratap=20pandey?= To: reader-list at sarai.net Subject: [Reader-list] Re: Sagnik's complaint about NET Hey Sagnik, It is such an easy exam. All you got to do is get your literature basics clear. Read your history of literature. Read your history. Read your theory. Your complaint is such a common one nowadays that your write-up made me feel sick, and not a little depressed. You are an intelligent person. So, don't use shit like "survival of the fittest" rhetoric to justofy your anxiety about the exam, which I hink hides a deeper trauma: your unbelief that you didn't do your lit. courses well. I'll tell you what I like about the NET Exam. It requires you to know your subject. You know, you should sit outside the IIT-JEE exam centres and protest. Your slogan should be: knowledge is not a niche. You should definitely sit on a fast unto death outside the subject-GRE test centre. Here, your slogan should be: hey, you didn't let me in! Relax, man. Go work. I passed the NET the first time. It was a piece of cake. I slogged for it. Have you? As it is, there are a lot of asshole lecturers who get university and college jobs because they have connections. This exam is a deterrant to university and college mafiosos ruling the roost. You want to put an end to one (very weak, in my opinion) objective criterion that tests the students aptitude towards the subject? You want mistaken-modern India to rule the roost in Indian universities? You want a rash of phone calls from cabinet ministers to university VCs? You want knowledge to die in the name of a mistaken radicalism like yours? Tell you what. You are not only a Sagnik but also a chakravarty, and therefore at least a third-generation literate. Why don't you pay me Rs 300 per session? In 4 months of 3 sessions per week, I will make you NET-compatible. Alternatively, you could get to grips abour your subject. I know you are an intellectual. But the world over, intellectuals crack exams like the Net. Why don't you study, instead of complaining? pratap pandey. bokachoda bangaali aantale, talk to me at pnanpin at yahoo.co.in pp ________________________________________________________________________ For Stock Quotes, Finance News, Insurance, Tax Planners, Mutual Funds... Visit http://in.finance.yahoo.com/ --__--__-- _______________________________________________ Reader-list mailing list Reader-list at sarai.net http://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list End of Reader-list Digest From jimmychoi_kc at hotmail.com Tue Dec 11 15:51:35 2001 From: jimmychoi_kc at hotmail.com (Jimmy Choi Kam Chuen) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 10:21:35 +0000 Subject: [Reader-list] (no subject) Message-ID: An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011211/f11c3b24/attachment.html From rmazumdar at mantraonline.com Tue Dec 11 17:38:47 2001 From: rmazumdar at mantraonline.com (Ranjani Mazumdar) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 17:38:47 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Hollywood after Sept 11 Message-ID: <5.0.2.1.2.20011211173730.01e4f320@del1.mantraonline.com> An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011211/658ed0b5/attachment.html From rmazumdar at mantraonline.com Tue Dec 11 17:53:26 2001 From: rmazumdar at mantraonline.com (Ranjani Mazumdar) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 17:53:26 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Hollywood after September 11 Message-ID: <5.0.2.1.2.20011211175245.00adf3c8@del1.mantraonline.com> An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011211/b365f513/attachment.html From oneworld at del3.vsnl.net.in Tue Dec 11 18:45:42 2001 From: oneworld at del3.vsnl.net.in (Kanti Kumar) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 18:45:42 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] study of successful use of open source in NPs Message-ID: Hello Friends, Forwarding from DDN list. Some of you may be able to help. Thanks. Kanti Kumar Editor, Digital Opportunity Channel OneWorld South Asia 3rd Floor 17 Panchsheel Commcercial Centre New Delhi 110017 Tel: 91-11-6498791, -94, -95 -----Original Message----- From: The DIGITALDIVIDE discussion group [mailto:DIGITALDIVIDE at OWA.BENTON.ORG]On Behalf Of Jayne Cravens Sent: Wednesday, December 05, 2001 6:40 PM To: DIGITALDIVIDE at OWA.BENTON.ORG Subject: [DIGITALDIVIDE] study of successful use of open source in NPs (please cc your comments to Michelle directly; she is not a subscriber to the DDNetwork list) NOSI (the Non Profit Open Source Initiative) is looking for specific case studies of the successful (or unsuccessful) use of open-source software (Linux/BSD, Open Office, Apache, Sendmail, Mozilla etc.) in a non-profit organization. This can be anything from a very small project, to the reworking of an entire infrastructure, and everything in between. Please give us as many details as possible, perils and pitfalls, and lessons learned. Also please indicate whether you personally would be willing to present it at some point (potentially at the round-up, but this is not at all necessary, but we'd like to know), and any other pertinent info (like "please use the case study, but don't include the org's name", or some such instructions like that. ) Also, if folks have specific open-source projects they'd like to showcase, we are working on a list, and feel free to send me mail on those as well. Thanks very much! You can send them directly to me, or post them on the nosi-discussion list (nosi-discussion at nosi.net). .Michelle --------------------------------------- Michelle Murrain, Ph.D. tech at murrain.net AIM:pearlbear0 http://www.murrain.net/ for pgp public key From chaiyah at hotmail.com Tue Dec 11 13:38:32 2001 From: chaiyah at hotmail.com (m emily cragg) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 13:38:32 Subject: [Reader-list] Resettling Afghanistan Message-ID: An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011211/9fc1285f/attachment.html From sagnik_chakravartty at yahoo.com Tue Dec 11 19:37:36 2001 From: sagnik_chakravartty at yahoo.com (Sagnik Chakravartty) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 06:07:36 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Reader-list] Fwd: The killing of Orissa's marginalised must stop. Message-ID: <20011211140736.12381.qmail@web20304.mail.yahoo.com> The killing of Orissa's marginalized must stop. It has become a trend in the state of Orissa to suppress the demands of marginalized sections of adivasis and dalits by using violence against them. Police firing of non-violent protestors is becoming very prevalent and has occured several times in the past years. Support groups of the marginalized people of Orissa request that you write to the Chief Minister in view of the recent firing killing at- least 5 people including 2 women in Orissa. ---------------------------------------------------------------------- ---------- December 2001: On the 30th of October 2001, the armed police of the State of Orissa entered Rengabhati village in the Raigarh police station of Nabarangpur district and opened fire at a gathering of 400 adivasis. Two of them were instantly killed while the third one succumbed to injury in a government hospital the same day. Fifty others were injured by the bullets, four in serious condition. On the 11th of November, the police fired at a non-violent rally of several thousand women who were protesting against against the above mentioned deaths and arbitrary arrests of several others. Two more women were killed in the firing. The past few years have shown repeated occurrence of state controlled violence. One of the earlier incidents of firing was at Majhiguda village in Gajapati District on the 31st of Dec 1999 where eight people including one adivasi woman died in the firing. On December 16th 2000 police opened fire on a non-violent gathering of adivasis in Maikanch village killing three and wounding several others. Several other instances of use of lethal force have occurred and seem to continue unabated. The conflict-ridden blocks of Raigarh and Umorkote have a population, which mainly comprise of adivasis and dalits. While land is the cause of conflict in Raigarh, forest is the main source of contention in Umorkote. The main conflict is over precious resources of forest and land between these dalit and tribal people and refugees from Bangladesh that have been rehabilitated here by the State Government. The settlers have been accused of systematic land grabbing and destruction of forests. The indigenous people have been under constant threat of losing their land and forest resources. Threatened by displacement, illegal land grabbing and complicated social problems, they have been sidelined in any development program that is attempted. Political forces have further complicated the situation by using the settlers as potential vote banks. The state, instead of listening to the demands of the dalit and tribal population, has been using force to repress them. The Raigarh predicament has its origin several decades earlier in some ill-implemented rehabilitation schemes by the government of Orissa. The state of Orissa was given a large amount of funds to help with rehabilitation of Bangladeshi refugees. Land was allocated to refugee settlers paying no attention to existing conditions of the local inhabitants who were primarily dependent on the surrounding forests and their land for livelihood. Umorkote and Malkangiri, which were sub-divisions in the undivided Koraput district, were chosen as the right place for settling the refugees. Umorkote had a thick and dense forest cover enough to sustain the livelihood of the local tribals and dalits for generations to come. The government needed 52500 acres of land to settle 7500 refugee families. However it cleared 270000 acres of forest land - much more than required. Local protests over the loss of the forest and livelihood were suppressed. The settlers were also provided water facilities, seeds for agriculture and other development benefits. They could also get scheduled caste certificates independent of what their original background was. This had a negative impact on the dalits who lost job opportunities available to them. Unequal development opportunities gradually lead to the settlers becoming the dominant economic and social power in the community. Systematic land grabbing by the settlers increased this inequality.Though, each settler's family had been given 7 acres of land it is alleged now that on an average a settler holds 40 to 45 acres of land. Some of them have got as high as 200 acres of land. This has fueled dispute and resentment in the area between the settlers and the original inhabitants. The state has continued to ignore poverty related issues and corruption has been rampant in suppressing the claims of the poorer original inhabitants. Most jobs in the area in schools & anganwadis, gram panchyats, construction, banks and trading now belong to the settlers. The settlers have got easy access to loans in the banks and in turn operate as moneylenders with high interest rates . In some cases they have confiscated the property of the adivasis.. The police and forest officials have been helping them gain access to illegal forest land. They have ignored any complaints from the locals about land grabbing which seems to go on unchecked. The government has been helping the settlers at the cost of the local inhabitants. By following a highly discriminatory policy the state has not only created a divide between the deprived people and the settlers but through years of indifference also perpetuated the divide. The locals have organized themselves in two groups to fight the injustice. In Umorkote they formed the Jungle Surakhya Manch, which has been working on the issue of saving the forest and their livelihoods. In Raigarh a forum called the "Dalit Samaj" is leading the movement against illegal land grabbing. The groups have been able to mobilize more than 100 villages in favor of their demands. The demands included among other things immediate restoration of tribal land in the possession of Bangla settlers, immediate issue of patta (land records) to tribals who have been cultivating forest/government land for generations, end of illegal deforestation, regeneration of forest on regained lands, land to the landless and immediate scrapping of scheduled caste status granted to Bangla settlers. Numerous protests and demands against this discriminatory policy of the union and state government has brought no changes. The movements which were peaceful throughout have now taken a turn for the worse. The efforts to reclaim their land by the tribals and dalits together has not being taken kindly by forces that survive on their exploitation. Two people were shot dead by land grabbers in the presence of the police after an armed mob of 3000 people invaded the dalit village Jambodora on 24th of June 2001. No action has been taken against the main culprits despite a number of rallies and demonstrations organized by the Dalit Samaj after the incident. On Oct 30th Samaru Gand - a dalit went to harvest rice from what was originally his land - now grabbed by the village sarpanch. The police with no provocation from the locals open fire on them leading to 3 deaths. More firing by the police occured on the 11th November of a peaceful rally held by women killing two women. The theme is similar in the Kashipur block of Rayagada district. Here, the Paroja-Kondha adivasis have been resisting a bauxite mining company, which threatens to displace them and completely ruin their livelihood. The state government has done little to address the just demands and needs of these communities and has pushed for forced rehabilitation which will throw these communities out of their homes with no where to go. In both examples, conflict has been caused by gross negligence of the people's right to livelihood and basic human dignity. The state has not given any consideration to the affected people. Chronic negligence, forced displacement, lack of compensation and marginalization of resources have pushed people to starvation and extreme poverty. In each of these areas the affected people have been organizing themselves in groups to be better heard. The state has been opposed to such organizing. To discourage such attempts the state machinery has come down hard on them resorting to violence instead of dialogue. The Kashipur struggle has been a difficult one. The government in return for taxes and royalty gave 2700 hectares of land to a multi- national bauxite mining venture by UAIL (Utkal Alumina International Ltd ) a consortium of Norsk Hydro of Norway, ALCAN of Canada and Hindalco of India. The venture is 100% export oriented. At no stage of the project were the people who owned the land consulted or their participation sought out. The government handed over some of the most precious lands in Orissa without any form of consent from the people owning it. This is against the constitution of India and the "Samatha judgement" which came as an order from the Supreme Court in 1997. The law clearly asks that development take into account local opinion by procuring the acquiescence of the Gram Sabhas (or local councils). This basic issue was repeatedly ignored. More than 2100 families in two dozen villages stand to lose their land, including 370 families who would lose all their lands. The negative impacts of this project go well beyond just the human toll. The local environment will be seriously affected. Hills will be flattened and rains can sweep silt into a huge reservoir that provides water for the region. Several streams that feed the Indravati river would be destroyed. The most visible impact on the environment of mining for alumina is effluent discharge. Dumping discharge into the streams and rivers would raise the pH level causing severe contamination. Several perennial sources of river would dry up and thousands of people will lose their land and livelihood to displacement. Agricultural land will no longer be cultivable. When confronted by the people on questions of environmental impacts of the mines and the refineries, UAIL claims to have conducted several studies. However, even after several requests, the documents have not been made public. A mandatory public hearing which is supposed to be conducted has not been conducted by UAIL. Thus the overall impact of the UAIL project is not known. The affected villages have been resisting this project since they first learnt about the possible ill effects in 1993. The anti-mining movement is lead by two voluntary groupings of local people known as "Prakrutika Sampada Suraksha Parishad" and "Baphlimali Surakhya Samiti". People have organized themselves to participate in rallies, road blockades and demonstrations in front of local government offices. The government and UAIL have sought to suppress their claims. The conflict between the people and the pro-company forces culminated in the firing at Maikanch village on 16 December 2000. Around 4000 people were in a meeting to discuss their next road blockade when armed police descended upon them and opened fire. The local police killed three unarmed innocent adivasis and wounded several more. These killings have further antagonized the locals who see the use of force as a violation of their basic human rights. Local resistance to the UAIL project has only increased after the violence. Similar incidents have occurred in other areas nearby. There has been a clear and persistent bias of the state towards corporate entities at the cost of its own people. Orissa continues this despite the protests of its people; a protest that has been peaceful and led by some of its most marginalized communities. Please do take the time to send these petitions to lend your support to the fight against injustice in Orissa. Information contained in this letter is based on independent press reports created by Vivekananda Dash and Sudhir Patnaik both of whom have been reporting on problems in marginalized areas of Orissa. ---------------------------------------------------------------------- ---------- ACTION: You may copy the contents of the letter below, or use it to write to your own letter if you like. write to the Chief Minister (cmorissa at ori.nic.in) and to the President of India (pressecy at alphanic.in). Shri Navin Patnaik, Chief Minister, Orissa Secretariat Bhubaneswar-751001 Subject: Police firing on adivasis and dalits in Nowrangpur District. Human rights violations and unjust imprisonment of people involved. Dear Shri Patnaik, We would like to express our horror over the recent killing and unjust imprisonment of several adivasis and dalits in Nowrangpur district in your state. We would like to request you to intervene in the following incidents and ensure that justice is served to those who have been constantly ignored and at the receiving end of injustice. The following incidents point to a complete negligence of human rights and suggest state based terrorism by the Orissa State Administration: Three people from the adivasi and dalit communities were killed in police firing on the 30th of October 2001 in Rengabhati village when there was no provocation. It is a gross violation of human rights when police fire at non-violent people. On the 11th of November, the police fired at a non-violent rally of several thousand women who were protesting against against the above mentioned deaths and related unfair arrest of several others. Two more women were killed by the firing. Two people killed on 24th June 2001 in Jambodora village in the presence of the police who did nothing to stop the unrest. Such firing and killing by the police of non-violent protestors seems to be becoming common place in Orissa. This has come on the heels of the firings in Majhiguda in Gajapati District on the 31st of Dec 1999, Maikanch in December 2000 and other areas where poor people are fighting for survival.. The state police has repeatedly fired upon and killed innocent adivasis and dalits. incidents of police brutality seems to have become the norm in Orissa and are evidence of repression by the state of Orissa of basic human rights of some of the most marginalized people in the community. By not allowing people the freedom to express their opinion and demands using non-violent means, the state administration in infringing on constitutional rights of these communities. Instead of listening to the demands of the poor the state police seem to be firing and killing them. Your government is supposed to protect the rights of innocent men and women and ensure that every section in the community is given a fair chance to express their demands and concerns. We are disappointed that the government has so far washed its hands of this responsibility and instead resorted to suppression of demands. We request you to not remain a by-stander of such crimes. Please do take the time and responsibility to ensure that the voices of the poor in Orissa are heard and they are given justice. The adivasis and dalits are protesting on issues related to their lands and forests, in essence their right to live with dignity. We request you to take heed to the needs of these communities, understand their desperation and provide them the opportunity to have a say in their development. This is the minimum expected from any government. Without this you will not be carrying out your responsibilities. By repeatedly ignoring the demands of the people and violating their rights to justice and livelihood the state is responsible for pushing these people into helplessness and despair, and therefore into the arms of violence. You must take care of the problems these people are facing in a democratic and humane way in keeping with the Vth Schedule of the Indian constitution. Without this Orissa will forever remain a backward state which commits crimes against its own people. We request you to take the following steps in Nowrangpur, Kashipur and other areas of Orissa. Look into the cases of police violence personally and ensure that such incidents do not happen in the future. You should take personal responsibility for police abuse of force. Enter into meaningful dialogue with the dalit and adivasi groups fighting for their livelihood and resources in all areas of Orissa including Nowrangpur and Rayagada districts. The state should make a sincere attempt to work with the groups and reach agreements. Ensure that land taken away from the people is restored to them. Illegal occupation of forest land by other communities needs to be stopped and discouraged. Ensure that all landless dalit and adivasi people are sanctioned atleast 5 acres of land, to enable them to be on par with the Bangladeshi refugee settlers. Without this the state is creating an imbalance among the community causing further antagonism and ethnic divides. No forests need to be cleared for this purpose, land encroached by the settlers would be enough to meet this requirement of land. Look into the scheduled caste certificates being given to settlers irrespective of their background. These are taking away jobs from the dalits. Look into adverse effects that the proposed UAIL company has on the people in the Kashipur region and stop any development that does not have community participation. Ensure that the affected communities have a say in the overall development of their region. They should not have to be forced out of their lands without their consent. Take steps to look at the special situation of the already displaced communities and ensure them all facilities for proper resettlement. Declare a complete ban on land transactions in entire state till the process of land settlement is taken up and completed. We hope that you will take cognizance of the right livelihood of the poorest communities of your state and do the needful. Sincerely, Name (necessary): Profession/Organization(preferable) Full Address (necessary): Email/Tel (optional): Visit http://www.ambedkar.org To unsubscribe this magazine, send an email to: D-Mag-unsubscribe at egroups.com __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Check out Yahoo! Shopping and Yahoo! Auctions for all of your unique holiday gifts! Buy at http://shopping.yahoo.com or bid at http://auctions.yahoo.com From sagnik_chakravartty at yahoo.com Tue Dec 11 20:58:56 2001 From: sagnik_chakravartty at yahoo.com (Sagnik Chakravartty) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 07:28:56 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Reader-list] Uma Sehanobis is no more Message-ID: <20011211152856.6279.qmail@web20310.mail.yahoo.com> Renowned educationist and founder of Patha Bhavan Calcutta Uma Sehanobis is no more. She died of cancer on December 4 at her Calcutta home - 19 Sarat Banerjee Road. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Check out Yahoo! Shopping and Yahoo! Auctions for all of your unique holiday gifts! Buy at http://shopping.yahoo.com or bid at http://auctions.yahoo.com From sagnik_chakravartty at yahoo.com Tue Dec 11 21:02:35 2001 From: sagnik_chakravartty at yahoo.com (Sagnik Chakravartty) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 07:32:35 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Reader-list] Karuna Banerjee Message-ID: <20011211153235.71120.qmail@web20309.mail.yahoo.com> Renowned actress and Sarbojaya of Pather Panchali Karuna Banerjee passed away at her Kolkata residence around Diwali (Dec 13). She started her career by joining the IPTA and later on joined films. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Check out Yahoo! Shopping and Yahoo! Auctions for all of your unique holiday gifts! Buy at http://shopping.yahoo.com or bid at http://auctions.yahoo.com From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Tue Dec 11 21:45:31 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 11 Dec 2001 16:15:31 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] Rape : The Pattern of Impunity Message-ID: <20011211161531.3715.qmail@mailweb33.rediffmail.com> HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Rape by Security Forces: The Pattern of Impunity Reports of rape by Indian security forces in Kashmir emerged soon after the government's crackdown began in January 1990. Despite evidence that army and paramilitary forces were engaging in widespread rape, few of the incidents were investigated, and fewer still resulted in criminal prosecutions of the security agents involved. In 1994, in response to international pressure, the government made public several courts-martial of soldiers accused of rape. In one case, on July 29, 1994, two soldiers were sentenced to twelve years in prison after being court-martialed for raping a village woman in Kashmir. However, the authorities have refused to prosecute many documented cases of rape, including the October 10, 1992, rape of nine women in Shopian. The findings of investigations ordered into many other incidents has never been made public, leaving the victims to believe that such abuse is committed with impunity. India's own criminal law makes torture a crime and explicitly prescribes punishments for members of the police or other security forces who have committed rape. Under Section 376(1) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), a minimum term of seven years' imprisonment may be imposed for rape. In addition, the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act of 1983, which for the first time provided for the offense of custodial rape, prescribes a mandatory ten years' imprisonment for police officers who rape a woman in their custody. The sentence may be extended to life, and may also include a fine. Commissioned officers of the paramilitary and military forces are included under Section 376(2)(b) of the IPC and are thus also subject to this mandatory sentence. The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act (1983) also shifts the burden of proof regarding consent to the accused. Despite the changes in the law, there is no evidence to show that the authorities have been willing to enforce it. Moreover, Section 155 (4) of the Indian Evidence Act remains in effect. It states: of a witness may be impeached in the following ways by the adverse party, or, with the consent of the Court, by the party who calls him . . . when a man is prosecuted for rape or an attempt to ravish, it may be shown that the prosecutrix was of generally immoral character. A survey of rape case judgments in the seven years following the adoption of the Amendment Act reveals that judges continue to base their decisions largely on the "character" of the rape victim, in effect blaming her, rather than her assailant, for the crime. India's military laws, notably the Army Act and equivalent legislation governing the federal paramilitary forces, also prescribe courts-martial and punishments for members of these forces responsible for rape. In general, military courts in India have proved incompetent to deal with cases of serious human rights abuses and have functioned instead to cover up evidence and protect the officers involved. In one well-publicized case, in May 1990 a young bride, Mubina Gani, was detained and raped by Border Security Force (BSF) soldiers in Kashmir while she was traveling from the wedding to her husband's home. Her aunt was also raped. The security forces had fired on the party, killing one man and wounding several others. The government claimed that the party had been caught in "cross-fire." After the incident was publicized in the local and international press, Indian authorities ordered an inquiry. Although the inquiry concluded that the women had been raped, the security forces were never prosecuted. The government of India provided the following information on this case: The inquiry was not held by the police but by a Staff Court of Inquiry. A criminal case was registered and investigated. Seven BSF personnel have been suspended. The BSF personnel responsible had only been "suspended"—for a crime which carries a minimum ten-year sentence under Indian law. In July 1990 police in Sopore registered a case against the BSF for the rape of Hasina, a twenty-four-year-old woman f m Jamir Qadeem, on June 26 of that year. According to doctors at the Subdistrict Hospital in Sopore, the BSF had entered the neighborhood at about 11:00 p.m. after an exchange of cross-fire between their forces and some militant groups. The BSF had then conducted a search of the neighborhood. The doctors stated that when Hasina was brought to the hospital she had vaginal bleeding. The medical superintendent's report also recorded bite marks on her face, chest and breasts and scratches on her face, chest and legs, and injuries to her genital area. A police report filed on July 5, 1990 charged members of the BSF with rape.119 The reported rape on February 23, 1991 of a large number of women from the village of Kunan Poshpora by soldiers of the Fourth Rajputana Rifles became the focus of a government campaign to acquit the army of charges of human rights violations. The incident provides a telling example of the government's failure to ensure that such charges are properly investigated and that those responsible are held to account. The rapes allegedly occurred during a search operation. The village headman and other village leaders claimed that they reported the rapes to army officials on February 27, and that the officials denied the charges and took no further action. Officials countered that no clear complaint was made. A local magistrate who visited the village requested that the divisional commissioner order a more comprehensive investigation, only to be told that officials in Delhi had denied the charges without checking with state authorities. A police investigation that was eventually ordered never commenced because the police officer assigned to conduct it was on leave at the time and was then transferred by his superiors. In response to criticism of the government investigation, army officials requested the nongovernmental Press Council, a body composed of editors and other media professionals which monitors press laws and other issues concerning the press, to investigate the incident. A committe uncil visited the village more than three months after the incident occurred. After interviewing a number of the alleged victims, the committee concluded in its report that contradictions in the women's testimony, and the fact that the number of alleged victims kept changing, rendered the charge of rape "baseless." The committee examined medical reports based on examinations conducted on thirty-two of the women two to three weeks later, on March 15 and 21, 1991, which confirmed that the hymens of three of the unmarried women had been torn. The committee concluded that the medical evidence was "worthless," that "such a delayed medical examination proves nothing," and that such abrasions are "common among the village folk in Kashmir." About the torn hymens, the committee argued that they could be the result of "natural factors, injury or premarital sex." While the results of the examination do not, by themselves, prove the charge of rape, they do raise serious doubts about the army's version of events in Kunan Poshpora. The alacrity with which Indian military and government authorities in Kashmir discredited the allegations of rape and their failure to follow through with procedures that would provide crucial evidence for any prosecution—in particular prompt independent medical examinations of thealleged rape victims120—undermined the integrity of the investigation and indicates that the Indian authorities have been primarily concerned with shielding government forces from charges of abuse. The Press Council report echoes the government's concern about international criticism by arguing that the charges against the army constituted "a massive hoax orchestrated by militant groups and their sympathisers and mentors in Kashmir and abroad . . . for reinscribing Kashmir on the international agenda as a human rights issue." In response to this report, the Indian government stated that the Kunan Poshpora case was investigated not only by the government but by an independent and highly regarded body, the Press Coun ommissioner, Wajahat Habibullah, after his inquiry into the allegation stated, "While the veracity of complaint is thus highly doubtful, it still needs to be determined why such a complaint was made at all . . . I am of the opinion that the allegation of mass rape cannot be sustained." Another investigation at the level of Superintendent of Police concluded that the case was not fit to be prosecuted because of contradictions and gaps in the evidence. It is significant that the government uses only selective comments from D.C. Habibullah's report, omitting the fact that he criticized the authorities in Delhi for dismissing the reports before any investigation had taken place, and recommended a thorough inquiry—which never took place. If the authorities had conducted a proper investigation, including a medical examination, and had taken semen samples from the accused, then it would be possible to determine the truth about what happened in Kunan Poshpora. The Press Council does not constitute a judicial investigative body, and the severe shortcomings of its visit have been noted above. A senior government official familiar with the incident revealed that although the number of women alleged to have been raped may have been inflated, they believed it was likely that several of the women were raped by the soldiers. Even when investigations are ordered, they rarely result in prosecutions. A magisterial inquiry was ordered in the case of five women reportedly raped near Anantnag on December 5, 1991, but as of July 1995, no report has been made public. According to the Kashmir Times of January 14, 1993, the state government has ordered inquiries into eighty-seven incidents of killings, rape and arson. None resulted in criminal prosecutions. In seven courts-martial held between April 1990 and July 1991 involving incidents of rape, deaths in custody, illegal detention and indiscriminate firing on civilians by army soldiers, only one officer was dismissed. The most severe punishment for the remaining officers was eith of "severe displeasure" in their files.121 Those who have attempted to document incidents of rape have also been abused by Indian security forces. In November 1990 Dr. K., a surgeon at the Anantnag District Hospital, was arrested after he had made arrangements for a gynecologist to examine seven women who had alleged rape by security forces. The women, who had been brought to the hospital while Dr. K. was on night duty, reported that the security agents had disrupted a wedding and raped all of them, including the bride. On November 29, Dr. K. was arrested at his home by members of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) who had surrounded his house. The CRPF blindfolded him, along with two friends who were with him at the time, and took them to a military camp. There, agents asked Dr. K., "Why did you call the gynecologist?" When he replied, "I treat people irrespective of who they are," the police interrogators beat him with lathis (canes) and a metal belt. His friends were also beaten in this way. The three men were detained for four days. The impunity with which Indian security forces commit rape can also be gauged by the function the threat of rape plays when security forces attempt to intimidate local civilians into carrying out their orders. After killing several reported militants in Sopore on October 18, 1992, BSF troops then ordered five men from the area to bring in the bodies, threatening that if they did not do so, the soldiers would "rape their women." When the men complied, and towed in the boat carrying the bodies of the dead militants and a boatman injured in the shooting, the BSF took the bodies and slit the throat of the boatman.122 112 Numerous incidents of rape have been reported by Indian and Kashmiri human rights groups. See, for example, Committee for Initiative on Kashmir, Kashmir Imprisoned (Delhi: July 1990). 113 For more on this case, see Asia Watch and Physicians for Human Rights, The Human Rights Crisis in Kashmir: A Pattern of Impunity (New York: Human Rights Watch, 19 114 Custody is customarily understood to include situations where the victim is effectively under the control of the police or security forces and is not limited to conditions of detention in a prison or lockup. 115 Indian Evidence Act, Section 114-A. The inclusion of this provision in the Criminal Law Amendment Act provoked considerable controversy among civil liberties groups, women's organizations, bar associations and others. See Flavia Agnes, "Fighting Rape—Has Amending the Law Helped?" The Lawyers, February 1990, p. 6. 116 See Amnesty International, "India: New Allegations of Rape by Army Personnel in Jammu and Kashmir," AI Index: ASA 20/02/93, January 1993, p. 3; and Agnes, "Fighting Rape...," pp. 4-11. 117 Agnes, "Fighting Rape... ," pp. 4-11. 118 Amnesty International, India: Torture, Rape and Deaths in Custody (London: March, 1992), p. 21. 119 Asia Watch, Kashmir Under Siege, p. 87. 120 For example, the investigation could have availed itself of internationally accepted forensic procedures to substantiate the charges. 121 South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre, "Massacre in Sopore," January 31, 1993, p. 12. 122 For a full discussion of this case see Asia Watch and Physicians for Human Rights, The Human Rights Crisis in Kashmir, pp. 40-41. From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Tue Dec 11 22:36:13 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 11 Dec 2001 17:06:13 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] PANKAJ MISHRA ON AFGHANISTAN Message-ID: <20011211170613.32562.qmail@mailweb15.rediffmail.com> The New York Review of Books November 15, 2001 The Making of Afghanistan By Pankaj Mishra It is hard to imagine now, but for students at Kabul University, 1968 was no less a hectic year than it was for students at Columbia, Berkeley, Oxford, and the Sorbonne. A king, Mohammad Zahir Shah, had been presiding over the many ethnic and tribal enclaves of Afghanistan since 1933. But he knew enough of the world elsewhere to attempt, cautiously, a few liberal reforms in his capital city, Kabul. The university had been set up in 1946; a liberal constitution was introduced in 1964; the press was technically free; women ran for public office in 1965. By the Sixties, many students and teachers had traveled abroad; and new ideas about how to organize the state and society had come to the sons of peasants and nomads and artisans from their foreign or foreign-educated teachers. In the somewhat rarefied world of modernizing Kabul, where women were allowed to appear without the veil in 1959, communism and radical Islam attracted almost an equal number of believers: to these impatient men, the great Afghan countryside with its antique ways appeared ready for revolution. It was from this fledgling intelligentsia in Kabul that almost all of the crucial political figures of the next three decades emerged. Less than five years after 1968, King Zahir Shah was deposed in a military coup by his cousin, the ambitious former prime minister Mohammad Daoud.[1] Daoud initially sought help from the Communists, whose influence in the army and bureaucracy had grown rapidly since the 1960s: together, they went after the radical Islamists, many of whom were imprisoned or murdered for ideological reasons. But when Daoud, wary of the increasing power of the Communists, tried to get rid of them, he was in turn overthrown and killed. In April 1978, the Communists—themselves divided, confusingly, into two factions, Khalq and Parcham, that roughly corresponded to the rural–urban divide in Afghanistan—assumed full control of the government Kabul, and in their hurry to eliminate all potential opposition to their program of land redistribution and indoctrination—an attempt, really, to create a Communist society virtually overnight—inaugurated what two decades later still looks like an ongoing process: the brutalization and destruction of Afghanistan. Within just a few months, 12,000 people considered anti-Communist, many of them members of the country's educated elite, were killed in Kabul alone; many thousands more were murdered in the countryside. Thousands of families began leaving the country for Pakistan and Iran. Many radical Islamists of Kabul University were already in exile in Pakistan by 1978; some of them had even started a low-intensity guerrilla war against the Communist government. Several army garrisons across the country mutinied, and people in the villages, who were culturally very remote from Kabul, began many separate jihads, or holy wars, against the Communist regime. Earlier this year, in the Pakistani city of Peshawar, I met Anwar, whose father and uncle were among the earliest Afghans to take up arms against the Communists. They weren't Islamists. Anwar's father, a farmer, lived in a village north of Kabul, near the border with what is now Tajikistan, and, although he was a devout Muslim, knew little about the modern ideologies of Islam that had traveled to Kabul University from Egypt, Pakistan, and Iran. It was Anwar's uncle, an officer in Zahir Shah's finance ministry in Kabul, who was a bit more in touch with them. He was friendly with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, one of the prominent radical Islamists at Kabul University, who sought refuge in Pakistan in the mid-1970s after a failed uprising From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Tue Dec 11 22:36:17 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 11 Dec 2001 17:06:17 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] PANKAJ MISHRA ON AFGHANISTAN Message-ID: <20011211170617.32622.qmail@mailweb15.rediffmail.com> The New York Review of Books November 15, 2001 The Making of Afghanistan By Pankaj Mishra It is hard to imagine now, but for students at Kabul University, 1968 was no less a hectic year than it was for students at Columbia, Berkeley, Oxford, and the Sorbonne. A king, Mohammad Zahir Shah, had been presiding over the many ethnic and tribal enclaves of Afghanistan since 1933. But he knew enough of the world elsewhere to attempt, cautiously, a few liberal reforms in his capital city, Kabul. The university had been set up in 1946; a liberal constitution was introduced in 1964; the press was technically free; women ran for public office in 1965. By the Sixties, many students and teachers had traveled abroad; and new ideas about how to organize the state and society had come to the sons of peasants and nomads and artisans from their foreign or foreign-educated teachers. In the somewhat rarefied world of modernizing Kabul, where women were allowed to appear without the veil in 1959, communism and radical Islam attracted almost an equal number of believers: to these impatient men, the great Afghan countryside with its antique ways appeared ready for revolution. It was from this fledgling intelligentsia in Kabul that almost all of the crucial political figures of the next three decades emerged. Less than five years after 1968, King Zahir Shah was deposed in a military coup by his cousin, the ambitious former prime minister Mohammad Daoud.[1] Daoud initially sought help from the Communists, whose influence in the army and bureaucracy had grown rapidly since the 1960s: together, they went after the radical Islamists, many of whom were imprisoned or murdered for ideological reasons. But when Daoud, wary of the increasing power of the Communists, tried to get rid of them, he was in turn overthrown and killed. In April 1978, the Communists—themselves divided, confusingly, into two factions, Khalq and Parcham, that roughly corresponded to the rural–urban divide in Afghanistan—assumed full control of the government Kabul, and in their hurry to eliminate all potential opposition to their program of land redistribution and indoctrination—an attempt, really, to create a Communist society virtually overnight—inaugurated what two decades later still looks like an ongoing process: the brutalization and destruction of Afghanistan. Within just a few months, 12,000 people considered anti-Communist, many of them members of the country's educated elite, were killed in Kabul alone; many thousands more were murdered in the countryside. Thousands of families began leaving the country for Pakistan and Iran. Many radical Islamists of Kabul University were already in exile in Pakistan by 1978; some of them had even started a low-intensity guerrilla war against the Communist government. Several army garrisons across the country mutinied, and people in the villages, who were culturally very remote from Kabul, began many separate jihads, or holy wars, against the Communist regime. Earlier this year, in the Pakistani city of Peshawar, I met Anwar, whose father and uncle were among the earliest Afghans to take up arms against the Communists. They weren't Islamists. Anwar's father, a farmer, lived in a village north of Kabul, near the border with what is now Tajikistan, and, although he was a devout Muslim, knew little about the modern ideologies of Islam that had traveled to Kabul University from Egypt, Pakistan, and Iran. It was Anwar's uncle, an officer in Zahir Shah's finance ministry in Kabul, who was a bit more in touch with them. He was friendly with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, one of the prominent radical Islamists at Kabul University, who sought refuge in Pakistan in the mid-1970s after a failed uprising against Daoud and the Communists. In the beginning, the Russians were busy with consolidating the Communist hold over Kabul and securing the country's main highways, and they seemed very far from rural Afghanistan, which in any case had had for years relative autonomy from the government in the capital city. But later, with the agg land reforms and Marxist indoctrination emanating from Kabul, resistance built up swiftly throughout the country. Anwar's father and uncle joined one of the Mujahideen groups that, though equipped only with .303 Lee Enfield rifles, managed to keep their region free of Communist influence. Then, in December 1979, the Soviet army entered Afghanistan in order to protect the Communist revolution, which was also being threatened by factional fighting among Afghan Communists and rebellions by the army; and the position of Anwar's family became more precarious. In 1983, Russian planes bombed the villages Anwar and his relatives lived in, in retaliation for attacks on Afghan army convoys by the Mujahideen. Although Anwar's father and uncle stayed back to fight and look after the animals and fields, there was no choice for many of the women and children but to leave. Anwar, who was seven years old at the time, couldn't recall too many details of the long walk that brought him and his mother and young brother to Pakistan. He did remember that it was very cold. There was snow on the ground and on the hills, and Anwar and his family walked all day and rested at night in roadside mosques. The 350-mile-long road to Pakistan swarmed with thousands of refugees, but they had to avoid moving in large groups, which the Russian helicopters buzzing ominously overhead liked to fire upon. They also had to stay as close as possible to the main road, for there were mines in the fields and on the dirt tracks—these were the tiny "butterfly mines" that floated down from the helicopters and then lay in wait for unmindful children and animals. I still heard about the mines when I traveled this past spring on the road that links Kabul to Pakistan, through Ningrahar province.[2] Dust-spattered refugee families from northern Afghanistan stood hopefully by the side of the eroded tarmac, where the Toyota pickups of the Taliban—young turbaned men and guns crammed in the back—were the new sources of fear. The land seemed vacant, the ing mountains concealed behind a haze, and the stubborn bareness of rock and desert was relieved only occasionally by a green field and a black-tented encampment of nomads. There is emptiness now, but in the days of Zahir Shah this land was reclaimed, with Soviet assistance, for cultivation; and orchards and fields, watered by broad canals, sprang up. In a half-abandoned village, rusty padlocks hanging from the doors of bleached wood set into long mud walls, an old Afghan was startled when I mentioned that time. Rasool had been in his late teens then; had known some of the prosperity that came to the region; and could even, with some prompting by me, remember the white men—Russian experts—traveling through the fields. Unlike Anwar's father and uncle, Rasool wasn't a Mujahideen: he hadn't revolted against the Russians or the Communists; he had been content to tend his land. The jihad had almost bypassed him; and he had known hard times only when, sometime in the mid-1980s, Russian planes bombed the canals that brought water to his land. There had been another recovery after the Russian army withdrew in 1989, when white men, this time from the UN, came and supervised the repair of the canals. By then, the local Mujahideen commanders were in charge. They taxed all the traffic on the roads; they took over the land which once belonged to the Afghan state and made the farmers grow high-yield poppy. There was no point for Rasool to defy the commanders; he wouldn't have got any cash credit from the traders in the town for anything other than opium. Not that the poppy-growing had improved his circumstances. It was the Mujahideen commanders who had grown very rich from converting the poppy into heroin and then smuggling it across the border into Iran and Pakistan. And then, suddenly, before he had even heard of them, the young soldiers of the Taliban arrived from the southern provinces, chased out the Mujahideen commanders, and took over the checkpoints. They supervised, and profited from, the drug business n they abruptly banned the cultivation of poppy, leaving most farmers with no sources of livelihood, and the option only of migrating to Pakistan. Rasool lived in the vast, now arid land, after being taken, in just three decades, through a whole fruitless cycle of Afghan history. The long reign of Zahir Shah was no more than a faint memory. All the slow, steady work of previous generations was canceled out; Afghanistan was even further back from its tryst with the modern world. 2. But then, like many Muslim countries suddenly confronted in the nineteenth century with the rising power of the West, Afghanistan's route to modern development could only have been tortuous. The Afghan empire of the eighteenth century had reached as far as Kashmir in the east and up to the Iranian city of Mashhad in the west. Like present-day Afghanistan, it contained many different ethnic groups, the dominant Pashtun tribes in the east and south, Tajiks and Uzbeks in the north and west, and the Shia Hazaras in the central provinces. Almost all of them were Sunni or Shia Muslims. Fiercely autonomous and proud, they had successfully resisted the British attempt to extend their Indian empire up to Kabul; but after two Anglo-Afghan wars, 1838–1842 and 1878– 1880, the Afghans had been subdued enough to serve as a buffer state between the expanding empires of Britain and Russia. The British were content to exer-cise influence from afar without troubling themselves with direct rule. It was under their supervision that the present-day boundaries of Afghanistan were drawn, leaving a lot of Pashtun tribes in what is now Pakistan. The British also subsidized the Afghan army. Until 1919, when the Afghans won complete independence from the British, the ruler in Kabul reported to Delhi in matters of foreign policy, which essentially involved keeping the Russians out of Afghanistan. The British-backed rulers of Afghanistan in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were insecure and ruthless, obsessed with protecting their regim ocal challenges as well: Afghanistan's continued isolation was in their best interests. During the twenty-one-year rule of Amir Abdur Rahman (1880–1901), one of Afghanistan's more pro-British rulers, only one school was built in Kabul, and that was a madrasa (theological school). Condemned to playing a passive part in an imperial Great Game, Afghanistan missed out on the indirect benefits of colonial rule: the creation of an educated class such as would supply the basic infrastructure of the post-colonial states of India, Pakistan, and Egypt. Afghanistan's resolute backwardness in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was appealing to Western romantics: Kipling, who was re-pelled by the educated Bengali, commended the Pashtun tribesmen—the traditional rulers of Afghanistan, and also a majority among Afghans—for their courage, love of freedom, and sense of honor. These clichés about the Afghans—which were to be amplified in our own time by American journalists and politicians—also had some effect on Muslims themselves. One of them was Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, a polemicist of the nineteenth century, who sought to alert the Muslim peoples to their growing subjugation to the imperial powers of the West. The radical Islamists I spoke to didn't remember that in 1968—while student groups at Kabul University were organizing large demonstrations against one another, distributing fiery pamphlets, and fighting one another on the streets—a huge mausoleum for al-Afghani went up inside the campus, to honor someone who, although born in Iran and educated in India, adopted the pen name "al-Afghani" and even began to tell other people that he was from Afghanistan.[3] The increasing influence of the West, and the related undermining of Muslim power, was the inescapable event of al-Afghani's lifetime; he witnessed it more closely than most Muslims during his long stints in India, Iran, Egypt, France, England, and Turkey. But Afghanistan had hardly been affected by the lifestyles and new knowledge of Europe, by the energy of white men from the West that were transforming old worlds elsewhere in the nineteenth century. This resistance to Western-style modernization would have impressed al-Afghani, who, while stressing the need to modernize Muslim societies, disapproved of the wholesale adoption of European ways of the kind Kemal Atatürk would impose upon Turkey just two decades after al-Afghani's death in 1897. Al-Afghani failed to see how even small but strategically placed countries like Afghanistan were being drawn into the great imperial games of nineteenth-century Europe, and then sentenced to isolation and backwardness as buffer states. Behind his romantic attachment to Afghanistan lay fear and defensiveness—his painful awareness, shared by many other educated people in once-great Asian societies, that they had fallen behind, and that they not only had to catch up with the West, but also had to keep in check its increasing power to alter their lives, mostly for the worse. For many educated people in pre-modern societies, communism offered a way of both catching up with and resisting the West; and the ideology had a powerful, and often generous, sponsor in the Soviet Union. But the hasty, ill-adapted borrowings from Soviet communism—the simplistic notion, for instance, of Afghans as feudal people who had to be turned into proletarians—more often than not imposed new kinds of pain and trauma on such a traditional society as Afghanistan; and helped to push the country even further away from the modern world. The Soviet Union had supported the Communist coup of 1978 in Kabul, and so had grown concerned about the clumsy and brutal way in which the Khalq faction of the Afghan Communist Party, led by the fanatical ideologue Hafizullah Amin, a one-time student at Columbia University, had hijacked the coup, and then had tried violently—and, as spontaneous revolts across the country proved, dis-astrously—to weld the incoherent ethnic-tribal worlds of Afghanistan into a Communist society. As the records of Politburo s reveal, the aging leaders of the Soviet Union at first resisted military intervention in Afghanistan. But they feared that the United States, unsettled by the fall of the Shah of Iran, was trying, with the help of the wily Amin, to find an alternative anti-Soviet base in Afghanistan. They suspected Amin of being "an ambitious, cruel, treacherous person" who "may change the political orientation of the regime."[4] This sounds like cold war paranoia. It wasn't softened by the mutinies against the Communist regime by Afghan military garrisons, one of which, in the city of Herat, ended in the killings of several Soviet and East European advisers. In the last days of 1979, when the Communist regime looked close to collapse, a contingent of Soviet soldiers flew into Kabul, stormed Amin's palace, and killed him. A more moderate leader, Babrak Karmal, who belonged to the urban-based Parcham faction, took his place and attempted to avert the collapse of the Afghan state and bring an end to the brutalities. Karmal was only partly successful in restoring order to Afghanistan. In 1986, the Soviets replaced Karmal with Mohammad Najibullah, the head of KHAD, the Communist intelligence agency. Najibullah, known so far for his role in the execution and torture of anti-Communists, tried even harder to win the Afghans' support. He toned down the Communist rhetoric, emphasized his faith in Islam, and began reaching out to the refugees and Mujahideen, speaking all the time of compromise and national reconciliation. But his government couldn't possibly acquire legitimacy among Afghans while being beholden to a foreign power. And in any case, things were out of his control: Afghanistan had already begun fighting in a new proxy war that would kill a million or more Afghans over the next decade, many of them from Soviet bombing of civilians, including fleeing refugees. 3. By the late Seventies, proxy wars between the United States and the Soviet Union were already being fought in Angola, Somalia, and Ethiopia. That is why e years ago—by Zbigniew Brzezinski, national security adviser to President Carter—that small-scale American aid to the Afghan Islamists based in Pakistan had begun some months before the Soviet army arrived in Afghanistan is not surprising. In July 1979, President Carter signed the first of the directives for the clandestine aid that Brzezinski later said had the effect of drawing the Russians into "the Afghan trap." "We didn't push the Russians to intervene," Brzezinski said, "but we knowingly increased the probability that they would." This secret operation explains his exultant tone in the letter he claims to have sent to President Carter on December 27, 1979, the day the Soviet army entered Afghanistan. "Now," he said, "we can give the USSR its Vietnam War."[5] Brzezinski's enthusiasm was shared by William Casey, a veteran of the OSS and the director of the CIA under President Reagan. In the mid-1980s, Casey committed CIA funds to the even grander plan of organizing the Muslims of the world into a global jihad against Soviet communism. By the mid-1980s, the CIA office in Islamabad, Pakistan, had become second in size only to the headquarters in Langley, Virginia; and American assistance to the Afghan Islamists, channeled through the CIA and the Pakistani intelligence agency, the ISI, was running into billions of dollars.[6] The military dictator of Pakistan, General Zia ul-Haq, was more than eager to place his country in the avant- garde of the jihad. Since April 1979, two years after his coup and after he had hanged his former prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, he had been urgently seeking both money and respectability from the United States. By promoting radical Islamists in Pakistan and Afghanistan he also hoped to suppress Bhutto's party, the Pakistan People's Party, and the intellectuals, journalists, and human rights activists agitating for the restoration of democracy. Somewhat similar local reasons prompted President Sadat of Egypt to offer cheap arms to the CIA for use in Afghanistan. The mo among other pro-American governments came from the ruling family of Saudi Arabia, which was concerned about the growing influence of its traditional Shia rival, Iran, since its Islamic revolution.[7] The Saudis saw the jihad in Afghanistan as a way of exporting Wahabism —an especially austere Saudi version of Sunni Islam, whose founders in the early nineteenth century attacked Mecca and Medina and purged them of the Sufi-style venerations which involved idolatry as well as dancing and music. They matched the American assistance to the Afghan Islamists dollar for dollar. Prince Turki, the head of the Saudi intelligence agency, worked closely with the CIA and the Pakistani ISI, and sent a rich Saudi businessman, Osama bin Laden, to organize the thousands of poor Arabs from the Middle East and North Africa who, attracted by promises of food and money, had traveled to Pakistan to enlist in the CIA-backed jihad against communism.[8] Thus many separate ambitions and strategies powered the Afghan struggle against communism. The diverse agenda of its sponsors and prime agents meant that little attention was paid to organizing the highly fractious Afghans into a cohesive resistance movement that in time could replace the unpopular and discredited Communist government in Kabul—which by Najibullah's own admission had lost control over 80 percent of the Afghan countryside. One of the few things that united the five million Afghans in Pakistan and Iran and millions more in Afghanistan itself was their resentment of the Afghan Communists and their Russian backers. Seven Afghan resistance "parties" came forward to receive the millions of dollars' worth of arms and humanitarian aid that started flowing into Pakistan in the early 1980s. The parties represented the ethnic, linguistic, and tribal divisions within the Afghans; but many of their members had little or no connection with the Mujahideen commanders and soldiers in Afghanistan who were fighting a sporadically intense guerrilla war against the Soviets. The C t contact with the Afghans in order to maintain the fiction of American noninvolvement; it used Pakistani intelligence (the ISI) for the important logistical tasks: the distribution of aid, the military coordination between Mujahideen outfits. But the officers of the ISI had their own favorites; they wanted to promote the pro-Pakistan men within Afghanistan's majority ethnic community, the Pashtuns. As a result, one of the most effective fighters who was neither led by the CIA nor coordinated by the ISI, the brilliant Tajik Mujahideen commander in northern Afghanistan, Ahmed Shah Masoud, received hardly any assistance. Masoud fought the Taliban for six years, until he was assassinated last month, two days before the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, by two suicide bombers posing as Arab journalists, who were in all likelihood sent by Osama bin Laden and the Taliban. The largest beneficiary of foreign aid was the Pashtun Islamist Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, who amassed a huge ar-senal in southern Afghanistan and most of the time avoided the battlefield. Then there were the obvious instances of corruption produced by a prolonged war effort, bankrolled covertly with unaudited money, and controlled through several intermediaries: the proof of unrestrained plunder is all there in the mansions of ISI officers and Afghan resistance leaders you see in Pakistan. A large number of sophisticated weapons ended up in an arms bazaar near Peshawar or traveled elsewhere in Pakistan, stoking the various ethnic and sectarian conflicts that ravaged the country in the late 1980s and 1990s. Mujahideen leaders like Hekmatyar, indulged by the ISI, branched off into opium cultivation—for years a small-scale business in Afghanistan— and smuggling, and began a turf war against other Afghans.[9] 4. The Soviet army withdrew from Af-ghanistan in early 1989, three years after Mikhail Gorbachev had declared the decade-long losing war there a "bleeding wound" for his country. In a matter of months, the Soviet Union began to f ed at an end; and although the Communists still held Kabul and would hold it until 1992, American assistance to the Afghans dwindled.[10] On the day the last Soviet soldier left Afghanistan, William Webster, the new director of the CIA, hosted a champagne party in Langley, Virginia. Aside from the Soviet withdrawal, there wasn't much to celebrate in Afghanistan itself. The destruction of roads and agricultural land and the flight of more than five million people (the largest refugee population in the world) created a political and economic void which the Mujahideen commanders filled. Long subsidized by the United States and Saudi Arabia, they now had to be "self-financing." It was around this time that Afghanistan became the biggest producer of opium in the world. Farmers forced by local Mujahideen commanders to cultivate poppy, however, received only a fraction of the wealth that the cash crop created as it moved along the supply line. Smuggling was rampant: Pakistani military trucks that brought supplies to the Mujahideen during the jihad often went back loaded with drugs or consumer items. In Ningrahar province, the local Mujahideen commander operated his own airline: planeloads of TVs and air conditioners arrived from Dubai and were then trucked by him into Pakistan. Much money was to be made in controlling key trading routes and checkpoints; and so little battles kept erupting between different Mujahideen groups, whose leaders became known as "warlords." In the early 1990s, many of them were running clashing opium and smuggling empires across Afghanistan. An economy built around predation could only lead to a moral breakdown, especially in the rural areas where the institutions of the Afghan state had barely existed, and where traditional codes of honor and justice, enforced by tribal and religious leaders, had so far governed daily life and conduct. There was at least a semblance of administration and law in the western and northern provinces controlled by the Mujahideen commanders Ismail Khan an ngs were very bad in the southern provinces, where the old tribal and religious elite had been rendered impotent by many different warlords who exacted toll taxes from traders and smugglers, fought with each other, and raped young children and women at will. One day in early 1994—so the Taliban claims—in a village near the southern city of Kandahar, a Pashtun man in his thirties called Mohammad Omar heard about two women who had been abducted and raped by some local commanders. Like many young Pashtuns from his village, Omar, the son of landless peasants, had participated in the jihad against local and foreign Communists. He had been wounded several times and had lost his right eye. After the Soviet withdrawal he had gone back to teaching at his village madrasa. He was deeply aggrieved by the degenerate Mujahideen and the anarchy around him, and often spoke with his friends in the village about ways to deal with them and establish the law of the Koran. The Taliban's version has it that the news of the raped women incited Omar into action. He went out to the local madrasas and raised a band of thirty Talibs, or students, for a rescue mission. The students mustered about sixteen rifles among themselves. They then went and freed the girls and hanged the commanders from the barrel of a tank. A few months later, there was another incident in which two commanders fought a gun battle in the streets of Kandahar over a boy both wished to rape. Once again, Omar showed up with his students and freed the boy and executed the commanders. This is the romantic legend surrounding the rise of the Taliban and their reclusive, one-eyed supreme leader, Mullah Mohammad Omar. It goes on to describe how the young, motivated students had in just two years brought most of Afghanistan under their control (Herat in 1995, Kabul in 1996), captured the arsenals of the warlords, done away with their terror, and made secure the life and property of ordinary Afghans. Such accounts are also meant to make the Taliban seem like t lim armies of early Islamic history pacifying the intransigent tribes of Arabia. They are part of the careful self-presentation of their leaders, who have been at pains to distinguish themselves from the previous generation and to justify the drastic restrictions imposed on the dress, movements, and education of women. They go with the stylish new black turbans, the beards with the mandatory length of eight centimeters, the freshly designed flag, and the grander name—the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan—for the country. The stories almost conceal the fact that the Taliban—consisting mainly of students, former Mujahideen like Omar, and the rural clergy—have come from the Pashtun tribes in the east and south of the country. The secretive leadership consists almost entirely of Mullah Omar's friends and associates in Kandahar. As such they have been regarded with suspicion by the ethnic minority groups in the northern, central, and western provinces, the Persian-speaking Tajiks and the Shia Hazaras—a distrust that settled into animosity after the repeated massacres of them by the Taliban in their continuing war against the Hizb-e-Wahdat (Islamic Unity Party), a Shia Hazara party, in the central highland region of Afghanistan.[11] Though militarily underequipped, the Shia Hazara party and the forces of the late Ahmed Shah Masoud, which control the northern Tajik-majority province of Badakhshan, are, with ethnic Uzbeks, the main components of the northern alliance against the Taliban, whom they accuse, not inaccurately, of imposing a backward-minded Pashtun dictatorship over the ethnic mosaic of Afghanistan. In the last five years, this civil war has flared up every summer, after the snows in the high mountain passes melt, but petered out in late autumn, with little territory gained or lost on either side. What the legend leaves out is the contribution to the Taliban's early military success by traders and smugglers in Pakistan and Afghanistan who were fed up with paying endless toll taxes on Afghan routes contro lords and welcomed the Taliban. Disaffected former Mujahideen and even officials of the former Communist regime helped the Taliban take on the warlords, and tens of thousands of Pashtun students in Pakistan joined them as the news of their victories spread. Most importantly, the Taliban received a lot of support from Saudi Arabia and from Benazir Bhutto's government in Pakistan. The Saudi royal family had fallen out with Osama bin Laden by then; but they gave money and support to the Taliban independently of the private charities and donations that went from Saudi Arabia, some through Osama bin Laden, whose Arab fighters gave strong support to the Taliban. Bhutto and her ministers expected the student militia to bring stability to Afghanistan, and open up the possibility—which inspired the early, if brief, American approval of the Taliban—of trade routes and oil and gas pipelines to the newly created Central Asian republics. Bhutto and her colleagues also wanted to diminish the sinister power that the ISI and its officers had acquired over the Pakistani state during its collaboration with the CIA.[12] The Taliban's connection with Pakistan went even deeper. Just as Kabul University had in the 1960s supplied the ideologists and activists of the next decades, so the theological schools in Pakistan known as Deobandi madrasas had in the 1990s produced among its refugees many of the young soldiers and leaders of the Taliban. The name "Deobandi" came from the original madrasa that had been set up in 1867 in a small Indian town near Delhi called Deoband. The madrasa came out of an insular Indian Muslim response to British rule in the nineteenth century: the work of men who feared that Western-style education of the kind proposed by the British, and embraced by the Hindus, was going to uproot and fracture Muslim culture, and who were convinced that training in the fundamentals of the Koran and the sharia would shield Indian Muslims from the corruptions of the modern world. The Deoband madrasa has issued 000 fatwas on various aspects of personal behavior. In the early twentieth century, the missionaries of Deoband had begun to set up madrasas close to what was then the Indian border with Afghanistan. In the 1980s and 1990s, among the two to three million Afghan refugees in Pakistan, the poorest had gone to these madrasas. Some of the most senior leaders of the Taliban had been educated at the Darul Uloom Haqqania near Peshawar, which still follows the Koran-oriented curriculum created at Deoband in India a hundred and fifty years ago. Although it is the biggest of the Pakistani madrasas near the border with Afghanistan and quite famous, the madrasa had, when I visited it in April this year, the somewhat lowering appearance of a poorly financed college in an Indian small town: peeling paint, dust-clogged stairs, broken chairs, unfinished buildings bristling with rusting iron girders, and shabbily clad students. In one corner of the compound was a separate hostel for boys between the ages of eight and twelve—a courtyard lined with curious fresh faces under elegant white caps—who read nothing but the Koran, which they were expected to memorize. In one tiny room at the hostel for older students, many of whom were from Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan, there was the unexpectedly moving sight of six young men sleeping on tattered sheets on the floor, their turbans respectfully arranged in a row next to the door. The kitchen consisted of two dingy rooms, their walls stained black from the open wood fires; almost an equal number of flies hovered over the stagnant yellow curry in exposed drains and the freshly chopped mutton on a wide wooden table. Things were no better in the smaller madrasas. But food and lodging were free. And the orphans and sons of poor Pashtuns in the refugee camps—members of a powerless majority of rural Afghans —who went to the madrasas in the 1980s and early 1990s wouldn't have had many options, as opposed to the many CIA-sponsored Mujahideen leaders, who lived in style in a posh Living amid deprivation and squalor, and educated only in a severe ideology, a new generation of Pashtun men developed fast the fantasies of the pure Islamic order that they as the Taliban would aggressively impose upon a war-ravaged country. —October 17, 2001 This is the first of two articles on Afghanistan. Notes [1] Since then Zahir Shah, who is eighty-six years old, has lived in exile near Rome. The regimes that followed him now make his forty-year-long reign appear a golden age in the country's history, and he is much respected by an older generation of Afghans. He has been talked about recently as a possible alternative to the present Taliban regime. See "Secret Memo Reveals US Plan to Overthrow Taliban," The Guardian, September 21, 2001. [2] A recent UNDP report reveals that although 1.6 million explosives have been cleared, it will take another seven to ten years to turn Afghanistan into a mine-free place. See Dawn (Pakistan), July 1, 2001. [3] For an interesting discussion of al-Afghani, see Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in a Liberal Age, 1798–1939 (Oxford University Press, 1962). [4] "Abstract, Politburo, Central Committee, USSR," Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 17 (Winter 1994), pp. 54–55. [5] All quotes are from an interview Brzezinski gave to Le Nouvel Observateur, January 15–21, 1998, p. 76. When asked in the same interview if he regretted "having supported Islamic fundamentalism [intégrisme]" and given "arms and advice to future terrorists," Brzezinski said: "What is most important to the history of the world? The Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire? Some stirred-up Muslims or the liberation of Central Europe and the end of the cold war?" That some stirred-up Muslims were a minor price to pay for the collapse of the Soviet empire cannot but seem now an especially cynical and wrongheaded bit of Realpolitik. [6] Casey's and the CIA's dabblings in Afghanistan have been described in Bob Woodward, Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA, 1981–87 (Simo James Bond in many of the fantasies that bloomed in this expensive but relatively underreported battle of the cold war. Casey wanted the ISI to involve the Muslims of the Soviet Union in the jihad; and he wasn't satisfied with the ISI-arranged smuggling of thousands of Korans into what is now Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, or with the distribution of heroin among Soviet troops. Brigadier Mohammad Yousaf, a senior officer of the ISI, got Afghan Mujahideen to mine and bomb military installations a few kilometers deep inside Soviet territory; but plans for more such attacks were hastily dropped after the Soviet Union threatened to invade Pakistan. The story is told by Yousaf and Major Mark Adkin in The Bear Trap (London: Leo Cooper, 1992). [7] Zia did make himself unassailable through his partnership with the CIA. Many of his political opponents stayed in prison, and while promising elections and democratic rule all the time, he remained the dictator of Pakistan until his death in a plane crash in 1988. The present military ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, was offered a similar partnership by the US government, which expects Pakistan to be a "front-line state" again, this time in a war against terrorism. But Zia's encouragement of the jihad in Afghanistan produced hundreds of thousands of radical Islamists who make Pakistan an unstable country; and Musharraf, who seems to realize well that cooperation with the US could endanger rather than consolidate his hold on power, has responded cautiously so far, agreeing to cooperate in intelligence and other ways, but resisting the presence of US troops there. Unlike Musharraf, the Communist-era despots of the Central Asian countries of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan ruthlessly persecute their relatively few radical Islamists, and have been quick to ally themselves with the United States. [8] These and other details about Osama bin Laden are to be found in Ahmed Rashid's Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia (Yale University Press/Nota Bene, 2000). o inaugurated his career as a radical Islamist by assassinating a left-wing student at Kabul University in the late 1960s, is held responsible for the murder of many rival Mujahideen as well as some of the liberal-minded Afghan intellectuals who had fled Kabul for Pakistan after the Communist coup in 1978. Hekmatyar's rocket attacks on Kabul during the civil war in 1994 killed more civilians in the capital city than had died in ten years of anti-Communist jihad. [10] Britain's Tony Blair was addressing a distrust and bitterness many Afghans feel towards their former Western sponsors when he claimed recently in an interview to the Pashto section of BBC Radio that the West would not repeat the mistake of walking away from Afghanistan after achieving its immediate aim. [11] See Massacre of Hazaras in Afghanistan (Human Rights Watch, February 2001) and The Massacre in Mazar-i-Sharif (Human Rights Watch, November 1998). [12] Bhutto had special reasons to be wary of the ISI, whose officers had conspired to bring down her elected government in 1990. From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Tue Dec 11 22:45:17 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 11 Dec 2001 17:15:17 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] The Birth of a Nation...Pankaj Mishra on Kashmir Message-ID: <20011211171517.23929.qmail@mailweb25.rediffmail.com> The New York Review of Books October 5, 2000 The Birth of a Nation By Pankaj Mishra The Muslims of India were late to embrace the inadvertent benefits of colonial rule in the nineteenth century: the access to the modern world that Western-style education provided to the Hindus and that created a pan-Indian intelligentsia—people like Gandhi, Nehru, and Tagore—who went on to assume the leadership of the freedom movement. Many of the Muslim leaders still dreamed of reviving the power and glory of Muslim rule over India, which the British had comprehensively destroyed. As independence from colonial rule began to appear a possibility in the early twentieth century, many educated Muslims began to know new anxieties about their people's inferiority vis-à-vis both the British and the Hindus. It is no coincidence that the person who articulated best the fears and frustrations of Indian Muslims was a Kashmiri, Mohammad Iqbal, one of the most important Muslim philosophical thinkers of modern times. Iqbal was born in 1876 in what is now Pakistan to an illiterate family of shawl peddlers and tailors. His parents managed to send him to school and college, where he did very well. He was already famous for his poetry when he went to Cambridge in the early years of the twentieth century to study philosophy. Iqbal followed many other Indians in being deeply impressed by the progress made by Europe in the nineteenth century; the idea of individual struggle and fulfillment, and the related idea of the individual's responsibilities to society and the nation, could not but come as a revelation to people from listless subject communities. Iqbal came to admire Nietzsche. The idea of the Superman, of self-creation and self-assertion, spoke to him in the powerful way it always has to people from colonized countries. But he was also disturbed by racism and hypercompetitiveness, and while in Europe, struggling with the complex mix of admiration, fear, and insecurity the place aroused, he became even more aware of his Muslim id . The history of Islam acquired new meanings for him; from a ship the sighting of Sicily, the setting of one of Islam's greatest triumphs in Europe, could make him weep. He came back to India convinced, like many Indians before him, that the progress of his community lay not in imitating Europe but in reforming and reviving the religion he had been born into. To this end, he began to exalt masculine vigor and the great Islamic past in his writings. He became a determined critic of Sufism, of the mystical and folk traditions within Islam that advocate the rejection of the ego and the self, and that had found such a hospitable home in his ancestral Kashmir. He saw these traditions as emasculating Muslims, making them inadequate before the outstanding tasks demanded of the self and of the larger Islamic community. Iqbal's ideas about Islam in India had to have political ramifications. Politics itself at that time of colonial oppression was primarily a quest for dignity, an assertion of identity first, and then only secondarily an attempt at creating new institutions. As such, it could not be separated from religion, from the larger sense of a shared culture and past which was the beginning of the political sense for all deprived and subjugated peoples. If, as Iqbal believed, Islam had weakened itself by mingling with the local traditions of Hinduism, its original purity under the democracy established by the first four caliphs couldn't be recovered within an India dominated by Hindus. True Islam, as Iqbal conceived it, could be reinstated only if Indian Muslims formed a separate nation. The idea which Iqbal put forward at an important political meeting of Muslims in 1930 was the beginning of the two-nation theory’ which, seventeen years later, worked itself out in the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan. 1. For most Hindus in India, Iqbal is the misguided instigator of the movement for Pakistan. I hadn't really thought of him in connection with Kashmir until recently, when I met Dr. Mohammad nagar, the Kashmiri capital. Dr. Khan teaches medieval history at Kashmir University in Srinagar, and has done pioneering work on Islam's acculturation in the Hindu-Buddhist environment of Kashmir. He is a small, round-faced man, gentle in demeanor; he speaks slowly, as if unaccustomed to talking much of his work, but in clear qualified sentences that indicate a quietly active mind. During the past decade, the years of the insurgency, when the university ceased to function, he has done his best work: a book on the spiritual dimensions of Islam that stressed the contemplative aspects of the faith over the ideological ones.[1] In one of the Kashmiri newspapers I read during a recent visit to Kashmir—pages that were full of bad news but always offering something lively in their editorial pages—I read a piece by Dr. Khan describing his recent visit to Pakistan. He had met many Kashmiris settled there; but he had stayed away from the awkward subject of politics altogether. When asked why he and other Muslim intellectuals in Kashmir weren't involved in the anti-India insurgency, he had thought of the Persian sufi Rumi's words: "The intellect is destroyed by partial reason." But he did visit Iqbal's tomb in Lahore; and in a striking passage he describes how overwhelmed he was with emotion as he approached the tomb: "I couldn't control myself. Tears started pouring from my eyes." Dr. Khan's allegiance was to the Sufi tradition of Kashmir, which Iqbal had rejected. His suspicion of Islam as ideology had only grown after the violence and suffering caused by the insurgency, which one of his own students had joined, someone whom Dr. Khan remembered as denouncing, in the way Iqbal once had, Sufi Islam for turning the Kashmiris into apathetic slaves of Hindu India. The student had gone to Pakistan for training in the military camps and risen high within the leading pro-Pakistan guerrilla group, Hizbul Mujahideen, before being killed in Srinagar early last year. Iqbal's personal response to Europe and Islam and the eauty of his poetry had been reduced in the end to simple ideologies that had sent thousands of other young men to an early death. Nevertheless, the idea of Iqbal as the man who had brought a hope of redemption to the Muslims of the subcontinent survived, and—this is what struck me—still had the power, many decades later, of moving even someone like Dr. Khan, committed to the intellectual life, to tears. It was somewhat easier after that to imagine the impact Iqbal had on millions of Muslims across India with his poetry and philosophy—something comparable to Gandhi's influence on the Hindus; and it was somewhat easier to enter the Indian Muslim's sense of dispossession, and understand how much the charisma and persuasive power of men like Iqbal derive from the raw unformed nature of their communities. For Kashmiris the person who came to embody their fate a generation after Iqbal was Sheikh Abdullah, once hailed as the Lion of Kashmir, who for more than half a century since the early 1930s remained the most popular leader of Kashmiri Muslims. His funeral in 1982 was attended by hundreds of thousands of mourners. But eight years later, his grave was desecrated—a moment that marks not only the beginning of the insurgency, but also the decline of the politics of personality in South Asia. Abdullah's early mentor was Iqbal, whom he had met in 1924 in Lahore, when Iqbal was at the height of his fame. Iqbal had first visited Kashmir, the land of his ancestors, three years before, and had come away distressed by the condition of the Muslims: "In the bitter chill of winter shivers his naked body," he wrote, "whose skill wraps the rich in royal shawls."[2] He had joined the Muslim-owned newspapers of Lahore in highlighting the fate of the Kashmiris Muslim under Hindu rule: how though they formed 96 percent of the population the rate of literacy among them was only 0.8 percent.[3] Iqbal was sympathetic to Abdullah, who, like himself, came from a family of poor shawl sellers, and was one of the few Kashmiri who had managed to educate themselves up to the point where they found their way blocked by discrimination on grounds of religion: under the Maharajah, only Hindus, who were a mere 4 percent of the population, were allowed to aspire to higher education and better jobs. Abdullah had to leave Kashmir and go to Aligarh, near Delhi, where the first college providing Western-style education exclusively to Muslims had been set up in 1875. On his return to Kashmir in 1930, he had joined a small group of graduate students from Aligarh who called themselves the Reading Room Party. Barely a year later, Kashmir witnessed the first major disturbance against the autocratic rule of the Maharajah. A Muslim called Abdul Qadir who was working as a butler for a European resident was arrested for giving a seditious speech. Crowds who came to protest at the prison gates were arrested; more protests followed, and then at some point the police fired on the demonstrators. Twenty-one people died. Then the procession carrying the bodies for burial became unruly, and Hindu-owned shops along the route to the graveyard were looted. The Maharajah's Hindu army cracked down more brutally on Muslim dissenters. Abdullah spent a year in prison with other members of the Reading Room Party. When he was released in 1932, he announced the formation of the Muslim Conference: it was the first organized opposition to the regime of the Maharajah in Kashmir. There was a special edge to Abdullah's relationship with the Maharajah. No two men could have been more dissimilar: the horse-racing Maharajah with a weakness for fraudulent Hindu holy men, and the devout Muslim and brilliant manipulator of the masses. In his opposition to the Maharajah, Abdullah found himself supported by leaders of the Indian nationalist movement against colonial rule, particularly Pandit Nehru, who under Gandhi's patronage had become the unchallenged leader of the Congress Party. The friendship between Abdullah and Nehru grew fast. There was a special reason for that fr min ancestors came from Kashmir, and had moved just a few decades before his birth in 1889 to Delhi and Allahabad, where they became one of the first families of modern India. There was always an air of the solitary visionary about Nehru. He was sent to Harrow and Cambridge by his Anglophilic father. During his time in Europe he was much influenced by European ideas of socialism and nationalism. His discovery of India came later and made all the more valuable for him the discovery of his roots in Kashmir, the ancestral connection which was deepened by the pantheistic feeling he, a man who disdained organized religion, had for the Himalayas. In 1924, Iqbal had told Abdullah that though his body was confined to India his soul existed in Kashmir. Nehru came close to making the same claim in his various scattered writings on Kashmir. He himself visited the state as a young trekker and was enraptured. In The Continent of Circe, Nirad Chaudhuri wrote of the Hindu sense of loss associated with the Himalayas: the cold regions the Aryan settlers of North India had come from, the longing expressed by Nehru himself when he wrote in his autobiography, "And I dream of the day when I shall wander about the Himalayas."[4] In official and personal correspondence, Nehru kept coming back to what he himself described as his "partiality for Kashmir." That partiality took several forms, and was to shape Indian attitudes toward Kashmir well after his death. By the time he met and befriended Abdullah in the mid-1930s, he had already begun to put into shape his blueprint for an independent India. In Abdullah, he saw someone who shared his conviction that the old social and economic order of India, represented by the maharajahs and big landlords, had to be destroyed through land reforms and centralized economic planning. Abdullah was also receptive to his advocacy of secularism: it was under Nehru's persuasion that Abdullah changed the name of the Muslim Conference to the National Conference, and acquired a greater following among Kashmir valley, as well as among the Hindu majority in Jammu, the southern part of the state, which, though distrustful of Abdullah, found reassuring his growing proximity to Indian nationalist leaders. 2. As the creation of Pakistan became a certainty, much to the heartbreak of Gandhi and others who had wanted to see a united India come into being, Nehru became determined that Kashmir and its Muslim majority should be part of the India he had envisaged and so painstakingly worked toward: an India that was committed to democracy, secularism, and socialism. He was convinced that the idea of a separate nation for the Muslims—the "two-nation" theory first proposed by Iqbal and embraced by the feudal Muslim elite of North India—was a mistake; he didn't think it could solve the prob-lem of the Muslim community, the problem he defined as social and economic backwardness. He thought the landlords and mullahs who had kept the Muslim masses away from the benefits of education would merely consolidate their power in a new state. Abdullah's own view of the demand for Pakistan was more qualified and less emotional. He felt, as he confessed in his autobiography, a subconscious sympathy for it[5] ; he saw it as a Muslim reaction against Hindu sectarianism, which he believed, despite his personal regard for Gandhi and Nehru, the Congress Party insidiously practiced. Indeed, he thought he could discern strains of Hindu revivalism in Nehru's sentimental attachment to Kashmir. He could also see that Kashmir's Muslim-majority population and geographical location made for a natural affinity with the new state of Pakistan being carved out from the western, as well as eastern, parts of British India. At the same time, he felt himself out of sympathy with the men leading the agitation for Pakistan, particularly Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the pork-eating barrister from Bombay, who did not disguise his contempt for the Kashmiris and yet assumed that the state with its Muslim majority had no option but to join the new homeland for . Abdullah also feared that the poor Muslims of Kashmir would get a bad deal in the feudal setup of Pakistan. So it was that in the years leading up to the partition of India Abdullah came to think of independence and democracy as the best option for Kashmir. The same idea, without of course the democracy bit, had struck the Maharajah, who, as the time of British withdrawal from India came nearer, was faced, as the ruler of the largest of the 562 states under British paramountcy, with a choice between India and Pakistan. The Maharajah's autocratic ways continued as local opposition to him intensified. In 1946, he put Abdullah and other members of the National Conference in prison for running a highly popular "Quit Kashmir" campaign against him. Nehru's support for Abdullah had already alienated the Maharajah from the Indian leadership; Gandhi's questioning the legitimacy of his rule over Kashmir, which had its dubious origin in a sale deed in 1846 between the Maharajah's ancestors and the British, made him more receptive to emissaries from Pakistan who began to visit him with greater frequency. The partition of India was three months old and he was still talking with both Indian and Pakistan representatives, hoping to buy time and preserve his regime, when a quick series of events forced him to act. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Violence and rioting during Partition had affected the southern part of the Maharajah's state, where Sikh refugees from Pakistan joined Hindu nationalists and members of the Maharajah's police in attacking Muslims. Tens of thousands of Muslims were killed. (Half a century later, I heard an old Sikh speak of these murders with pride at Chitisinghpura, the Kashmir village where in March this year thirty-five Sikhs were massacred by unidentified gunmen.[6] ) Many more Muslims fled to Pakistan, where the news of their suffering outraged the always very volatile Muslim tribesmen of the northwestern provinces on the Pakistan borde ng jihad against the Maharajah. In one of the impetuous and confused actions that inaugurated and forever marked the Pakistani position on Kashmir, a few officers of the Pakistani army provided a ragtag army of jihad-minded tribals with arms and helped them across the border into Kashmir—all this at the time when the Pakistan government was still trying to win over the Maharajah to join Kashmir with Pakistan. The Maharajah's army was no match for the energetic tribal forces, who advanced swiftly through the northwest parts of Kashmir; an older generation of Kashmiris still remembers the killings and looting and rapes that they committed on their way to Srinagar. The Maharajah panicked as they came closer and closer. His son, Karan Singh, describes in his autobiography[7] the moment when the lights went out in the palace—the invaders had destroyed the power station—and the noise of howling jackals suddenly arose in the darkness and silence. The Maharajah appealed to the Indian government for military assistance; but the legalistic response from Delhi was that the Indian army could enter Kashmir only after the state had formally acceded to India. There was no choice now for the Maharajah. As the tribal army drew nearer to Srinagar, he fled the city for the Hindu- dominated city of Jammu, where he went to bed after instructing his aide-de-camp to shoot him in his sleep if the Indian government's representative didn't turn up with the instrument of accession. He never returned to Kashmir and died in far-off Bombay in 1962. The Indian army finally arrived in Srinagar in late October 1947, and its offensive against the invaders became a full-fledged war with Pakistan that lasted more than a year. A cease-fire was eventually declared under the auspices of the UN on January 1, 1949, by which time the Indian army had driven the invaders out of the valley. However, the northwestern part of the princely state, which is different, culturally and socially, from the Kashmir valley and closer to the Muslim Punjab, remaine , though named Azad (Free) Kashmir’ is effectively as much a part of Pakistan as the valley is of India. It was Sheikh Abdullah, released from prison just three weeks before the invasion, who had organized the defense of Srinagar. The National Conference came out in support of the Indian army. Abdullah not only endorsed the accession to India, but also worked up popular Kashmiri support for it, which wasn't hard since the atrocities committed by the tribal army had put fear of Pakistan in the Kashmiris, and this fear took a long time to fade. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- In retrospect, the tribal invasion seems to have spoiled everything. Now the issue of Kashmir acquired a degree of complication from which it never recovered. Nehru took the dispute to the UN on January 1, 1948, and offered to hold a plebiscite under international auspices to confirm the accession to India. This sounds generous given that Nehru already had what he wanted: physical control of the valley. But Nehru also wanted the legitimacy of popular support for Indian rule over Kashmir. He was confident that, with Sheikh Abdullah on his side, India would win a plebiscite in Kashmir. As things turned out, the Indian offer of a plebiscite under the supervision of the UN was never redeemed. There was no withdrawal of the Indian and Pakistan armies from Kashmir, which had to be achieved before the plebiscite could take place, and the issue got bogged down in various legalities as the years passed. Pakistan remained in occupation of one third of the state, and denounced the accession to India as fraudulent since in its view the Maharajah had surrendered all authority by fleeing Srinagar after the Muslims rebelled. The Indians kept dismissing the claim and saying that it was Pakistan that had acted illegally by invading the state and frequently raised the rhetorical ante—as they still do—by saying that the only unresolved issue for India was the return of Pakistan-occupied territorie Positions hardened on both sides as the cold war came to the subcontinent. The State Department under John Foster Dulles always suspected Nehru of being soft on communism, and was openly contemptuous of his non-aligned position. The US drew closer to Pakistan, which it included, in the mid-1950s, in such military treaties as CENTO and SEATO. This further stiffened Nehru's position on Kashmir; there was no more talk of a plebiscite. The Soviet Union under Khrushchev became a consistent supporter of Nehru's line, which became the official Indian line, that Kashmir was an integral part of India, and thus not subject to any international arbitration. The cease-fire line between India and Pakistan in Kashmir, called the Line of Control (LOC), became a de facto international border. This would have been the end of the dispute: the status quo accepted by all parties as an unalterable reality. Certainly, in those early years, the populations in both Indian- and Pakistani-held Kashmir seemed content to be where they were. Sheikh Abdullah was now in charge, and almost the first thing he did in his five difficult years as prime minister of Kashmir from 1948 to 1953 was to initiate a series of ambitious land reforms whereby ownership rights to lands in excess of twelve and a half acres were abolished. In effect, this meant taking land away from the Hindu landlords and distributing it among poor Muslim tenants. It was a mini-revolution, and it assured Abdullah the gratitude and support of two generations of Kashmiri Muslims. But less than four decades later, Kashmiris were to take up arms for the first time in their long history; India was to face a popular insurgency in Kashmir, and come close to nuclear war with Pakistan. The grave of Sheikh Abdullah, eight years after his crowded funeral, was to require round-the-clock protection from vandals. 3. Jinnah's demand for Pakistan had innocuous beginnings: from being a desire for a guarantee of Muslim rights in a Hindu-majority India, it developed into a demand f ration of India where Muslims would not have minority status but would share power with Hindus. However, the Hindu leaders of the Congress Party, so close to achieving real political power for the first time, were in no mood to share it. The clumsily partitioned provinces toward the eastern and the western borders of India weren't what Jinnah has asked for—there were almost as many Muslims in India as in the new state of Pakistan—but it was all the Congress was prepared to part with. In the end, with the British impatient to depart and hustling everyone else, it was the Congress that was eager to settle for partition in order to consolidate its hold on the much bigger Hindu-majority provinces and the institutions of the colonial state—the army, the bureaucracy, and the police—that were its great inheritance from the British. Among the people who took a harder line as a result of the demand for partition was Nehru, who, for most of a lifetime spent fighting the British, had never accepted the idea of Pakistan, and had held on to the idea of a united multicultural India. The bloodshed that accompanied the partition came as a bigger blow to him; he was now more convinced than ever of the need to have, in the colonial way, a strong central government for India, with as little autonomy as possible for the diverse communities that constituted it. He was to regard all regional assertiveness—and there was much of that across India in the Fifties—with suspicion. National unity, along with secularism, became his mantra, which was taken up by almost all political parties, and echoed by the colonial bureaucracy that was keen on holding onto its own power. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- It was hard, nevertheless, to keep down sectarian demands in a country as diverse as India, where independence had released a new longing for self-expression, where millions of previously disfranchised people could find a political voice only through the community they were born t lesser leader would have proved disastrous here. Nehru dealt astutely with the demands for a linguistic reorganization of India, which in the South Indian state of Tamil Nadu, for example, had developed into a movement for outright secession. He used a carrot-and-stick policy—a mix of limited democracy and state repression—to pacify various regional groups and keep them within India. But his own emotional connection with Kashmir made him wield a big stick there with Sheikh Abdullah, who, soon after becoming prime minister, had come up against the problems of running a large multi-ethnic, multi-religious state—problems not unlike those Nehru himself faced, but which Abdullah was much less equipped to deal with. He was primarily the leader of the Muslims of the Kashmir valley, who represented the majority of the state's population, 53 percent. But there were also the influential Hindu majority in Jammu to the south, who resented Abdullah's radical politics, and the Buddhists of Ladakh, who were worried about the power of the valley's Muslims. As usually happens, the lack of a political opposition, partly ensured by Nehru, turned Abdullah into an authoritarian ruler. Impressed by the Soviet model, he made the party inseparable from the administration; and, as the aggrieved tone of his letters to Nehru shows, he interpreted all opposition to him as an attempt to undermine his personal authority, and, by extension, the right of the Kashmiri Muslims to run the state after centuries of foreign rule. When the Hindu nationalists in Jammu, the forebears of the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party), which dominates the current Indian government, organized in the early 1950s the dispossessed landlords and followers of the sulking Maharajah into a movement for greater integration with India, Abdullah became more insecure. He had bargained hard with the Indian government to preserve the state from excessive interference by New Delhi; Kashmir, he argued, needed special guarantees for the protection of its autonomy. He now rev dependent Kashmir, bringing it up with, among other visiting diplomats, Adlai Stevenson in 1953. This was disturbing news for Nehru. He now felt Abdullah moving away from him and toward a course of action that was likely to end in India's losing Kashmir, and losing with it its secular credentials. He was quick to act: Abdullah was dismissed in 1953 and put in prison, where he stayed, initially without trial, for all but four months of the next eleven years. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- This sounds rather unbecoming of Nehru, who by then was known internationally as a statesman. But national unity had become his obsession. He had praised Abdullah's land reforms; he had ensured that no political opposition to Abdullah could grow in the state; he had offered personal friendship to him. But now Abdullah was working against the "national interest." The support and dismissal of Abdullah was consistent with Nehru's belief that politics in Kashmir revolved around personalities. It was what he had told an activist who was arguing for a democratic opposition to Abdullah: there was, Nehru asserted, "no material for democracy in Kashmir."[8] The other side, then, of Nehru's enchantment with Kashmir was a fear of losing control, a possessiveness that he gradually transformed into a national imperative: Kashmir, he began to argue, couldn't be separated from India without exposing the Muslims in the rest of India to retaliation from Hindu fanatics. You still hear a version of this idea in liberal circles in India: that communal riots of the same scale and intensity as those during the partition of India are around the corner if Kashmir is allowed to break away. And then, in 1953, an old protégé of Abdullah named Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed took over as prime minister of Kashmir, and did everything Nehru wanted to constitutionally integrate Kashmir into India. Promises of autonomy made earlier to Abdullah were cancelled; and fear of violence came to dictate Indian icy. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed was himself sidelined after serving ten years as the India-approved prime minister of Kashmir, and was imprisoned in 1965 when he sought to undermine an India-backed chief minister.[9] Kashmir without Sheikh Abdullah reverted to being what it was for centuries under Mughal rule: a dependency, its fate controlled by a distant great power whose representatives could do what they wished to as long as no one rocked the boat. Its political life, which had really only begun with Abdullah, came to be dominated by small men with small aims of personal empowerment and enrichment, by constant intrigues and betrayals. Elections were held periodically in order to demonstrate before the world the democratic nature of the Delhi-imposed regime. But they were farcically rigged: the nomination papers of opposition parties would be rejected or their candidates beaten up and arrested; the National Conference won most elections unopposed. A concerned Nehru had to tell Mohammed that it might look better if he were to lose a few elections to a few "bona-fide opponents."[10] The central government poured money into the state for development and education; and, for a few Kashmiris at least, the stakes for holding on to power went higher. A new elite of politicians and bureaucrats emerged out of the culture of corruption that grew around the administration. 4. As in the history of any dependency and its court politics, what you come to miss in accounts of Kashmir is a sense of the people, the way life went on in the villages and towns. One of the images that comes to mind is of the corrupt government official in his large house, his sons studying in the best colleges of India. The other image is of the peasant in his rice field and mud hut, living as depressed a life as he was when, in 1831, the French botanist Victor Jacquemont visited the region and found it the most wretched in all of the subcontinent. But the image alters as you read about the rise in literacy levels in the state. In all lik day the peasant's son has gone to school—one of the hundreds opened by the Indian government—and has even gone up to the new university or the medical and engineering colleges; the peasant himself hasn't done badly with his apple orchards—horticulture still forms the mainstay of the economy. In less than two decades, the peasant's son has become ready for a job, but then finds that his options are very limited. Modern education has taken him away from a life in the rice fields or the apple orchards; but there is no local industry in the valley. The only jobs are to be had with the government; and here he finds himself excluded by the culture of bribery and nepotism. In India, he finds himself a foreigner, likely to be discriminated against on grounds of religion; it is not easy for a Muslim to find a job or rent a house in a Hindu-dominated region. It is this sense of a blocked future that educated Kashmiris came to have, along with the realization, hammered into them by repeatedly rigged elections, of their political impotence, that eventually led to the insurgency in the early 1990s. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- In 1975, out of jail and once again chief minister of the state, Abdullah entered into an arrangement with the Indian government whereby he promised to give up the demand for self-determination in exchange for becoming what other men before him had been: a satrap of the Indian state in Kashmir. There was a downside to the total investment of faith invited by charismatic individuals like Iqbal, Abdullah, even Nehru. In the absence of institutions, the welfare of a country comes to depend on a few favored ideas, and, more dangerously, on personal temperament. The success or failure of individuals has consequences, sometimes damaging, for many future generations. With Iqbal, the danger always was that his followers would go for the simplest and most emotional of the ideas he was trying out in his mind; and after the first flurry of land formidable rhetoric and the glamorous myth of the prisoner of conscience. A few months before he died, Abdullah, in the style of third world dynasts, anointed as his successor his son, a UK-based doctor. Farooq Abdullah, inexperienced but enthusiastic, had barely begun when he ran into problems with Indira Gandhi, who had by then evolved her own authoritarian style. In 1975 she brought her father's anxiety about national unity to a new hysterical pitch as she arrested opposition leaders for being "anti-national" and suspended fundamental rights. In Kashmir, Mrs. Gandhi found herself thwarted by Farooq Abdullah, who refused her offer of an election alliance between her party, the Congress, and the National Conference. Abdullah's victory in the elections of 1983, and subsequent hobnobbing with other politicians opposed to her, made Mrs. Gandhi determined to get rid of him. Her tactics here resembled those of the colonial state, something the British had employed to great effect: encouraging religious sectarianism in order to downplay regional disaffection with the central government. In Punjab, she had built up Bhindranwale, an illiterate Sikh preacher, as a counterweight to the province's anti-Congress government; the preacher subsequently turned into a murderous demagogue and declared war on India. Undeterred by the setback in Punjab, she set to work on building up an atmosphere of Hindu jingoism over the issue of Kashmir. A few stray anti-India demonstrations and violent incidents were held up as evidence of Farooq Abdullah's unreliability. The Indian press, which for decades had faithfully followed the government line on Kashmir, went along with Mrs. Gandhi. Not that the Hindu middle classes needed much persuasion. By then Nehruvian nationalism had begun to degenerate into Hindu nationalism, into a search for external and internal enemies—the enemies who, when they were not the CIA or Pakistan, invariably belonged to the minority community, whether Sikh, as in the case of Punjab, or Muslim. The mass mu s leaders of 3,000 Sikhs in Delhi after Mrs. Gandhi's assassination in 1984 came out of that frenzy of Hindu xenophobia Mrs. Gandhi had herself encouraged. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Abdullah's elected government was illegally dismissed in 1984 by Jagmohan, a governor specially appointed by Mrs. Gandhi after shifting the previous governor, who had refused to move against Abdullah, out of Kashmir. The new government, made up of defectors from Farooq Abdullah's party, the National Conference, had to impose a curfew for seventy-two out of its first ninety days in office in order to keep down public agitation against it. Then, in early 1986, Jagmohan dismissed the government and took charge. During his tenure as governor of the state of Jammu and Kashmir in the Eighties and then again in the early Nineties, Jagmohan did more than anyone else to provoke insurgency in the state. He came to be known as a pro-Hindu bureaucrat during Mrs. Gandhi's Emergency when he sent bulldozers into Muslim slum colonies in Delhi as part of an attempted "beautification" of the city. In Kashmir, an isolated state with a docile population always seeming ready to be trampled upon, he was no more subtle. He saw the distinct cultural identity of Kashmir as something that had to be undermined before the state could join what in India is referred to, without irony, as the "national mainstream." With this all-subsuming idea in mind, he sought to impose a peculiarly Hindu modernity on the state, where the unrestricted sale of alcohol was permitted but Muslims were forbidden to slaughter sheep on a Hindu festival day—a pointless act since no prohibitions on meat exist for Kashmiri Hindus. The number of Muslims being recruited in government service went down. The Hindu nationalists are known to admire the resettlement policies followed by the Israeli government in the occupied territories in the 1970s, and Jagmohan may have been inspired by them in encouraging non-Muslims to work The backlash was not long in coming: what a colonized people fear most is the possibility of being swallowed up by the dominant alien culture in their midst; that's why the British had left the great religions of the subcontinent and their many subcultures more or less untouched. As in Algeria, Iran, and Egypt, anxiety about modernization, cultural influences from elsewhere, and rampant unemployment turned, because of Jagmohan, into an anxiety about religion: the notion that not only Muslims but Islam itself was in danger—the same fear that had led many Indian Muslims in the mid-1940s to suddenly embrace, after years of relative indifference toward it, the idea of Pakistan. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The popularity of Islamist parties grew and grew all through the 1980s, helped by the growth of madrassas, the privately owned theology schools which were often run by Muslims from Assam in eastern India, over a thousand miles away, where mass killings of Muslims in the early Eighties had forced their migration to Kashmir. These Muslims from outside Kashmir brought their own fundamentalist variety of Islam to the valley: the clerics suddenly wanted to impose new prohibitions restricting women's rights; they wished to ban Bombay films and beauty parlors. The Islamist parties came together to fight the elections of 1987, in which Abdullah teamed up with the Congress. Just three years after being thrown out by the Congress, Farooq Abdullah decided he couldn't do anything in Kashmir without the support of the ruling party. But his power-sharing arrangement with the Congress was seen as another humilia-tion for Kashmir. To no one's surprise, he won the elections, and Kash-miris still talk about the active rigging that went on by Indian election officials. Opposition candidates comfortably in the lead suddenly found themselves defeated; candidates and polling agents were beaten up and tortured. Syed Salahuddin, the current leader of Hizbul Mujhadeen, the l based guerrilla outfit, was imprisoned after having nearly won his race. "There is no material there for democracy": the expressed contempt of Nehru's belief, amplified over time, at last began to affect a new generation of Kashmiris, the young, educated sons of peasants and artisans already reduced to futile resentment by corruption and unemployment. It was also around this time that the first groups of young Kashmiri men, most of them highly educated, some even with engineering degrees, and almost all of them jobless, stole across the vast open border into Pakistan. 5. The young men were received by middle-level army officers in Pakistan, and set up well, with salaries and private housing. They were trained in the use of light weapons for some months; many of them were asked to return to the valley and bring back more young men. Other recruits smuggled arms and ammunition into the valley. Slowly, the traffic across the border grew: in less than three years thousands of young Kashmiri men had been across the border, where they formed the first guerrilla groups that began a war of liberation in 1990. Pakistan was a natural choice. It had tried to liberate Kashmir by force twice by sending in armed infiltrators—first in 1948 and then in 1965—and on both occasions had failed to muster enough support among the local population, which, though not entirely happy with Indian rule, was also wary of Pakistan. But the fast-growing disillusionment with Indian rule through the 1980s made many Kashmiris look toward Pakistan for assistance: it was the only country in the world that consistently affirmed, at least rhetorically, the Kashmiri "right to self-determination." For the Pakistani army officers who received the Kashmiris, the creation and support of the guerrilla groups required no expertise; they had done similar things, on a much larger scale, for the mujahideen fighting the Soviet army in Afghanistan since 1979. Most of them worked for the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence) which was set up to coordin e war effort in Afghanistan with the CIA, and had come to have a very large extra-constitutional role in Pakistan. The army's control of Pakistan had never weakened since the last months of 1947, when the war with India over Kashmir turned the new country, lacking the administrative center or the infrastructure of the former colonial government, into a national security state, with over 70 percent of the national budget being spent on defense. Ethnic and linguistic affinities have always been stronger than religion in the subcontinent, and Islam turned out to be a weak nation-building glue in Pakistan. The feudal and professional Muslim elite's fear of being overwhelmed by Hindu India mutated into an anxiety about the assertion of ethnic identities in Sind, Baluchistan, and East Pakistan. The need to pacify ethnic minorities while affirming the power of the central government—a tricky maneuver which in a stronger and more democratic state like India had ended up promoting political life—only further expanded the role of the army and the bureaucracy in Pakistan. In 1979, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, Pakistan was thirty-two years old, and still without a coherent political life. Just eight years before, it had suffered the traumatic secession of East Pakistan with its large Bengali Muslim population, which became, with India's assistance, Bangladesh. It was ruled despotically by an army general, Zia-ul-Haq, who had just hanged his former prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and the primitive economy with a tiny manufacturing base was propped up by export of cheap labor to the Middle East. The CIA found Pakistan a ready host for its proxy war against the Soviet Union. Billions of dollars worth of arms and ammunition arrived in Pakistan over the next ten years, transforming the social and political landscape of the entire region while creating a strong Islamic fundamentalist movement all around the world. The arms went to the mujahideen fighting the Soviet army, and their sale in the black also used to finance an illegal drug trade—a disastrous link that eventually resulted in, apart from cheap heroin on the streets of New York, an estimated five million heroin addicts in Pakistan. The army was brought into the civil administration, and organizations like the ISI acquired their currently limitless and sinister power during this time. Most damagingly, Zia-ul-Haq revived the idea of an Islamic society in order to postpone the transition to civilian rule he had promised soon after his coup against Bhutto. The state funds that were made available to Islamic organizations went into raising armed outfits that attacked Muslim minorities such as the Shi'ites and the Ahmediyas; and violent conflict within rival Islamic groups broke out in many parts of the country. Of the three million Afghans who came as refugees to Pakistan, many went to the province of Sind, where local opposition to their presence developed into a particularly savage civil war in Karachi, the largest city. Hundreds of thousands of Afghan refugees were given food, shelter, and elementary Islamic instruction at madrassas run by an Islamic organization close to the Pakistani army and sponsored by Saudi Arabia. It was the students at these madrassas that, assisted by Pakistan, went on to form the extremist Taliban that now controls much of Afghanistan. The Soviet retreat from Afghanistan in 1989 was claimed as a victory by the fundamentalists. The fantasy of a new extensive jihad, such as the one in the seventh and eighth centuries that had established Islam as a world religion, attracted thousands of Muslims from countries like Egypt, Algeria, Yemen, and Sudan to Pakistan. It was one of these men who attempted to blow up the World Trade Center in New York in 1993. This globalized jihad, which began as a CIA-initiated move to unite all Muslims against godless communism, found new promoters after 1989, such as Osama Bin Laden, whose network of Muslim militants now spans the world. Many of the Muslims trained in Afghanistan went o tivists within Islamic fundamentalist movements in Egypt, Algeria, and the Central Asian republics. In Pakistan, about a hundred thousand unemployed men went to fight the jihad in Afghanistan; and a few thousand among them would go on to fight in Kashmir. The Pakistani army itself was infiltrated by Islamic fundamentalists; and there is a quite real possibility at present of these fundamentalists seizing political power in a nuclear-armed Pakistan. There are other equally ruinous aftereffects of the American-Pakistani adventure in Afghanistan. The generous American and Saudi Arabian support for the mujahideen in Afghanistan created and enriched a powerful lobby composed of army officers, smugglers, and drug barons, whose special, often conflicting, needs now shape Pakistan's domestic and foreign policies, and usually work against Pakistan's own larger interests.[11] Jihad alone brings about a degree of consensus among Pakistan's corrupt ruling elite; holy war is now the very profitable raison d'être of many of them. As the Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid points out in his alarming book, when American interest in Afghanistan dwindled in the early 1990s the ISI turned its attention to the longstanding dispute over Kashmir, which had always aroused much patriotic sentiment within Pakistan.[12] All through the 1990s, the uprising against Indian rule in Kashmir, and the hectic mobilization by the intelligence officers of the ISI for a fresh jihad against India, came in especially handy as distractions from the many social and economic breakdowns within Pakistan. India was always the significant enemy. The war over Bangladesh with India in 1971 had ended in utter humiliation for the Pakistani army, with 90,000 of its soldiers taken prisoner; and revenge motivated many ISI officers as much as the need to keep pressing the hot button of jihad. One reason why American arms and money for the mujahideen in Afghanistan were so eagerly accepted by Zia-ul-Haq was that they seemed to give Pakistan a "strategic dept ict with India over Kashmir. In the mid-1990s, the government of Pakistan risked international isolation in supporting the Taliban, partly because the latter provided facilities in Afghanistan for the training of Muslims committed to the jihad in Kashmir. The war in Afghanistan thus brought Pakistan to an unexpected fulfillment of its original mission: instead of becoming the pure homeland of Muslims, it became the capital of a global movement for jihad, a holy war against infidels, who seemed to be everywhere. It wasn't what Iqbal, insecure after his time in the West, thrown back to regretting the dead glory of Islam in Europe, could have imagined when he first proposed a democratic society of believers. And it wasn't what the Kashmiris, accustomed to a more benign version of Islam, could have imagined when they turned spontaneously to Pakistan for assistance in their struggle against India, and found themselves enlisted into a jihad. The first murders, kidnappings, and bombings by Pakistan-backed guerrillas began in Kashmir in 1989, while Farooq Abdullah was still heading a civilian government. Later that year the daughter of the home minister in the federal government in Delhi, a native of Kashmir, was taken hostage, and then released in exchange for five guerrillas. Large crowds welcomed the released men on the streets of Srinagar. They were fired upon by Indian police; five men died. There were more protests, bigger and bigger demonstrations: hundreds of thousands of men and women filled the streets of Srinagar, shouting "Azadi, Azadi" (Freedom, Freedom). People still speak of the strange energy in the air at the time: everyone shared the heady expectation that freedom was just around the corner, and the news of the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan and television images of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the great demonstrations of Eastern Europe only deepened the delusion. It was then, early in 1990, that the Indian government again appointed Jagmohan as governor; he arrived with a sense of mis proached that of the Islamic guerrillas. Farooq Abdullah resigned, leaving Kashmir without an elected leader. A series of ruthless actions quickly followed. Hundreds of young men suspected of being guerrillas were taken away from their homes, tortured, and sometimes killed. Unprovoked firings on demonstrators alone cost hundreds of lives—thanks to jumpy soldiers far from home, given a simple idea of the enemy, and licensed to kill. Thousands of Indian soldiers were brought into the valley—their current number is between 300,000 to 400,000. Foreign journalists were expelled and local journalists found themselves confined to their houses. A whole set of severe laws were introduced—not that so many were needed, since all safeguards for civil liberties had completely collapsed by then. You could be picked up anywhere, interrogated, or killed; and no one would ever come to know what happened. Third-degree methods of torture were used on old men and even the very young. The Kashmiri-American poet Agha Shahid Ali quotes a doctor who attended to a sixteen-year-old boy released from one of the interrogation centers: "Did anything in his lines of Fate reveal that the webs of his hands would be cut with a knife?"[13] By the time Jagmohan was replaced, after six months as governor, the entire Muslim population of the valley had revolted against Indian rule. The local police mutinied; the legal sys-tem staffed by Kashmiris was close to collapse; more than a hundred thousand Hindus fled; the hospitals were flooded with tortured and maimed young men; and thousands of young men were missing, presumed dead, or in Pakistan. —This is the second of three articles on Kashmir. Notes [1] Mohammad Ishaq Khan, Experiencing Islam (New Delhi: Sterling, 1997). [2] Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Flames of the Chinar: An Autobiography, abridged and translated from the Urdu by Khushwant Singh (New Delhi: Viking, 1993), p. 3. [3] See Victoria Schofield, Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan, and the Unfinished War (I.B. Tauris, (Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 38. [5] Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Flames of the Chinar, p. 56. [6] See my article "Death in Kashmir," The New York Review, September 21, 2000, pp. 36-42. [7] Autobiography (Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 57. [8] See Balraj Puri, Kashmir: Towards Insurgency (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1995), p. 47. [9] The head of Kashmir's elected government was no longer referred to as prime minister after 1965, but, as in other Indian states, was known simply as chief minister. [10] Sarvepalli Gopal, Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography, Vol. 2 (Harvard University Press, 1980), p. 262. [11] The costs for Pakistan's already feeble economy have already been high. In 1997-1998, the smugglers, working with impunity, alone deprived Pakistan of $600 million in customs revenue. [12] Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia (Yale University Press, 2000). [13] "Dear Shahid," in The Country Without a Post Office (Norton, 1997), p. 43. From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Tue Dec 11 22:45:28 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 11 Dec 2001 17:15:28 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] The Birth of a Nation...Pankaj Mishra on Kashmir Message-ID: <20011211171528.23995.qmail@mailweb25.rediffmail.com> The New York Review of Books October 5, 2000 The Birth of a Nation By Pankaj Mishra The Muslims of India were late to embrace the inadvertent benefits of colonial rule in the nineteenth century: the access to the modern world that Western-style education provided to the Hindus and that created a pan-Indian intelligentsia—people like Gandhi, Nehru, and Tagore—who went on to assume the leadership of the freedom movement. Many of the Muslim leaders still dreamed of reviving the power and glory of Muslim rule over India, which the British had comprehensively destroyed. As independence from colonial rule began to appear a possibility in the early twentieth century, many educated Muslims began to know new anxieties about their people's inferiority vis-à-vis both the British and the Hindus. It is no coincidence that the person who articulated best the fears and frustrations of Indian Muslims was a Kashmiri, Mohammad Iqbal, one of the most important Muslim philosophical thinkers of modern times. Iqbal was born in 1876 in what is now Pakistan to an illiterate family of shawl peddlers and tailors. His parents managed to send him to school and college, where he did very well. He was already famous for his poetry when he went to Cambridge in the early years of the twentieth century to study philosophy. Iqbal followed many other Indians in being deeply impressed by the progress made by Europe in the nineteenth century; the idea of individual struggle and fulfillment, and the related idea of the individual's responsibilities to society and the nation, could not but come as a revelation to people from listless subject communities. Iqbal came to admire Nietzsche. The idea of the Superman, of self-creation and self-assertion, spoke to him in the powerful way it always has to people from colonized countries. But he was also disturbed by racism and hypercompetitiveness, and while in Europe, struggling with the complex mix of admiration, fear, and insecurity the place aroused, he became even more aware of his Muslim id . The history of Islam acquired new meanings for him; from a ship the sighting of Sicily, the setting of one of Islam's greatest triumphs in Europe, could make him weep. He came back to India convinced, like many Indians before him, that the progress of his community lay not in imitating Europe but in reforming and reviving the religion he had been born into. To this end, he began to exalt masculine vigor and the great Islamic past in his writings. He became a determined critic of Sufism, of the mystical and folk traditions within Islam that advocate the rejection of the ego and the self, and that had found such a hospitable home in his ancestral Kashmir. He saw these traditions as emasculating Muslims, making them inadequate before the outstanding tasks demanded of the self and of the larger Islamic community. Iqbal's ideas about Islam in India had to have political ramifications. Politics itself at that time of colonial oppression was primarily a quest for dignity, an assertion of identity first, and then only secondarily an attempt at creating new institutions. As such, it could not be separated from religion, from the larger sense of a shared culture and past which was the beginning of the political sense for all deprived and subjugated peoples. If, as Iqbal believed, Islam had weakened itself by mingling with the local traditions of Hinduism, its original purity under the democracy established by the first four caliphs couldn't be recovered within an India dominated by Hindus. True Islam, as Iqbal conceived it, could be reinstated only if Indian Muslims formed a separate nation. The idea which Iqbal put forward at an important political meeting of Muslims in 1930 was the beginning of the two-nation theory’ which, seventeen years later, worked itself out in the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan. 1. For most Hindus in India, Iqbal is the misguided instigator of the movement for Pakistan. I hadn't really thought of him in connection with Kashmir until recently, when I met Dr. Mohammad nagar, the Kashmiri capital. Dr. Khan teaches medieval history at Kashmir University in Srinagar, and has done pioneering work on Islam's acculturation in the Hindu-Buddhist environment of Kashmir. He is a small, round-faced man, gentle in demeanor; he speaks slowly, as if unaccustomed to talking much of his work, but in clear qualified sentences that indicate a quietly active mind. During the past decade, the years of the insurgency, when the university ceased to function, he has done his best work: a book on the spiritual dimensions of Islam that stressed the contemplative aspects of the faith over the ideological ones.[1] In one of the Kashmiri newspapers I read during a recent visit to Kashmir—pages that were full of bad news but always offering something lively in their editorial pages—I read a piece by Dr. Khan describing his recent visit to Pakistan. He had met many Kashmiris settled there; but he had stayed away from the awkward subject of politics altogether. When asked why he and other Muslim intellectuals in Kashmir weren't involved in the anti-India insurgency, he had thought of the Persian sufi Rumi's words: "The intellect is destroyed by partial reason." But he did visit Iqbal's tomb in Lahore; and in a striking passage he describes how overwhelmed he was with emotion as he approached the tomb: "I couldn't control myself. Tears started pouring from my eyes." Dr. Khan's allegiance was to the Sufi tradition of Kashmir, which Iqbal had rejected. His suspicion of Islam as ideology had only grown after the violence and suffering caused by the insurgency, which one of his own students had joined, someone whom Dr. Khan remembered as denouncing, in the way Iqbal once had, Sufi Islam for turning the Kashmiris into apathetic slaves of Hindu India. The student had gone to Pakistan for training in the military camps and risen high within the leading pro-Pakistan guerrilla group, Hizbul Mujahideen, before being killed in Srinagar early last year. Iqbal's personal response to Europe and Islam and the eauty of his poetry had been reduced in the end to simple ideologies that had sent thousands of other young men to an early death. Nevertheless, the idea of Iqbal as the man who had brought a hope of redemption to the Muslims of the subcontinent survived, and—this is what struck me—still had the power, many decades later, of moving even someone like Dr. Khan, committed to the intellectual life, to tears. It was somewhat easier after that to imagine the impact Iqbal had on millions of Muslims across India with his poetry and philosophy—something comparable to Gandhi's influence on the Hindus; and it was somewhat easier to enter the Indian Muslim's sense of dispossession, and understand how much the charisma and persuasive power of men like Iqbal derive from the raw unformed nature of their communities. For Kashmiris the person who came to embody their fate a generation after Iqbal was Sheikh Abdullah, once hailed as the Lion of Kashmir, who for more than half a century since the early 1930s remained the most popular leader of Kashmiri Muslims. His funeral in 1982 was attended by hundreds of thousands of mourners. But eight years later, his grave was desecrated—a moment that marks not only the beginning of the insurgency, but also the decline of the politics of personality in South Asia. Abdullah's early mentor was Iqbal, whom he had met in 1924 in Lahore, when Iqbal was at the height of his fame. Iqbal had first visited Kashmir, the land of his ancestors, three years before, and had come away distressed by the condition of the Muslims: "In the bitter chill of winter shivers his naked body," he wrote, "whose skill wraps the rich in royal shawls."[2] He had joined the Muslim-owned newspapers of Lahore in highlighting the fate of the Kashmiris Muslim under Hindu rule: how though they formed 96 percent of the population the rate of literacy among them was only 0.8 percent.[3] Iqbal was sympathetic to Abdullah, who, like himself, came from a family of poor shawl sellers, and was one of the few Kashmiri who had managed to educate themselves up to the point where they found their way blocked by discrimination on grounds of religion: under the Maharajah, only Hindus, who were a mere 4 percent of the population, were allowed to aspire to higher education and better jobs. Abdullah had to leave Kashmir and go to Aligarh, near Delhi, where the first college providing Western-style education exclusively to Muslims had been set up in 1875. On his return to Kashmir in 1930, he had joined a small group of graduate students from Aligarh who called themselves the Reading Room Party. Barely a year later, Kashmir witnessed the first major disturbance against the autocratic rule of the Maharajah. A Muslim called Abdul Qadir who was working as a butler for a European resident was arrested for giving a seditious speech. Crowds who came to protest at the prison gates were arrested; more protests followed, and then at some point the police fired on the demonstrators. Twenty-one people died. Then the procession carrying the bodies for burial became unruly, and Hindu-owned shops along the route to the graveyard were looted. The Maharajah's Hindu army cracked down more brutally on Muslim dissenters. Abdullah spent a year in prison with other members of the Reading Room Party. When he was released in 1932, he announced the formation of the Muslim Conference: it was the first organized opposition to the regime of the Maharajah in Kashmir. There was a special edge to Abdullah's relationship with the Maharajah. No two men could have been more dissimilar: the horse-racing Maharajah with a weakness for fraudulent Hindu holy men, and the devout Muslim and brilliant manipulator of the masses. In his opposition to the Maharajah, Abdullah found himself supported by leaders of the Indian nationalist movement against colonial rule, particularly Pandit Nehru, who under Gandhi's patronage had become the unchallenged leader of the Congress Party. The friendship between Abdullah and Nehru grew fast. There was a special reason for that fr min ancestors came from Kashmir, and had moved just a few decades before his birth in 1889 to Delhi and Allahabad, where they became one of the first families of modern India. There was always an air of the solitary visionary about Nehru. He was sent to Harrow and Cambridge by his Anglophilic father. During his time in Europe he was much influenced by European ideas of socialism and nationalism. His discovery of India came later and made all the more valuable for him the discovery of his roots in Kashmir, the ancestral connection which was deepened by the pantheistic feeling he, a man who disdained organized religion, had for the Himalayas. In 1924, Iqbal had told Abdullah that though his body was confined to India his soul existed in Kashmir. Nehru came close to making the same claim in his various scattered writings on Kashmir. He himself visited the state as a young trekker and was enraptured. In The Continent of Circe, Nirad Chaudhuri wrote of the Hindu sense of loss associated with the Himalayas: the cold regions the Aryan settlers of North India had come from, the longing expressed by Nehru himself when he wrote in his autobiography, "And I dream of the day when I shall wander about the Himalayas."[4] In official and personal correspondence, Nehru kept coming back to what he himself described as his "partiality for Kashmir." That partiality took several forms, and was to shape Indian attitudes toward Kashmir well after his death. By the time he met and befriended Abdullah in the mid-1930s, he had already begun to put into shape his blueprint for an independent India. In Abdullah, he saw someone who shared his conviction that the old social and economic order of India, represented by the maharajahs and big landlords, had to be destroyed through land reforms and centralized economic planning. Abdullah was also receptive to his advocacy of secularism: it was under Nehru's persuasion that Abdullah changed the name of the Muslim Conference to the National Conference, and acquired a greater following among Kashmir valley, as well as among the Hindu majority in Jammu, the southern part of the state, which, though distrustful of Abdullah, found reassuring his growing proximity to Indian nationalist leaders. 2. As the creation of Pakistan became a certainty, much to the heartbreak of Gandhi and others who had wanted to see a united India come into being, Nehru became determined that Kashmir and its Muslim majority should be part of the India he had envisaged and so painstakingly worked toward: an India that was committed to democracy, secularism, and socialism. He was convinced that the idea of a separate nation for the Muslims—the "two-nation" theory first proposed by Iqbal and embraced by the feudal Muslim elite of North India—was a mistake; he didn't think it could solve the prob-lem of the Muslim community, the problem he defined as social and economic backwardness. He thought the landlords and mullahs who had kept the Muslim masses away from the benefits of education would merely consolidate their power in a new state. Abdullah's own view of the demand for Pakistan was more qualified and less emotional. He felt, as he confessed in his autobiography, a subconscious sympathy for it[5] ; he saw it as a Muslim reaction against Hindu sectarianism, which he believed, despite his personal regard for Gandhi and Nehru, the Congress Party insidiously practiced. Indeed, he thought he could discern strains of Hindu revivalism in Nehru's sentimental attachment to Kashmir. He could also see that Kashmir's Muslim-majority population and geographical location made for a natural affinity with the new state of Pakistan being carved out from the western, as well as eastern, parts of British India. At the same time, he felt himself out of sympathy with the men leading the agitation for Pakistan, particularly Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the pork-eating barrister from Bombay, who did not disguise his contempt for the Kashmiris and yet assumed that the state with its Muslim majority had no option but to join the new homeland for . Abdullah also feared that the poor Muslims of Kashmir would get a bad deal in the feudal setup of Pakistan. So it was that in the years leading up to the partition of India Abdullah came to think of independence and democracy as the best option for Kashmir. The same idea, without of course the democracy bit, had struck the Maharajah, who, as the time of British withdrawal from India came nearer, was faced, as the ruler of the largest of the 562 states under British paramountcy, with a choice between India and Pakistan. The Maharajah's autocratic ways continued as local opposition to him intensified. In 1946, he put Abdullah and other members of the National Conference in prison for running a highly popular "Quit Kashmir" campaign against him. Nehru's support for Abdullah had already alienated the Maharajah from the Indian leadership; Gandhi's questioning the legitimacy of his rule over Kashmir, which had its dubious origin in a sale deed in 1846 between the Maharajah's ancestors and the British, made him more receptive to emissaries from Pakistan who began to visit him with greater frequency. The partition of India was three months old and he was still talking with both Indian and Pakistan representatives, hoping to buy time and preserve his regime, when a quick series of events forced him to act. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Violence and rioting during Partition had affected the southern part of the Maharajah's state, where Sikh refugees from Pakistan joined Hindu nationalists and members of the Maharajah's police in attacking Muslims. Tens of thousands of Muslims were killed. (Half a century later, I heard an old Sikh speak of these murders with pride at Chitisinghpura, the Kashmir village where in March this year thirty-five Sikhs were massacred by unidentified gunmen.[6] ) Many more Muslims fled to Pakistan, where the news of their suffering outraged the always very volatile Muslim tribesmen of the northwestern provinces on the Pakistan borde ng jihad against the Maharajah. In one of the impetuous and confused actions that inaugurated and forever marked the Pakistani position on Kashmir, a few officers of the Pakistani army provided a ragtag army of jihad-minded tribals with arms and helped them across the border into Kashmir—all this at the time when the Pakistan government was still trying to win over the Maharajah to join Kashmir with Pakistan. The Maharajah's army was no match for the energetic tribal forces, who advanced swiftly through the northwest parts of Kashmir; an older generation of Kashmiris still remembers the killings and looting and rapes that they committed on their way to Srinagar. The Maharajah panicked as they came closer and closer. His son, Karan Singh, describes in his autobiography[7] the moment when the lights went out in the palace—the invaders had destroyed the power station—and the noise of howling jackals suddenly arose in the darkness and silence. The Maharajah appealed to the Indian government for military assistance; but the legalistic response from Delhi was that the Indian army could enter Kashmir only after the state had formally acceded to India. There was no choice now for the Maharajah. As the tribal army drew nearer to Srinagar, he fled the city for the Hindu- dominated city of Jammu, where he went to bed after instructing his aide-de-camp to shoot him in his sleep if the Indian government's representative didn't turn up with the instrument of accession. He never returned to Kashmir and died in far-off Bombay in 1962. The Indian army finally arrived in Srinagar in late October 1947, and its offensive against the invaders became a full-fledged war with Pakistan that lasted more than a year. A cease-fire was eventually declared under the auspices of the UN on January 1, 1949, by which time the Indian army had driven the invaders out of the valley. However, the northwestern part of the princely state, which is different, culturally and socially, from the Kashmir valley and closer to the Muslim Punjab, remaine , though named Azad (Free) Kashmir’ is effectively as much a part of Pakistan as the valley is of India. It was Sheikh Abdullah, released from prison just three weeks before the invasion, who had organized the defense of Srinagar. The National Conference came out in support of the Indian army. Abdullah not only endorsed the accession to India, but also worked up popular Kashmiri support for it, which wasn't hard since the atrocities committed by the tribal army had put fear of Pakistan in the Kashmiris, and this fear took a long time to fade. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- In retrospect, the tribal invasion seems to have spoiled everything. Now the issue of Kashmir acquired a degree of complication from which it never recovered. Nehru took the dispute to the UN on January 1, 1948, and offered to hold a plebiscite under international auspices to confirm the accession to India. This sounds generous given that Nehru already had what he wanted: physical control of the valley. But Nehru also wanted the legitimacy of popular support for Indian rule over Kashmir. He was confident that, with Sheikh Abdullah on his side, India would win a plebiscite in Kashmir. As things turned out, the Indian offer of a plebiscite under the supervision of the UN was never redeemed. There was no withdrawal of the Indian and Pakistan armies from Kashmir, which had to be achieved before the plebiscite could take place, and the issue got bogged down in various legalities as the years passed. Pakistan remained in occupation of one third of the state, and denounced the accession to India as fraudulent since in its view the Maharajah had surrendered all authority by fleeing Srinagar after the Muslims rebelled. The Indians kept dismissing the claim and saying that it was Pakistan that had acted illegally by invading the state and frequently raised the rhetorical ante—as they still do—by saying that the only unresolved issue for India was the return of Pakistan-occupied territorie Positions hardened on both sides as the cold war came to the subcontinent. The State Department under John Foster Dulles always suspected Nehru of being soft on communism, and was openly contemptuous of his non-aligned position. The US drew closer to Pakistan, which it included, in the mid-1950s, in such military treaties as CENTO and SEATO. This further stiffened Nehru's position on Kashmir; there was no more talk of a plebiscite. The Soviet Union under Khrushchev became a consistent supporter of Nehru's line, which became the official Indian line, that Kashmir was an integral part of India, and thus not subject to any international arbitration. The cease-fire line between India and Pakistan in Kashmir, called the Line of Control (LOC), became a de facto international border. This would have been the end of the dispute: the status quo accepted by all parties as an unalterable reality. Certainly, in those early years, the populations in both Indian- and Pakistani-held Kashmir seemed content to be where they were. Sheikh Abdullah was now in charge, and almost the first thing he did in his five difficult years as prime minister of Kashmir from 1948 to 1953 was to initiate a series of ambitious land reforms whereby ownership rights to lands in excess of twelve and a half acres were abolished. In effect, this meant taking land away from the Hindu landlords and distributing it among poor Muslim tenants. It was a mini-revolution, and it assured Abdullah the gratitude and support of two generations of Kashmiri Muslims. But less than four decades later, Kashmiris were to take up arms for the first time in their long history; India was to face a popular insurgency in Kashmir, and come close to nuclear war with Pakistan. The grave of Sheikh Abdullah, eight years after his crowded funeral, was to require round-the-clock protection from vandals. 3. Jinnah's demand for Pakistan had innocuous beginnings: from being a desire for a guarantee of Muslim rights in a Hindu-majority India, it developed into a demand f ration of India where Muslims would not have minority status but would share power with Hindus. However, the Hindu leaders of the Congress Party, so close to achieving real political power for the first time, were in no mood to share it. The clumsily partitioned provinces toward the eastern and the western borders of India weren't what Jinnah has asked for—there were almost as many Muslims in India as in the new state of Pakistan—but it was all the Congress was prepared to part with. In the end, with the British impatient to depart and hustling everyone else, it was the Congress that was eager to settle for partition in order to consolidate its hold on the much bigger Hindu-majority provinces and the institutions of the colonial state—the army, the bureaucracy, and the police—that were its great inheritance from the British. Among the people who took a harder line as a result of the demand for partition was Nehru, who, for most of a lifetime spent fighting the British, had never accepted the idea of Pakistan, and had held on to the idea of a united multicultural India. The bloodshed that accompanied the partition came as a bigger blow to him; he was now more convinced than ever of the need to have, in the colonial way, a strong central government for India, with as little autonomy as possible for the diverse communities that constituted it. He was to regard all regional assertiveness—and there was much of that across India in the Fifties—with suspicion. National unity, along with secularism, became his mantra, which was taken up by almost all political parties, and echoed by the colonial bureaucracy that was keen on holding onto its own power. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- It was hard, nevertheless, to keep down sectarian demands in a country as diverse as India, where independence had released a new longing for self-expression, where millions of previously disfranchised people could find a political voice only through the community they were born t lesser leader would have proved disastrous here. Nehru dealt astutely with the demands for a linguistic reorganization of India, which in the South Indian state of Tamil Nadu, for example, had developed into a movement for outright secession. He used a carrot-and-stick policy—a mix of limited democracy and state repression—to pacify various regional groups and keep them within India. But his own emotional connection with Kashmir made him wield a big stick there with Sheikh Abdullah, who, soon after becoming prime minister, had come up against the problems of running a large multi-ethnic, multi-religious state—problems not unlike those Nehru himself faced, but which Abdullah was much less equipped to deal with. He was primarily the leader of the Muslims of the Kashmir valley, who represented the majority of the state's population, 53 percent. But there were also the influential Hindu majority in Jammu to the south, who resented Abdullah's radical politics, and the Buddhists of Ladakh, who were worried about the power of the valley's Muslims. As usually happens, the lack of a political opposition, partly ensured by Nehru, turned Abdullah into an authoritarian ruler. Impressed by the Soviet model, he made the party inseparable from the administration; and, as the aggrieved tone of his letters to Nehru shows, he interpreted all opposition to him as an attempt to undermine his personal authority, and, by extension, the right of the Kashmiri Muslims to run the state after centuries of foreign rule. When the Hindu nationalists in Jammu, the forebears of the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party), which dominates the current Indian government, organized in the early 1950s the dispossessed landlords and followers of the sulking Maharajah into a movement for greater integration with India, Abdullah became more insecure. He had bargained hard with the Indian government to preserve the state from excessive interference by New Delhi; Kashmir, he argued, needed special guarantees for the protection of its autonomy. He now rev dependent Kashmir, bringing it up with, among other visiting diplomats, Adlai Stevenson in 1953. This was disturbing news for Nehru. He now felt Abdullah moving away from him and toward a course of action that was likely to end in India's losing Kashmir, and losing with it its secular credentials. He was quick to act: Abdullah was dismissed in 1953 and put in prison, where he stayed, initially without trial, for all but four months of the next eleven years. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- This sounds rather unbecoming of Nehru, who by then was known internationally as a statesman. But national unity had become his obsession. He had praised Abdullah's land reforms; he had ensured that no political opposition to Abdullah could grow in the state; he had offered personal friendship to him. But now Abdullah was working against the "national interest." The support and dismissal of Abdullah was consistent with Nehru's belief that politics in Kashmir revolved around personalities. It was what he had told an activist who was arguing for a democratic opposition to Abdullah: there was, Nehru asserted, "no material for democracy in Kashmir."[8] The other side, then, of Nehru's enchantment with Kashmir was a fear of losing control, a possessiveness that he gradually transformed into a national imperative: Kashmir, he began to argue, couldn't be separated from India without exposing the Muslims in the rest of India to retaliation from Hindu fanatics. You still hear a version of this idea in liberal circles in India: that communal riots of the same scale and intensity as those during the partition of India are around the corner if Kashmir is allowed to break away. And then, in 1953, an old protégé of Abdullah named Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed took over as prime minister of Kashmir, and did everything Nehru wanted to constitutionally integrate Kashmir into India. Promises of autonomy made earlier to Abdullah were cancelled; and fear of violence came to dictate Indian icy. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed was himself sidelined after serving ten years as the India-approved prime minister of Kashmir, and was imprisoned in 1965 when he sought to undermine an India-backed chief minister.[9] Kashmir without Sheikh Abdullah reverted to being what it was for centuries under Mughal rule: a dependency, its fate controlled by a distant great power whose representatives could do what they wished to as long as no one rocked the boat. Its political life, which had really only begun with Abdullah, came to be dominated by small men with small aims of personal empowerment and enrichment, by constant intrigues and betrayals. Elections were held periodically in order to demonstrate before the world the democratic nature of the Delhi-imposed regime. But they were farcically rigged: the nomination papers of opposition parties would be rejected or their candidates beaten up and arrested; the National Conference won most elections unopposed. A concerned Nehru had to tell Mohammed that it might look better if he were to lose a few elections to a few "bona-fide opponents."[10] The central government poured money into the state for development and education; and, for a few Kashmiris at least, the stakes for holding on to power went higher. A new elite of politicians and bureaucrats emerged out of the culture of corruption that grew around the administration. 4. As in the history of any dependency and its court politics, what you come to miss in accounts of Kashmir is a sense of the people, the way life went on in the villages and towns. One of the images that comes to mind is of the corrupt government official in his large house, his sons studying in the best colleges of India. The other image is of the peasant in his rice field and mud hut, living as depressed a life as he was when, in 1831, the French botanist Victor Jacquemont visited the region and found it the most wretched in all of the subcontinent. But the image alters as you read about the rise in literacy levels in the state. In all lik day the peasant's son has gone to school—one of the hundreds opened by the Indian government—and has even gone up to the new university or the medical and engineering colleges; the peasant himself hasn't done badly with his apple orchards—horticulture still forms the mainstay of the economy. In less than two decades, the peasant's son has become ready for a job, but then finds that his options are very limited. Modern education has taken him away from a life in the rice fields or the apple orchards; but there is no local industry in the valley. The only jobs are to be had with the government; and here he finds himself excluded by the culture of bribery and nepotism. In India, he finds himself a foreigner, likely to be discriminated against on grounds of religion; it is not easy for a Muslim to find a job or rent a house in a Hindu-dominated region. It is this sense of a blocked future that educated Kashmiris came to have, along with the realization, hammered into them by repeatedly rigged elections, of their political impotence, that eventually led to the insurgency in the early 1990s. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- In 1975, out of jail and once again chief minister of the state, Abdullah entered into an arrangement with the Indian government whereby he promised to give up the demand for self-determination in exchange for becoming what other men before him had been: a satrap of the Indian state in Kashmir. There was a downside to the total investment of faith invited by charismatic individuals like Iqbal, Abdullah, even Nehru. In the absence of institutions, the welfare of a country comes to depend on a few favored ideas, and, more dangerously, on personal temperament. The success or failure of individuals has consequences, sometimes damaging, for many future generations. With Iqbal, the danger always was that his followers would go for the simplest and most emotional of the ideas he was trying out in his mind; and after the first flurry of land formidable rhetoric and the glamorous myth of the prisoner of conscience. A few months before he died, Abdullah, in the style of third world dynasts, anointed as his successor his son, a UK-based doctor. Farooq Abdullah, inexperienced but enthusiastic, had barely begun when he ran into problems with Indira Gandhi, who had by then evolved her own authoritarian style. In 1975 she brought her father's anxiety about national unity to a new hysterical pitch as she arrested opposition leaders for being "anti-national" and suspended fundamental rights. In Kashmir, Mrs. Gandhi found herself thwarted by Farooq Abdullah, who refused her offer of an election alliance between her party, the Congress, and the National Conference. Abdullah's victory in the elections of 1983, and subsequent hobnobbing with other politicians opposed to her, made Mrs. Gandhi determined to get rid of him. Her tactics here resembled those of the colonial state, something the British had employed to great effect: encouraging religious sectarianism in order to downplay regional disaffection with the central government. In Punjab, she had built up Bhindranwale, an illiterate Sikh preacher, as a counterweight to the province's anti-Congress government; the preacher subsequently turned into a murderous demagogue and declared war on India. Undeterred by the setback in Punjab, she set to work on building up an atmosphere of Hindu jingoism over the issue of Kashmir. A few stray anti-India demonstrations and violent incidents were held up as evidence of Farooq Abdullah's unreliability. The Indian press, which for decades had faithfully followed the government line on Kashmir, went along with Mrs. Gandhi. Not that the Hindu middle classes needed much persuasion. By then Nehruvian nationalism had begun to degenerate into Hindu nationalism, into a search for external and internal enemies—the enemies who, when they were not the CIA or Pakistan, invariably belonged to the minority community, whether Sikh, as in the case of Punjab, or Muslim. The mass mu s leaders of 3,000 Sikhs in Delhi after Mrs. Gandhi's assassination in 1984 came out of that frenzy of Hindu xenophobia Mrs. Gandhi had herself encouraged. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Abdullah's elected government was illegally dismissed in 1984 by Jagmohan, a governor specially appointed by Mrs. Gandhi after shifting the previous governor, who had refused to move against Abdullah, out of Kashmir. The new government, made up of defectors from Farooq Abdullah's party, the National Conference, had to impose a curfew for seventy-two out of its first ninety days in office in order to keep down public agitation against it. Then, in early 1986, Jagmohan dismissed the government and took charge. During his tenure as governor of the state of Jammu and Kashmir in the Eighties and then again in the early Nineties, Jagmohan did more than anyone else to provoke insurgency in the state. He came to be known as a pro-Hindu bureaucrat during Mrs. Gandhi's Emergency when he sent bulldozers into Muslim slum colonies in Delhi as part of an attempted "beautification" of the city. In Kashmir, an isolated state with a docile population always seeming ready to be trampled upon, he was no more subtle. He saw the distinct cultural identity of Kashmir as something that had to be undermined before the state could join what in India is referred to, without irony, as the "national mainstream." With this all-subsuming idea in mind, he sought to impose a peculiarly Hindu modernity on the state, where the unrestricted sale of alcohol was permitted but Muslims were forbidden to slaughter sheep on a Hindu festival day—a pointless act since no prohibitions on meat exist for Kashmiri Hindus. The number of Muslims being recruited in government service went down. The Hindu nationalists are known to admire the resettlement policies followed by the Israeli government in the occupied territories in the 1970s, and Jagmohan may have been inspired by them in encouraging non-Muslims to work The backlash was not long in coming: what a colonized people fear most is the possibility of being swallowed up by the dominant alien culture in their midst; that's why the British had left the great religions of the subcontinent and their many subcultures more or less untouched. As in Algeria, Iran, and Egypt, anxiety about modernization, cultural influences from elsewhere, and rampant unemployment turned, because of Jagmohan, into an anxiety about religion: the notion that not only Muslims but Islam itself was in danger—the same fear that had led many Indian Muslims in the mid-1940s to suddenly embrace, after years of relative indifference toward it, the idea of Pakistan. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The popularity of Islamist parties grew and grew all through the 1980s, helped by the growth of madrassas, the privately owned theology schools which were often run by Muslims from Assam in eastern India, over a thousand miles away, where mass killings of Muslims in the early Eighties had forced their migration to Kashmir. These Muslims from outside Kashmir brought their own fundamentalist variety of Islam to the valley: the clerics suddenly wanted to impose new prohibitions restricting women's rights; they wished to ban Bombay films and beauty parlors. The Islamist parties came together to fight the elections of 1987, in which Abdullah teamed up with the Congress. Just three years after being thrown out by the Congress, Farooq Abdullah decided he couldn't do anything in Kashmir without the support of the ruling party. But his power-sharing arrangement with the Congress was seen as another humilia-tion for Kashmir. To no one's surprise, he won the elections, and Kash-miris still talk about the active rigging that went on by Indian election officials. Opposition candidates comfortably in the lead suddenly found themselves defeated; candidates and polling agents were beaten up and tortured. Syed Salahuddin, the current leader of Hizbul Mujhadeen, the l based guerrilla outfit, was imprisoned after having nearly won his race. "There is no material there for democracy": the expressed contempt of Nehru's belief, amplified over time, at last began to affect a new generation of Kashmiris, the young, educated sons of peasants and artisans already reduced to futile resentment by corruption and unemployment. It was also around this time that the first groups of young Kashmiri men, most of them highly educated, some even with engineering degrees, and almost all of them jobless, stole across the vast open border into Pakistan. 5. The young men were received by middle-level army officers in Pakistan, and set up well, with salaries and private housing. They were trained in the use of light weapons for some months; many of them were asked to return to the valley and bring back more young men. Other recruits smuggled arms and ammunition into the valley. Slowly, the traffic across the border grew: in less than three years thousands of young Kashmiri men had been across the border, where they formed the first guerrilla groups that began a war of liberation in 1990. Pakistan was a natural choice. It had tried to liberate Kashmir by force twice by sending in armed infiltrators—first in 1948 and then in 1965—and on both occasions had failed to muster enough support among the local population, which, though not entirely happy with Indian rule, was also wary of Pakistan. But the fast-growing disillusionment with Indian rule through the 1980s made many Kashmiris look toward Pakistan for assistance: it was the only country in the world that consistently affirmed, at least rhetorically, the Kashmiri "right to self-determination." For the Pakistani army officers who received the Kashmiris, the creation and support of the guerrilla groups required no expertise; they had done similar things, on a much larger scale, for the mujahideen fighting the Soviet army in Afghanistan since 1979. Most of them worked for the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence) which was set up to coordin e war effort in Afghanistan with the CIA, and had come to have a very large extra-constitutional role in Pakistan. The army's control of Pakistan had never weakened since the last months of 1947, when the war with India over Kashmir turned the new country, lacking the administrative center or the infrastructure of the former colonial government, into a national security state, with over 70 percent of the national budget being spent on defense. Ethnic and linguistic affinities have always been stronger than religion in the subcontinent, and Islam turned out to be a weak nation-building glue in Pakistan. The feudal and professional Muslim elite's fear of being overwhelmed by Hindu India mutated into an anxiety about the assertion of ethnic identities in Sind, Baluchistan, and East Pakistan. The need to pacify ethnic minorities while affirming the power of the central government—a tricky maneuver which in a stronger and more democratic state like India had ended up promoting political life—only further expanded the role of the army and the bureaucracy in Pakistan. In 1979, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, Pakistan was thirty-two years old, and still without a coherent political life. Just eight years before, it had suffered the traumatic secession of East Pakistan with its large Bengali Muslim population, which became, with India's assistance, Bangladesh. It was ruled despotically by an army general, Zia-ul-Haq, who had just hanged his former prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and the primitive economy with a tiny manufacturing base was propped up by export of cheap labor to the Middle East. The CIA found Pakistan a ready host for its proxy war against the Soviet Union. Billions of dollars worth of arms and ammunition arrived in Pakistan over the next ten years, transforming the social and political landscape of the entire region while creating a strong Islamic fundamentalist movement all around the world. The arms went to the mujahideen fighting the Soviet army, and their sale in the black also used to finance an illegal drug trade—a disastrous link that eventually resulted in, apart from cheap heroin on the streets of New York, an estimated five million heroin addicts in Pakistan. The army was brought into the civil administration, and organizations like the ISI acquired their currently limitless and sinister power during this time. Most damagingly, Zia-ul-Haq revived the idea of an Islamic society in order to postpone the transition to civilian rule he had promised soon after his coup against Bhutto. The state funds that were made available to Islamic organizations went into raising armed outfits that attacked Muslim minorities such as the Shi'ites and the Ahmediyas; and violent conflict within rival Islamic groups broke out in many parts of the country. Of the three million Afghans who came as refugees to Pakistan, many went to the province of Sind, where local opposition to their presence developed into a particularly savage civil war in Karachi, the largest city. Hundreds of thousands of Afghan refugees were given food, shelter, and elementary Islamic instruction at madrassas run by an Islamic organization close to the Pakistani army and sponsored by Saudi Arabia. It was the students at these madrassas that, assisted by Pakistan, went on to form the extremist Taliban that now controls much of Afghanistan. The Soviet retreat from Afghanistan in 1989 was claimed as a victory by the fundamentalists. The fantasy of a new extensive jihad, such as the one in the seventh and eighth centuries that had established Islam as a world religion, attracted thousands of Muslims from countries like Egypt, Algeria, Yemen, and Sudan to Pakistan. It was one of these men who attempted to blow up the World Trade Center in New York in 1993. This globalized jihad, which began as a CIA-initiated move to unite all Muslims against godless communism, found new promoters after 1989, such as Osama Bin Laden, whose network of Muslim militants now spans the world. Many of the Muslims trained in Afghanistan went o tivists within Islamic fundamentalist movements in Egypt, Algeria, and the Central Asian republics. In Pakistan, about a hundred thousand unemployed men went to fight the jihad in Afghanistan; and a few thousand among them would go on to fight in Kashmir. The Pakistani army itself was infiltrated by Islamic fundamentalists; and there is a quite real possibility at present of these fundamentalists seizing political power in a nuclear-armed Pakistan. There are other equally ruinous aftereffects of the American-Pakistani adventure in Afghanistan. The generous American and Saudi Arabian support for the mujahideen in Afghanistan created and enriched a powerful lobby composed of army officers, smugglers, and drug barons, whose special, often conflicting, needs now shape Pakistan's domestic and foreign policies, and usually work against Pakistan's own larger interests.[11] Jihad alone brings about a degree of consensus among Pakistan's corrupt ruling elite; holy war is now the very profitable raison d'être of many of them. As the Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid points out in his alarming book, when American interest in Afghanistan dwindled in the early 1990s the ISI turned its attention to the longstanding dispute over Kashmir, which had always aroused much patriotic sentiment within Pakistan.[12] All through the 1990s, the uprising against Indian rule in Kashmir, and the hectic mobilization by the intelligence officers of the ISI for a fresh jihad against India, came in especially handy as distractions from the many social and economic breakdowns within Pakistan. India was always the significant enemy. The war over Bangladesh with India in 1971 had ended in utter humiliation for the Pakistani army, with 90,000 of its soldiers taken prisoner; and revenge motivated many ISI officers as much as the need to keep pressing the hot button of jihad. One reason why American arms and money for the mujahideen in Afghanistan were so eagerly accepted by Zia-ul-Haq was that they seemed to give Pakistan a "strategic dept ict with India over Kashmir. In the mid-1990s, the government of Pakistan risked international isolation in supporting the Taliban, partly because the latter provided facilities in Afghanistan for the training of Muslims committed to the jihad in Kashmir. The war in Afghanistan thus brought Pakistan to an unexpected fulfillment of its original mission: instead of becoming the pure homeland of Muslims, it became the capital of a global movement for jihad, a holy war against infidels, who seemed to be everywhere. It wasn't what Iqbal, insecure after his time in the West, thrown back to regretting the dead glory of Islam in Europe, could have imagined when he first proposed a democratic society of believers. And it wasn't what the Kashmiris, accustomed to a more benign version of Islam, could have imagined when they turned spontaneously to Pakistan for assistance in their struggle against India, and found themselves enlisted into a jihad. The first murders, kidnappings, and bombings by Pakistan-backed guerrillas began in Kashmir in 1989, while Farooq Abdullah was still heading a civilian government. Later that year the daughter of the home minister in the federal government in Delhi, a native of Kashmir, was taken hostage, and then released in exchange for five guerrillas. Large crowds welcomed the released men on the streets of Srinagar. They were fired upon by Indian police; five men died. There were more protests, bigger and bigger demonstrations: hundreds of thousands of men and women filled the streets of Srinagar, shouting "Azadi, Azadi" (Freedom, Freedom). People still speak of the strange energy in the air at the time: everyone shared the heady expectation that freedom was just around the corner, and the news of the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan and television images of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the great demonstrations of Eastern Europe only deepened the delusion. It was then, early in 1990, that the Indian government again appointed Jagmohan as governor; he arrived with a sense of mis proached that of the Islamic guerrillas. Farooq Abdullah resigned, leaving Kashmir without an elected leader. A series of ruthless actions quickly followed. Hundreds of young men suspected of being guerrillas were taken away from their homes, tortured, and sometimes killed. Unprovoked firings on demonstrators alone cost hundreds of lives—thanks to jumpy soldiers far from home, given a simple idea of the enemy, and licensed to kill. Thousands of Indian soldiers were brought into the valley—their current number is between 300,000 to 400,000. Foreign journalists were expelled and local journalists found themselves confined to their houses. A whole set of severe laws were introduced—not that so many were needed, since all safeguards for civil liberties had completely collapsed by then. You could be picked up anywhere, interrogated, or killed; and no one would ever come to know what happened. Third-degree methods of torture were used on old men and even the very young. The Kashmiri-American poet Agha Shahid Ali quotes a doctor who attended to a sixteen-year-old boy released from one of the interrogation centers: "Did anything in his lines of Fate reveal that the webs of his hands would be cut with a knife?"[13] By the time Jagmohan was replaced, after six months as governor, the entire Muslim population of the valley had revolted against Indian rule. The local police mutinied; the legal sys-tem staffed by Kashmiris was close to collapse; more than a hundred thousand Hindus fled; the hospitals were flooded with tortured and maimed young men; and thousands of young men were missing, presumed dead, or in Pakistan. —This is the second of three articles on Kashmir. Notes [1] Mohammad Ishaq Khan, Experiencing Islam (New Delhi: Sterling, 1997). [2] Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Flames of the Chinar: An Autobiography, abridged and translated from the Urdu by Khushwant Singh (New Delhi: Viking, 1993), p. 3. [3] See Victoria Schofield, Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan, and the Unfinished War (I.B. Tauris, (Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 38. [5] Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Flames of the Chinar, p. 56. [6] See my article "Death in Kashmir," The New York Review, September 21, 2000, pp. 36-42. [7] Autobiography (Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 57. [8] See Balraj Puri, Kashmir: Towards Insurgency (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1995), p. 47. [9] The head of Kashmir's elected government was no longer referred to as prime minister after 1965, but, as in other Indian states, was known simply as chief minister. [10] Sarvepalli Gopal, Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography, Vol. 2 (Harvard University Press, 1980), p. 262. [11] The costs for Pakistan's already feeble economy have already been high. In 1997-1998, the smugglers, working with impunity, alone deprived Pakistan of $600 million in customs revenue. [12] Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia (Yale University Press, 2000). [13] "Dear Shahid," in The Country Without a Post Office (Norton, 1997), p. 43. From pnanpin at yahoo.co.in Tue Dec 11 23:59:09 2001 From: pnanpin at yahoo.co.in (=?iso-8859-1?q?pratap=20pandey?=) Date: Tue, 11 Dec 2001 18:29:09 +0000 (GMT) Subject: [Reader-list] Re: Prof Hoodbhoy on Muslims and the West Message-ID: <20011211182909.23187.qmail@web8105.in.yahoo.com> Dear Prof Hoodbhoy, and other readers, I divide your article in two parts in order to respond to it. In the first part you have commented on Islam and its place in the past, including the transformations in history that have ocurred, Here, you use Sept 11 as a point of departure. In the second part, you opine on the question "whre do we go from here?" I cannot comment on your magisterial survey of Islam since the "Golden Age" till today. I do not possess your kind of knowledge. I just wish to say with respect to the first part of your write-up: you will be surprised (and then, perhaps not) at the manner in which this idea of a return to a "Golden Age" has gripped educated people in India. These people may be Hindu, or Muslim. That is not the point. What is the point is the manner in which the idea of the Golden Age has gripped the everyday imagination today. I believe scholars like you should find some other term, for the moment one refers to "Golden Age" today one finds oneself locked in a reactionary instrumental petty bourgeosie discourse that is completely difficult to contest or get out of. It is a discourse that seeks to transform the groundswell of democracy, appropriate it and give it its own image. Quell democracy, in short. [I hate this term "Golden Age". Today, in Delhi's schools, history is being taught in a very funny manner to students of class 8, 9 and 10. Teachers of Delhi schools whom I know tell me that after teaching the so-called Hindu Golden Age {4th to 10th century AD} they have been told to switch to world history and from there to 19th century nationalist history. They tell me that this is a matter of policy. My friends have told me that they say to the students in class that the entire section of "Indian" history from the 10th to the end of the 18th century is a section from which no exam questions will ever be put. Therefore, they shouldn't read that section at all. In other words: to all ends and purposes, we face in India a generation today whose reading of history has been extremely administered and selective. To speak of a "golden Age" to such a generation means simply: you are setting off a semantic bomb. You are relying on a tradition of humanist thinking and rationalist training (via educational institutions) that today just does not exist anymore. In India, most school-teachers are middle-class housewives doing a job. They are least bothered about semantic hair-splitting. They just want their salary so that they buy the white goods they have sen advertised in glossy magazines. Your use of the "Golden Age" will just boys and girls off in a reactionary direction that will completely bewilder you] Now for the second part of your article. For some reason, people like you who have the authority to comment on Islam and on Muslims refuse to acnowledge that, like society at large, Muslims too are split on the basis of class. For some reasons I find that Muslim scholars, commentators and culturally authoritative individuals refuse to acknowledge the existence of a class-divide in muslim societies. Certainly in India this class divide exists. On the one hand, there are the 4th, 5th, or 6th generation-educated Muslims who rule the roost (sub-roost?) in everything that has to do with whatever is considered the horizon of Muslim activity, agency, behaviour, subject-formation. On the other, there is a seething majority of Indian Muslim citizens who are simply trying to find their place in a complex socius that heaps upon them, among other labels (such as minority community), the "internal" label of not belonging to a good family (of bureaucrats), not being a Khan, or a Hussain, or a Qazi, or educated enough, of being a riff-raff that can only understand its place in the world in terms of absolute surrender to those "who know", those who possess the knowledge, including the sundry whims of Allah. Islamic fundamentalism, wherever in the world, cannot be analytically tackled until scholars like you admit the oppression (economic, political and ideological) that upper-class Muslims objectively unleash on those who do not have the "good luck" to be a Hakim, or the son/daughter of a Hakim. In this sense, the "east-west" logic serves other purposes. Within Muslim societies, it serves the purposes of the Higher Some to continuously re/present the west as a threat. This takes the heat off from larger issues closer home. In this scenario, the West can even be an equally-educated-though-perhaps-less-rational Other (or, in sentimentalist dangerous terms, the society that our society actually educated: after all, was it not the Arabs who preserved Aristotle?). One way or the other, a certain section of Muslim society (in whichever place on earth Muslim societies exist) is able to make sure that their "lessers" (sic) remain trapped in a Gaze not of their own making, remain bamboozled in a discourse that translates their survival-energies into quasi-spiritualist sublimations, remain caught in a web of opportunities where evrything depends on connections and social hierarchy. Muslims would be a lot better off, I think, if the upper-class, reactionary, oppressive-to-the-point-of-using-fundamentalist-rhetoric-as-convenient-cushion-to-ensure-their-continuous-survival social strata got down to solving internal "fourth-world" economic or subsistence problems in a social-democratic fashion. Somewhere, in many ways, Prof Hoodbhoy, there is a huge cover-up happening. Evasions, refusals. You are one of those who would like to lift the veil (tarpaulin, hijab, historical cloth), I gather. I want to be part of that. Tell me, where do I begin? yours, pratap ____________________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Send a newsletter, share photos & files, conduct polls, organize chat events. Visit http://in.groups.yahoo.com From ravikant at sarai.net Wed Dec 12 14:43:17 2001 From: ravikant at sarai.net (Ravikant) Date: Wed, 12 Dec 2001 14:43:17 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] National norm for language computing In-Reply-To: References: Message-ID: <01121214431701.01095@jadu.sarai.kit> yes, another norm - which looks like another half-hearted search for another half-way house! ravikant On Tuesday 11 December 2001 01:06 pm, you wrote: > From CDAC (Centre for the Development of advanced Computing, India) > website, although it must be said that that they have been working on > this for many years by now! > > > National norm for language computing gets on its way > Dated December 04, 2001 > Economic Times > The ten-year-old problem of lack of standards in Indian language > computing is moving towards a solution. The Language Technology > Consortium formed a year ago by MAIT, with representatives from the > IT industry, making some headway at last in evolving a National > Standard for Font Layouts and Character Encoding. Ironically, the > "national" standard may have to co-exist with the international > standard, which is based on an earlier version of what would be the > national standard! > > To date, growth of computing in Indian languages has been retarded > due to adhoc standards and proliferation of proprietary software. > Consumers have been taken for a ride, as the multiple packages in use > simply don't talk to each other. Representatives from leaders in the > segment like Modular Infotech, Summit Infotech, TVS Finance, IT > giants like Microsoft and IBM and representatives from the government > including the Centre for Development of Advanced Computing (C-DAC) > and National Centre for Software Technology have drafted a layout for > Devanagari (used in Hindi, Marathi, Konkani and Sanskrit) and > Gujarati. The Devanagari draft has been referred to the Ministry of > Information Technology and expert opinions from state governments are > awaited. A similar exercise is on for Malyalam and Punjabi as well. > When the drafts are finalized they would be put on the MAIT website, > to elicit public opinion before announcing them as the National > Standard for Font Layout. > > However, the national standard, in itself, may not be the answer to > problems of language computing as it is likely to co-exist with > Unicode - an international standard which has changed alphabetical > order, omitted some characters, included unused ones and does not > have currency signs. As Mr. M.N. Cooper, Joint MD, Modular Infotech > says, "Our effort is mainly to revisit the Indian Script Standard > Code for Information Interchange (ISCII) of '91 and make further > improvements." From jeebesh at sarai.net Wed Dec 12 16:32:29 2001 From: jeebesh at sarai.net (Jeebesh Bagchi) Date: Wed, 12 Dec 2001 16:32:29 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Hotmail: Why Free Email Might Not Be Such a Hot Idea Message-ID: <01121216322900.00990@pinki.sarai.kit> http://www.sans.org/infosecFAQ/email/hotmail.htm Hotmail: Why Free Email Might Not Be Such a Hot Idea Michael Barrett September 12, 2001 Microsoft is under scrutiny for problems they have in all areas of computers. I chose to focus on Hotmail which is a single aspect of the Microsoft empire and probably the most widely recognized component. I believe due to the nature of email being accessed by almost all users of the Internet, security problems with these systems impact the biggest group of people who have on average the least amount of security savvy on the Net. Millions of people, including me, use free email services on the web, probably the most popular is Hotmail. Microsoft purchased the Hotmail system in 1997 for $400 Million dollars, at the time with a subscriber list of around 9 Million accounts. Since Microsoft has taken over the systems they have seen tremendous growth, to date Microsoft claims 110 Million subscribers. As the system grew, Microsoft began migrating functions off the primarily Unix and FreeBSD based systems to Windows platforms to "do a better job" handling all the new traffic on the site. This is where some believe Microsoft's troubles really began. Many people are of the opinion that the Windows operating system is not as secure as other operating systems. I believe that the problem lies not with the operating system but how it is configured and maintained. The Windows platform can be made secure by providing the proper maintenance such as patches, hot fixes and upgrades necessary to repair problems all programs have, regardless of platform. Many people have a bone to pick with Microsoft and what a better way of getting back at them than causing problems with a highly visible site like Hotmail? As early as 1998 people started making trouble for Hotmail. A Canadian Web developer (Tom Cervanka) reported an insecurity in Hotmail that would allow a cracker access to a user's password by spoofing the user into re-entering their username and password into a crafted MacroMedia Shockwave attachment that appeared to be the normal login screen presented by Hotmail. If the user re-entered his credentials they would be emailed directly to the cracker. This type of trick follows similar exploits using JavaScript to fool the user into re-entering their credentials. Microsoft made attempts to protect against these types of attacks but did not go far enough, because browsers default security configuration are typically wide open and can leave them susceptible to these attacks.Browser security settings are one of the key factors in a user's ability to guard against such an attack.If more people would use the correct settings to (at the least prompt) the user when other types of code try to run on their machines, i.e. JavaScript or ActiveX, less of these types of attacks would be successful. Cookies are for more than just eating. In March 1999, Microsoft attempts to plug security holes in the Hotmail systems by mandating the use of Cookies. Cookies are a general mechanism which server side connections, such as CGI scripts, can use to both store and retrieve information on the client side of the connection. The addition of a simple, persistent, client-side state significantly extends the capabilities of Web-based client/server applications as opposed to using the IP address of the user. According to a Chicago software engineer, malicious users can dig URL's out of users' history files and swap out information to gain access to other user accounts as long as they are logged onto the system. Privacy advocates criticize the Cookie concept as it stores information about users that could fall into the wrong hands. Users have many options for the use of cookies and all too often fail to utilize the most secure method.Cookies can be viewed as fingerprints left behind all over the Internet and users need to make themselves aware of what they could be leaving behind. In the security field, paranoia is your friend. If you think something you are doing on the Net could be turned against you, odds are someone has or will find a way to exploit it.I would like to stress again that the users as well as the manufacturers, are critical in the security role of the Web. Microsoft patches problem?? Account still available without password. In late August 1999 Microsoft claimed to have patched their systems problems that allowed people to access accounts without a password, but testing proves otherwise. After Microsoft was alerted that two of their servers (one in the UK and another in Sweden) were allowing access without a password, they brought the sites down and repaired the problem. According to Microsoft there was a second security problem, which was blamed on hackers. Apparently a programmer published an application that stored login ID and an old login script on the affected servers. Some analysts point the problem at the recent updates done on Hotmail servers as part of the Passport launch. Passport is a Microsoft initiative aimed at bringing all user ID's and passwords together making it easier to access the Web and purchase goods and services.Many times application problems like this can be directly linked to a failure to follow documented policies, or in the worst case no policy at all. A very large percentage of security issues stem from known vulnerabilities and flaws. Very often these problems are overlooked or put aside due to the tremendous pressures on IT staffs to keep production servers online and on schedule. Audit of Hotmail systems not to be made private. In late 1999, Microsoft commissioned an outside audit of the Hotmail system to verify the fixes put in place after a vulnerability was discovered that allowed anyone access to users accounts by simply knowing their email address. Microsoft and the Web privacy program, Truste, claim this is a step towards improving privacy. Junkbusters, a privacy-protection group, sent a request to Microsoft and the Federal Trade Commission for the details of the report.Microsoft however refused to make public the findings of the audit claiming they were prohibited by the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA) from revealing the details of the report.The Truste seal is intended to protect information on the Web and investigate complaints, which is what happened in the Microsoft cause. Since Truste only suggested the audit, it seems Microsoft slipped through a loophole, which allowed the investigation to remain private. "The big difference to keep in mind here is that we never got to the stage where we mandated Microsoft to do the audit. If that had been the case, then we might be in a different situation. We hope it can be made public," said Truste spokesman David Steer. The privacy advocates insisted that Microsoft and the accounting firms disclose the details of their finding and it's opinion no later that a week after its delivery to Hotmail. I happen to believe that it is not appropriate to disclose the outcome of the audit, since the audit was voluntary and made to verify the corrective actions Microsoft performed to repair issues they have already acknowledged.Companies should feel safe in knowing that audits done on their systems are for their eyes only and used to protect themselves. I believe that full disclosure gives too much information to those who would have otherwise not had such easy access to the information. Merry Christmas Microsoft, Linux programmer gives the gift of registration to Passport.com. In an embarrassing chain of events around Christmas 1999, Microsoft failed to pay the $35.00 registration fee for the Passport.com domain name. This minor oversight on Microsoft's part resulted in an outage of the Hotmail system. A good Samaritan from the Linux community used his own credit card to pay the fee and Hotmail was back on line. Hotmail staff estimated that half of the 52 million users were affected by the outage. Passport.com is the authentication mechanism for Hotmail users which verifies the login and password attempts.Users who had already logged in when the domain expired were not affected, as were some users who were able to authenticate through another system through a process known as caching. While this problem really didn't pose a true security risk to the Hotmail system, it speaks to the enormous amount of work it takes to run such a system and how something as small as paying a bill can have dramatic effects on such a system. Email like it's 2099. New Year's Day 2000, Microsoft was bitten by the Y2K bug in the Hotmail system. Users who posted messages before November 1999 display a creation date of 2099. Microsoft took its time fixing the bug, as it was only cosmetic and chose to focus its resources on other more dangerous problems with Hotmail.Microsoft was fortunate that the problem they encountered was so minor. If a Y2K bug were to have been overlooked in other parts of the systems this could have had a much more dramatic effect on the system. Bulgarian programmer reports yet another security flaw in Hotmail. According to Georgi Guniski a Bulgarian programmer (who is interestingly referred to as a hacker in another article), a flaw in the filtering of JavaScript would allow users to be tricked into entering their credential to a fake login screen. Using JavaScript commands through an HTML tag in an email message could circumnavigate Microsoft's attempts to filter malicious code, leaving their users susceptible to trick attacks. Guninski demonstrated through the use of obscure and defunct images tags that he could circumvent filtering methods put in place. Guninski proved that the tags LOWSRC and DYNSRC, which were originally intended to increase the usability of browsers, could be used to attack a user due to the nature of the tags.Issues like this must leave people wondering how many more "hidden" features/flaws can be out there waiting to be discovered. Microsoft claimed to have no evidence that suggested the flaw affected any Hotmail users.I believe this problem demonstrates how far reaching security problems can be. It is hard enough to protect your systems from well-known methods of attacks, but when people start using defunct or hidden features it makes this task even more complicated. Hackers Unite claim to discover "backdoor" in Hotmail systems. A previously unknown group of hackers reported in late August of 1999 that they had discovered a hole in Hotmail security. Through the use of several Web addresses a user's login name was the only input required to access other user accounts.Access to these accounts varied from viewing message titles to full access including forwarding and sending emails assuming the identity of the other user. Microsoft denied the existence of a "backdoor" in Hotmail systems, and called the problem an unknown security issue.After learning of the problem at 2 a.m. PST Microsoft engineers were able to generate the initial fix by 10 a.m. and fix a variant of the same problem by noon.They then began the difficult task of propagating the fix to all the Hotmail servers. Chances are this problem may have been known to Hotmail staff before the incident occurred, or not, and an independent security audit may have uncovered the flaw before hackers where able to exploit it. Often companies fail to get an outside or impartial view of their security until it's too late. Periodic internal and external audits can only lead to a more stable and secure system. Please pass the Cookies. In May of 2000, Microsoft patched a security hole, which allowed intruders to break into a user's email account by sending an unwary user an attachment of an HTML file. When the targeted user views the HTML file, their Cookies were intercepted and sent to a hostile site.Once the intruded has acquired the users Cookies they can be used to access the users account. An "anti-censorship" site offered the HTML file for download with instructions for usage. The site also offered suggestions for Microsoft and users to more safely use email by filtering JavaScript attachments, and also prompting users about the unsafe nature of some types of documents.Microsoft quickly repaired the problem and the exploit was shortly outdated. The problem here falls on the shoulders of the users and Microsoft. Far too many users use the Internet in unsafe ways and fail to understand their role in security. How safe are your email attachments? Late July 2001 left Hotmail users susceptible to the Sir Cam worm.Hotmail users benefit from the added feature of McAfee virus scanning on all attachments sent through the system. Unfortunately this can lead to a false sense of security on the part of some less educated (or trusting) users.Microsoft was left open to the Sir Cam worm due to the outdated nature of the virus definition files. At the time the bug was known for nine days and Microsoft had not yet applied the update to protect its users. Users should be aware that everyone shares the responsibility of security and they should not rely on one source to check for malicious applications. A virus scanner on all user machines is necessary. Above all, unsafe behavior is responsible for many of the problems in today's Internet community. If users would invoke more common sense when using their computers many of the problems with viruses we see today would not be as bad. All users should use the simple rules when handling email: Do I know this person? Am I sure this email came from the person? Was I expecting an email/attachment from this person? Did I scan the attachment before opening? These steps often elude people that are either too lazy or too careless to exercise their own common sense. Root-Core publishes a new Hotmail flaw. In August of 2001, the hacker and security site, Root-Core, publicized a vulnerability, which allowed others to view private emails. Microsoft said the problem existed, but it was a mathematical improbability to utilize. The exploit involves customizing a URL based off an existing URL obtained by legitimate access to Hotmail.Hotmail uses a "predictable" sequence in their mail numbering system, which is based on the UNIX time stamp and an additional two-digit number. A hacker could replace these numbers in a malformed URL to gain access to other's mail.Microsoft points out that it may take thousands or hundreds of thousands of guesses in order to trick the system, which may be interrupted by Hotmail's security systems. Root-Core used computers to automate the task of guessing numbers and posted the tool on their web site. The vulnerability brought unwelcome attention to Microsoft's increasing reliance on the Passport authentication systems and the integration into their newest release Windows XP. On a side note the vulnerability also points out that Microsoft has not yet weanedthemselves off of UNIX systems completely, leaving some speculation over the migration of Hotmail from an open-source system to strictly Windows 2000 based environment. Have hacks will travel. Some hackers have even offered their services to gain access to user accounts. A hacker calling himself The Hunter offered a service on anInternet forum site to crack any Hotmail or Yahoo user account.The Hunter claims to have a system that will always work to discover user credentials. He sells his service for $50.00 and offers proof by sending an email from the victim's account to the person wanting the information. I was also able to find programs intended to break the password by "brute force" the application could be purchased for$14.95 and claims to hack passwords for sites using HTML (like porn sites).It also claims to work on FTP, HTTP and POP3. The advertiser points out that the software is illegal to use on other and is intended for "reverse engineering" purposes. They also chose to list a disclaimer that states it could cause servers to crash and that the user was responsible for any damages. While there will always be dishonest people in the world offering to do dishonest and illegal things the focus should be on how we use technology and how we can use it safely. Anyone using the Internet should be aware that the information they are sharing travels over many devices, all of which have the potential to be compromised.People should do all they can to protect themselves from prying eyes. Some users complain they are treated like children. Dave Miller has had quite a few problems with Hotmail since he started using it in 1995. His most frustrating problem is Microsoft treating him like a child, literally.Dave made a mistake when setting up an account for his daughter and accidentally configured his Passport to be a child's account by entering his daughter's birthday. He has made several attempts to rectify the problem but Microsoft support claims there is nothing they can do. Once he was made a child, his account cannot be changed to that of an adult's. No real explanation of why this could be was supplied, except to say that Dave should continue to use the process of giving himself permissions through another parent account.Although this problem seems minor, one must keep in mind that it relates to the Passport system Microsoft has put heavy faith into and uses as part of the Windows XP operating system and it's .NET initiative.If Microsoft is unable to rectify a simple problem such as this, how do they hope to handle the inevitable problems that will come up as they grow the use of the Passport system? Closing thoughts and suggestions. In my opinion there is no such thing as a 100% secure system, and there never will be. As long as there are curious people out there we will continue to find flaws and quirks in computer systems. The best way to approach the Internet or for that matter any situation is to treat it as a threat and educate yourself sufficiently to protect yourself.Common sense is always the first and foremost way to protect yourself. Experts have been telling us for years and years, don't open emails, attachments, etc. from people we don't know or are not expecting things from. Use virus scanning software and update signature files regularly. Paranoia and fear are your friends. If something doesn't seem to make sense it probably doesn't. Erring on the side of caution rarely causes more problems than taking a chance on the unknown. Information is readily available on manufacturers site and information sites all around the Internet. Most people who are victims are a result of outdated software or practices.If you are using the Internet in a corporate environment your company most likely has guidelines on safely using the Net and acceptable use of it.Read and follow these guidelines and you will most likely be in pretty good shape. A few words on Microsoft and Hotmail.I have and will continue to use Hotmail and related applications provided by Microsoft.I do always keep one important thought in mind, which is to never write or chat anything you wouldn't want anyone else to see, because chances are the information could fall into the wrong hands.Hotmail is a convenient, easily accessible tool I have used all around the world. If used cautiously it's a great way to keep in touch.Users of Internet based email systems (or any mail system for that matter) must always keep in mind that the information they are sending could fall into the wrong hands. Encryption techniques are available for free or at low cost for those documents that need to be sent over the Net that must remain private. Sources CNN.com http://www.cnn.com/TECH/computing/9908/30/hotmail.02/ http://www.cnn.com/TECH/computing/9908/30/hotmail.06/ c|net News.com http://news.cnet.com/news/0-1004-200-332525.html http://news.cnet.com/news/0-1005-200-120509.html http://news.cnet.com/news/0-1005-200-1508169.html http://news.cnet.com/news/0-1003-200-6941020.html Infoworld http://www.infoworld.com/articles/ic/xml/00/01/04/000104ichotmail.xml INFOsec.com http://www.info-sec.com/internet/00/internet_010600a_j.shtml Netcape.com http://home.netscape.com/newsref/std/cookie_spec.html peacefire.org http://www.peacefire.org/security/hmattach/ The Register http://www.theregister.co.uk/content/56/20642.html Salon.com http://www.salon.com/tech/feature/2001/08/21/hotmail/print.html Shop 4 Hackers http://www.users.freenetname.co.uk/~sandradelgado/hotmail1.htm Techweb.com http://content.techweb.com/wire/story/TWB20010216S0024 Voy.com http://www.voy.com/13609/298.html Wired News http://www.wired.com/news/technology/0,1282,14751,00.html http://www.wired.com/news/technology/0,1282,21503,00.html ZD Net http://www.zdnet.com/zdnn/stories/news/0,4586,2323960,00.html From announcements-request at sarai.net Wed Dec 12 17:34:15 2001 From: announcements-request at sarai.net (announcements-request at sarai.net) Date: Wed, 12 Dec 2001 13:04:15 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Announcements digest, Vol 1 #5 - 1 msg Message-ID: <200112121204.NAA10420@zelda.intra.waag.org> Send Announcements mailing list submissions to announcements at mail.sarai.net To subscribe or unsubscribe via the World Wide Web, visit https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/announcements or, via email, send a message with subject or body 'help' to announcements-request at mail.sarai.net You can reach the person managing the list at announcements-admin at mail.sarai.net When replying, please edit your Subject line so it is more specific than "Re: Contents of Announcements digest..." Today's Topics: 1. Announcing the Sexuality and Rights Institute (TARSHI) --__--__-- Message: 1 Date: Wed, 12 Dec 2001 13:28:41 +0530 From: TARSHI Reply-To: tarshi at vsnl.com Organization: TARSHI To: announcements at sarai.net, manisha.khosla at bworthsindia.com Subject: [Announcements] Announcing the Sexuality and Rights Institute This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --------------23BBFC97B19C293D36E2AAAC Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit The Sexuality and Rights Institute: Exploring Theory and Practice The Sexuality and Rights Institute is an annual two week long residential course that focuses on a conceptual study of sexuality. It will examine the interface between sexuality and rights and its links with the related fields of gender and health. Sexuality spans multiple disciplines and areas of work. Accordingly, the course content of the Sexuality and Rights Institute will draw from different social science disciplines. National and international faculty will teach the courses. They will employ different pedagogical methods including classroom instruction, group work, case studies, simulation exercises, fiction and films. The medium of instruction and discussion will be English. Participants will examine sexual and reproductive health programs as well as various legal and socio-cultural issues and will incorporate their learning into planning and working on programs. Course themes cover: Conceptual background; The Rights Framework and Sexuality; Sexuality and Gender; Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights; Victimhood and Agency; Representation of Sexuality; Sexual diversities. The core faculty includes: Radhika Chandiramani, Dr. Lynn Freedman, Geetanjali Misra, Dr. Michael Tan, Dr. Jyoti Sanghera, and Dr. Carole Vance. Other national and international resource persons will also be part of the faculty. Individuals working on issues of sexuality, rights, health or gender in India are eligible to apply. A maximum of twenty-five participants will be selected each year, based on their applications and personal interviews. Candidates must be fluent in English. Participants are required to stay for the whole duration of the course. The Sexuality and Rights Institute will hold its first course in March 2002 in Pune, Maharashtra. Participants will stay on campus in twin-sharing accommodation. The Institute will cover costs of lodging and boarding for the 2002 course. Some travel scholarships will be available on a needs basis. The Institute is a collaborative initiative of CREA (Creating Resources for Empowerment in Action) and TARSHI (Talking About Reproductive and Sexual Health Issues). Both CREA and TARSHI are registered non-profit organizations. Based on a vision of the right to sexual well-being for all people, TARSHI works towards expanding sexual and reproductive choices in people's lives. CREA aims at enhancing the capabilities of a new generation of women leaders using a rights based approach to address issues of reproductive and sexual health, violence against women and gender equity. The application form is attached. Application forms may be photocopied and distributed. The last date for submission of application forms is the 15th of December, 2001. For more information, please contact The Sexuality and Rights Institute at the following address: The Sexuality and Rights Institute 49, Golf Links, Second Floor New Delhi 11003, India Phone & Fax: 91-11-4610711 & 4654603 Email: sexualityinstitute at vsnl.net --------------23BBFC97B19C293D36E2AAAC Content-Type: application/msword; name="SexualityApp.doc" Content-Transfer-Encoding: base64 Content-Disposition: inline; filename="SexualityApp.doc" 0M8R4KGxGuEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPgADAP7/CQAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADAAAASQAAAAAA AAAAEAAASwAAAAEAAAD+////AAAAAEgAAABNAAAA5gAAAP////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// ///////////////////////////////////spcEARwAJBAAACBK/AAAAAAAAEAAAAAAABAAA SwQAAA4AYmpiao7ZjtkAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJBBYAo38AAOyzAQDsswEABAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAARgAAAAAAAAD//w8AAAAAAAAAAAD//w8AAAAAAAAAAAD//w8A AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAF0AAAAAAJ4AAAAAAAAAngAAAJ4AAAAAAAAAngAAAAAAAAA2AQAA AAAAADYBAAAAAAAANgEAABQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEoBAAAAAAAASgEAAAAAAABKAQAAAAAAAEoB AAAAAAAASgEAAAwAAABWAQAADAAAAEoBAAAAAAAAzgUAALYAAABuAQAAAAAAAG4BAAAAAAAA bgEAAAAAAABuAQAAAAAAAJYBAAAAAAAAMQQAAAAAAAAxBAAAAAAAADEEAAAAAAAAkwUAAAIA AACVBQAAAAAAAJUFAAAAAAAAlQUAAAAAAACVBQAAAAAAAJUFAAAAAAAAlQUAACQAAACEBgAA 9AEAAHgIAAA8AAAAuQUAABUAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAANgEAAAAAAAAxBAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADxAwAAQAAAADEEAAAAAAAAMQQAAAAAAAAxBAAAAAAAALkFAAAAAAAA UQQAAAAAAACeAAAAAAAAAJ4AAAAAAAAAbgEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJYBAABbAgAAbgEAAAAA AABRBAAAAAAAAFEEAAAAAAAAUQQAAAAAAAAxBAAAEAAAAJ4AAABsAAAAbgEAACgAAAA2AQAA AAAAAJYBAAAAAAAAkwUAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASgEAAAAAAABKAQAAAAAAAJ4A AAAAAAAAngAAAAAAAACeAAAAAAAAAJ4AAAAAAAAAMQQAAAAAAACTBQAAAAAAAFEEAABCAQAA UQQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJMFAAAAAAAACgEAACwAAAA2AQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAkwUAAAAAAACWAQAA AAAAAGIBAAAMAAAAIGwObz1zwQFKAQAAAAAAAEoBAAAAAAAAQQQAABAAAACTBQAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACA0IDRMgRU1CRUQgQ29yZWxEcmF3LkdyYXBoaWMu OCAgFAEVDQ0TIEVNQkVEIENvcmVsRHJhdy5HcmFwaGljLjggIBQBFQ0NDQ0NAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAA AQQAAAIEAAADBAAABAQAAAUEAAAhBAAAIgQAACQEAAAmBAAAJwQAAEMEAABEBAAARQQAAEYE AABLBAAA+gD6APoA8voA+gDq5foAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAkDah9pAABVCAEPA2rhcGc/CggBVQgBVggBDwNq0G9n PwoIAVUIAVYIAQkDagAAAABVCAEADwAEAAACBAAABAQAACUEAAAmBAAARwQAAEgEAABJBAAA SgQAAEsEAAD9AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA/QAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAP0AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAD9AAAAAAAA AAAAAAAA/QAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAP0AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAD9AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA/QAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAP0AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAJAAQAAAIE AAAEBAAAJQQAACYEAABHBAAASAQAAEkEAABKBAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgcAB+w0C8gsOA9IbAIByKwCAcjkKAFJJCgBSWwAABgIRvw b2gAAFcbDz+Bp5ssgJRT0X9v3kcAEwIAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAQAAAKD0WwCQSJAAPWgAAAD+ eJzsmwl8FEXaxqsSusNMArkTEMTmUlQItyjiERAEAUVAV91d3SFpkjGTmTgzAaKCgLKI940H 3ufKquu5nusFXriC937q5+3q6op4oa4H+7xvV08mkyLdaCR834/k98/0VNVUP89bV1dPR4qA ENkLA1J0Ea91EvihP9myszDwmptFKXSUlyWFbDPPObLy7s9pzqXyppSiBK/fZ721qZASxTlI EetzRNbYKY1V4eqQNS6UaAxFxN2LqPwgZBZw+QKRw+Uf5LpkVlafGU2JpF0vok45Rw+Vd9/7 O8/eWU75LNYcSCmtkN34NQufOxWvw4LrskxxOI4ObAxX25Fw1E6MrkwmQ1W1VsiqijU0WbHZ VlOsMW5FQkk7kbTGHV5hWdMidihhW8mmBtuyqvAmHmmyGuLhaNIpG7cTDbFowk50F2UiCIrx N1eU4rVAzBflIh+/5aIQOTlMIfKoVA5eu+BvMV6pVA5/ugDv8/ldOd4FUFMO4hBEqpNn8t8y USQG4rgolRNEKRNH+fhEGX++mM9ToD6Rj+NSzilGBBIcj/9kDZMTcVQZiVjHNcJxGEas+kZY n2VboWhirh23q63ljtFxh1tVoWg0lrQSjbNQNtmYtK3ZsTgKqrLlUBFkX+XKRa46Z46wWEs+ 5xZzJCi9Bxw4fkzRB5SkyperWJVzSqny4RxRvfnKSw5iSGlOjSZ/Ll/swDmnsMv+2cPkDHLp NLU9LxkPWYla204mqMEbQg12nH0cmgrB0BFWMmYNHQXrDU7z19l2A6Ula21rbixebUXC9eGk al1qDVJbxG2ez8cF7LM45bmLikspRyZHdMURvfbgvkClgqn2crzn473jKkf05k/ncqQc18V8 tuZy+VyPCedlSgG1hcW9IX18bcA48Teu7lnkjquW4zPrZ47P7DbGZ1CNz/xOlB2LU2xaqs7m fktny1dno784W5/JoVl2xDoskrTGznTnjuwMzc3vt6SWTp6K52WbgrKHVlCrFnDaRqSZdFQx vGIE0n+QRSKcVcyzA+VP7uR8ZiTnOWlTDCdtj7S0b1TaqLS0qaaTtmda2jUqbS9Oaxm1Tq3a SLTZ1p0y4tZps22tr8dta6ONyK1SkesjFuDIsg4O1dvWMR3zQ7Nrd/SJ3hhNJo/lfB6Lm/vd fN7P+1TH5QnRn9vh2uyjs6htJ4TjmPaj1BZTQuqoCLNHAX/C5NnFQpQqUdpdoZy0fPGI6vd9 xAncopU1bTaoZR1oR6sx6Xo0DnUNmo9DkXCyyVcP4dWyDH21iGfEnxOXvvDanedzqqVQW8+W 9IO+qoe583sxz8vOHN5e7blKzSvuiBoXi2KpS1qV1dW4Okls1cHltIB7peGsfuW8rhcinvm8 vv3afbtj8oS4ntvhaszvYRxttZBvQzFor7yWq5jRajX69Van3VUbjjC7tdGGW+ryUbXK9xEn 8gidZsfrQ1E7uvXHqLOfoKvu3rxDKEpdb7ceo/+f1sIn1DVVH3GS0wLx2GzEHctLB1x7qF0d 7RG6csRpR1OiruY7Pla/bo1CrVdTzdR61RiP01iYFkuEk1u5RXLVHqsQWt2xUMJtQ6u0s2br rwG2rRb6OXkr1P6hj6jidjgkXhOKho/ni67Bk6LOHr8924P7/Q6IdQnHOsh7WCfKNPd0Vbt7 inxZKvrmVo+X16c6bnWqUC1WZu7Q5hXGlsegTDzJdX+L3eRCHHXEtWP6T8dfM3bkGBXiaWeO zDHFoq15Lbm5n20mMh2VJzpw1Dsjc2MnZ2TOtCN2Q20salt+Bqc1ITTPc6M9flB9KBzxOda7 8V3nIp6bS/jeZ267XLc49xmK+c6m+QvrojU8V1hqt525fv+yfnGYs0MwEp1GtGgNf9HTR7D1 FUZ7zFkd12ObVIxMMaVdZy/Lar92bL88+jbCGaPX5mwfo37r+jXHqLOL/zZnpKBdvDW+urFK 3Uq0xoaq6mriscZo9WjnSp+u/Vven8tR38kUqz1aGd/RyheTudaDO5tiEI6OtEPx9Itky5rR OOtYuyqZsNJ/DrBr4rbNbVAsPsc1bhkrTL/GvU/mijz17Rd9y0P3HeEBqem/eakjuoam2gp5 H7/W6XlQtUQ31kiDv07jt6jlWc5HazmO2vu6Lr3WX15vc7x/riYhLnB6Ilrn6F+9df4vR73j 1qqxqoVmG7u4LbRFPdwdmb/kLoEzhg8ObB/D2+IYPpZb57nASO4r7hMh8VDSdp6MGB+tiYQT tVYkFK1pDNXY1uxIox2tahptWdNisfiEUDh+YCxWPX5elR2J2NGk80SHc++jiJ8VcI+cZzYK eS0o41LOOpGjnvMo4ecHnO+3uvDzIkVq/XKfFKES63mFDoofsfrRivKxuuNbxPU5d7nuZk/9 giNFMs0TbCStUJQecLHnhGONCasKBhN2worb9FBMNT0DkbDnNfJ3cgOR2hCPYXFNhufYVq0d iiRrB1o1zrd7sbgVD9fUYjlM1ob4YRmrNoRioWSSClRnRoG0FWB9zGGnzvMxBZwfTD0VUqDi k89+TF4Bg6qGUu4zzrMQRezS/a6tBNFxypZyDW4dQS6Xo9ZmJ9IBjn0Rr/h0jhz1dEmhagH3 bkSZeo6jWN2jKktdFTnfjro15KudfFNw+05+W8nrzS2yNkh9QtMiPmrouNXqNle7bOiA3rTt tWX75jljtV/u9rG6reSp2XN7i2wzeU6LrN3eIttMnn41ap9nINtai/LUXRZTZONo6JAKvgbK V+nPBVT60Jbp/YIqfZibnqmfnhP/AWfcaYdy0awjgNf/ZBmsedOmTaKPyjFTz6V3xWu/bEPk d3oxazjzUlY+82KW82mR+nE/nZM6G9Xpnq1zhhapPtVSixCUTird2gKsoT801GWvDJzLrAvU MSsD7hlbniOwBbUu6bQycDOzLrCEaY9ah+esDBzJrAsMZ9qj1jXGysAGZl1gDbP5Wp3roxc2 deMoH5GlemSRuj4ayxuJ1FOqgYye3fzeXz3udVawjb69E/fVO3lPIkTltGlTJo2rnDnpkIOt CYdMn9pP7Ch6ih7Is0R/UCB2Fv3gvAfe9W7Vo4NK12ubin35C2b4C2b486rH9Zfbhr/d2N8G fvJHiGmNUXugNTUUr6q1ho4cNHzIQGvYkCHDkNed95BBjN0+/H1sCVJykVau/lJOOX67tXKd q9S+s6nAl+vcDNe5Ga696nFd57Xh+n52/Qz671wczay1rRnuZhbb3mprurNhdW/r2lY44fx7 QxSFrOTcmDXXtuusSCxaQ//4Ea7Gbj6MHGeX7Gx0Z8eqGmnHHIvyv5VEq+yGJH06kWys5n8x 4Z0h7ScLed9ZovbleRznQt7BB/npCMrrIgr4/0noTnQXLkVphWq3TDvYEv5UKe/93Zp68J63 J5/BuYtAubTH7cq72iArKEXJoKqrkHeyXfFaqLQUcm4Xvs/s7MQLlCY6a4CVlqgz5ClHpCmP tZSKgFLvPO3zDWJOT/ukbh5UWJOSlj0vVE//h8P/VxEJR+sS1iw7iRhHW9xl4FZJ3VighnLu NVRY1IQtWwshj0RCs2LxEN+UCEfDaCE+ROgLWkW8M0c3T0WgSPTiWDlem10F2VMheypCenNk 9TV2TWu9znzstFAR5zjHQfWEMcW4hEu5/SKX452n6svjaOeyokKlM6havpjbM0+1p6MzyO+d 1BJ1f6QLRue93A59sYLOwdG46eMrrQHj4jZig8483U6gC1ehJeg/YcbXN8Tm2vF6eigrHLUq q+gLjl058DMrp8+YOMkaMDMUqaMPVs6KNSbx8bT7QFTMGVbWRG4ma1Ii0Wgndq2wyvg/g7qx 0nLWXqjUF3FKIbsrgdpC1RO7sEfy0Iv7Ww+OYS9234XjQpHsruopZv/po6g7392hOSugzuDE yBkN3fnVqamc26Urn4Xauksqfm5thWqUOJHurlrPGbfOk/KlSnVn5C3meB+CeE/H0aRodXhO uBpBSVhza2P0T0R1NEVsvpujHZxeboXitmVHwjXhWRGbbsCFGhoiTRW5SlUJx8BRSn2kp/LW kyNXmhqzbfVU6mW6nup8L1bSwmkht1tQ9dQipcDJL1b9soSj3DVjRchLXWtt+Paj1NVUXqvr OFq9+2UHxRdGpexpHiTLzUmyyJwo88wDZY45QWaZ4+UPxjj5jTFWUhn9VUXz2T75+n0fZ/un sY/cxZwsd1Jn7IqzmTjbT8YBciPOtN7YT1IZr7N99NU7bZxtNz5bsSBfpP0zY3/5KWr+2NhX foTaPzDGyPeMveXb4E1jtBwMRYPA7mAA2Bn0xWd7A1JK9XgresuHIvJO/t6HgnfTFLxh7CVf M/aU/wCvGKPkHig3AgwDQ0C6wl0B1eOl6L0vXvehiGpOV/A/4FUoeNnYQ74EXjBGynXGCDkG 5UaDvcAoMDJN4VCl0EvR2xte9qGIvL+SoeB5KFgLnjOGy2eNYXINqES5/cC+YB+wd4bCPXwo en39iz4Ukfd1GgXPGEPlU+BJY4h8whgsx6PcAWAcGAv2z1A4xpei530oIu+k4OkMBavB40aF fAw8agySk9BzJ4IDwQSQqbDSh6JX/73WhyKqmRSsylDwCHjYGCj/ZuwuHwJToWIKmAwOAjqF Xope+vhZH4qoZp2CB43d5APgfmNXeR84FPPQNHAIOBif0Sn0VrTGhyKqWafgXmOA/Cu4x9hF 3g1mQskMMF2hU+il6NkPV/tQRDXrFNxl7CzvBHcY/eXt4DdYGYjDwWH4jE6ht6JVPhRRzToF fzH6yduYvvJWo488CivHUVBzJDhCqWtWOJEVeil66oOHfSiiWlsr6CtvgYo/g5VGb3kz+D0U Eb8Dv2V1rRV6K3qoDUVjWFFPQTVTDDIV3GxY8k/gJmMneSMImiOwwo6UxeYespu5p9zR3Ev2 MUdj9dgbq8kYzN1j5B+w+h6jOFo5yHThpXr1ew/4UE216lTeYPRirjd2lNcBYQ7BFchwVl5q jmLV/aB6IFQPh+K9zX1kFa5OZkExEQI6F16qH3333jZU0/XknkYW3z2j2ilWI8AeOPueYDQY A/YF+4OxwIYqohpUKVyFrkpqE53r64ye8lpwjdFDXg2+w6z1PebQHzGfbsLsLs2hMhsY5jCO DtXj5fDhd+7y6ZCUUlz3yXA0DowHE8BEUGseIGsUs0G6Y9c1tR85ujbD0dXGDvIqcKXRnfkS M+FXmJc3gm/h9ju4dR3/BMdUj5fDB966w6dDUqlzNAkcBKaAqeBYcxwTBuRW55jaRufoCqOb vJwplyvAesyon2F23YC5/gtAjr9Wjr9hx4N8OLzdp0NSmu5osnJ0MDgETAPT0YPrzbEyAurg sE65dR2HlWNSqnN0GVMmLwWXGKXyX5ihP8Zs/Qn4FG7Xw22mYy+H9755q0+HpDLT0aFwRK5m gMPA4SBmVsooHBL1ikzH1DY6R8TFRgmz3CjGXqEfrtj7yw/BR3Db2vEAHw5v8emQlE5PczQz zdVvwBHgSHAcHDYoYopMx6RU5+gipkheqHgHK8i74D2sae8DnWMvh3e/sdKnQ1Ka7sZ1dBRm 99+C34Hfg4S5v4wrjmNaOyalOkcXGIXM+UYB879Ybd4Eb2H1eRvoHHs5vP31G306JKU6R0eD Y8AfFI3mfkwSkFudY1Kqc3SekS/PVZxjdMWurRd2b73k61hZ3gA6x14Ob33tBp8OSanOUQir 9CxQBarBXHNfZg6zXwvHSeWYlOocEWcbXZizjDzsCHtiX9oTO+QdGZ1jL4cr/3GtT4ekUueI sMFsXJPUgCbMQPOYfTPcNjsmpTpHxJlMrjwDvIiV5CWmB/a+PbSOvR1e49MhKdU5ImpBGBwL TkBPPp7Zh93qHJNSnaMzjKA8nQkw67CSEM9jZXkB6Bx7Obzp1at8OiSlOkfH4kq4DkQU89HO J8IhcYIi0zEp1Tk6jekslzE58u9YRYjnsKqsBTrHXg6ve2WFT4ekVOeoHkSZUZgnR8kFaN8F cDk/jUzHpFLn6NQUplwKnsEqsoYplc8CnWMvh9e8fKlPh6RU56hBcRyIY3ezEA6JkxQ6x6Ry WZob19FSw5B/ZDoxT2K+fQorytMKnWNvh5f4dEhKdY6IBEgqFqOdFykWMq0dk1KdoyVMtjyF yZKrMd+uxmryBCC3OsdeDq94cblPh6RS56iRGYl5ciRmkZHyZLSvy2KmtWNSqnNEnMxI5jHM tY9jJSFWsdvWjr0crnjhAp8OSanOETGPGYFZZIRcgrYlTlHoHJNSnaPFhkixyNgkHsEqQjwK p4TOsbfD89pwOCvlsIcghTpHxPHgBGa4XIoI/FGxhGntmJQ6jmQLR838JBb64CHMx39j8uTD QBcRrwhcvO5snxEgFzrHJyrmK05FdIilTHM00iNCKls6btv9ScaPKRYwPzAPYK5+kAnKh5jW EfGKwIVrz/TZy8mNzvECcxhzElgITkNklincaKRHhCCl6c5cR/OZ78WJzH/EfZir78NKdD8T kDrHXg7Pf+4Mnw5Jpc4RscgcyiwGp6MMcRozQuuYlOocncB8J45X/BXzNXEvQ25bO/Z2eJpP h6RU54g42RzCnALOQL6L6zbTMSnVOTre+FY0Md+IeeAuzNV3M4a8B+gcezk85+/LfDoklTpH xBJmMMbiYHkW8s9MMUzrmFTqHBFzjY2Kr8UdmKfvZLLlXUxrx94Ol/p0SAp1joililPNCnk2 8lzIrc4xKc10NAeOHL4SjYq/YI6+HfM1QW51jr0cnr7mFJ8OSanOEbFMcZo5SJ6L9HNSpLtt dkxK52ocJY0vFV+IBLgVc+9tCnKrc+ztcLFPh6RS54g4PY3zkE6cywzWOialOkdE3PhcsUHc gnnW4Se4/Unr2MvhsmcW+XRISnWOzjAHMmcqzkeai+s20zEp1Tk6LsVnogGsxBy7EvPtn5kf tY69HC556iSfDkmlztFZ5u7M2YoLkObS0m2zY1Kpc9RgrBexFJ+KP2GuJW5mvtc69nY436dD UqlzdA6zG3MuuAjvL0wxUOuYlOocRZl/M/XgRsyzNzHfwel3WsdeDk9+6kSfDkmhzhFxnrkr cz5YjvfL2anjVueYVOoc1RufMBHjY+YGzLE3YL4lyK3OsZfDhU80+XRISnWOHAZAucPFeH8x O212m+mYlOocEXXGvxQfiesw1xLXMxu1jr0cLlg916dDUqlzdKHiInMX5hIcu7huMx2TUp2j Y1N8KMLgGsyz1zJfwelXWsfeDuf4dEgqdY6I5czOcLKzvBTH6egck0qdo7DxT6aW+UBcjTn2 asy31zBfah17OTxhVdKnw0vSXKU7crnE7M+swPFlaegck1KdI6KGeZ+5EvPsVcznjM6xl8N5 jyd8OiR1OkeXKi4z+zGXs8t0WjsmpTpHs433UtjGu+IKzLFXYM69MkVrx94Oj/PpcIVydWmK filXK1L0lVewy3RaOyalmY5mw5HNvMNUg8sx17o4bls79nI457E6nw4vT2undEeX/5e3u46z 2mjfBp7AJgu0QN3dXR+jAsXdHdZ3z1nD3d1tcW9LW4o7FG2L1FuktLjLGu41WnivuTNnziSZ I7Dn9/7x/RTOJjPXPZYsRbgPyBP6h8T3c3XFLKlHUVGKcYQkk8PaNJyz08lpoqo4VIXtN2aE WeEHASryV/WEPsN8nPN/pqwYCVUVWQ5pSdxUnLXMNHJKWXGoCttuSAtSYR1eIfu9uR/yaj6w JX9cqupx/SPHz2dQ1fZqWUpVNUnGQZJoHCBTcMZaTqDKE8pqQ1eXGmZ1M1zJ3ZV9pKzQjiVU VcMkGPuFyThnffyV2qsNVV3L9Z4g1b2lsd899CC1qkqQYOzT4sleMgnnoV2uMNkmL2D6UIkz v0wKIzFrVZWQiTP2CBNwtk3EWednTz85pLyQidO+SAyS2Pc73ViPqoRxxm4tluwi43FmMSy5 jzN96ERxYSRiLasSMDHGTmEczpZxOGuY8cSdMFQi7+exYSRiraoSxBg7SHPjVzIG58JY4Ygy YahESeuah5GItaxKYPlFa8aNxj4egz3t504YKlHyuqZhJGItqxI0M7aTpsbPJAt7ebRwUJkw VKLYNY3CSMRaViWwbCNNYBT26Sjs2SzBnTB0ooZhJGItqxI0MbZKtmgjsReZUWSfMmGoRM1W 1wsjEWtZlaAx2SyMwD4cgT05UnAnDJ2oThiJWKuqBI2Nn7RGwo/acOxFZgTZrUwYKlGTVTXD SMRaViXwaWj8QIZhHw7HnvRzJwyVqOHK6mEkYq2qEjQ0vhcaGN9pQ7EXhwk7lAlDJaq/slIY iVjLqgR+35Kh2IdDsSf93AlDJarzWdkwErGWVQnqk2+4r7Uh2IuW7USVMFKJtisT+NQzviKD sQcHY08yQ4g7YWQSsVZVCSybhEHYi4yVbKsyYWQSsZZVCeoaGyUbkOYn2MxtUSaMTCLWqiqB Zb1WhxuIfWj5iagSRirRT8oEdYwvJV9oA7Afffzp7AlDJloeTiLWqipBbeFz0h/7cAD5nnMn jEwi1qIqgWWdVousRaJvJd8pE0YmEWtZlcBvDemHfdgPJwPTn7gTRirRt8oETE1jtdAXe7Ef +VpiTxgy0dJwErGWVQlqGqskK5FoI2ySuBNGJhFrWZWghvAZ6YO9yFjJNioThky0JLxEG5UJ LCu45UizXrJBmTAyiVirqgTVhWWkN/Zhb5wMTB/iThipROuVCSxLhd7Yi5YvJPaEkUnEWlYl qGYskSzWemEf9sLJwPQm7oSRSvS5MoHfItILe9GyVmJPGJlErGVVgqpkIbdA64n96ONPZ08Y KlHdhe+FlWiNIoGVwjKf9MQ+7ImTwc+dMDKJWIv+3v0JmCrGPKEH9iJjJVupTBipRCuVCaoY cyVzkGY5rOA+k/gTRiYRa1WVwG+2Vhm6Yy/2IMsl9oSRSrRcmcAyS+iO/ei3TJkwMolYy6oE lY1PJTNx3WJYInEnDJloQXiJlioTMJXIJ6Qb9qJlMU/nThipRIuVCSwfC91wIvgtUiaMTCLW qipBJeMjyQxcNx8WSNwJI5VooTIBU9H4UOiK/WiZT1QJQyWqNz+8RPOVCSoaH0jeR4q5knnK hJFJxFpVJfCbTrpiL3bF6eDnThgy0ZzSYSWaq0xgmaZV4LpgP1pmE1XCSCWarUxQwZgqmYIU M+FTiTthZBKxVlUJ/CaTLtiLlpkSe8JIJZqpTGCZJHTGfmS6kE+UCSOV6BNlggrGRK28MAFp ZsBHEnfCyCRiraoS+I0nnbEfLTMk9oQhE80KL9EMZQLLOKEzTgW/D5UJI5XoQ2WC8sZYyRit E/ZiZ5wOfu6EkUr0gTKB32jSCfvRMl1wJoxMItayKkE5kiV0wqngN02ZMFKJpikTlDNGSUbi uskwReJOGKlEU5UJ/EaQTtiPlskSe8KQiWa+G1aiycoEluFCJ5wKfpOUCSOVaJIyQTljmGSo 1hF7sSNOBx9VwkglmqhM4DeEdMR+tFLJ7Akjk4i1rErgN5h0xKlgGSexJwz5VvtxeInGKRMw ZY1BQkecDH5jlQkjlWisMkFZY6BkAK7LgtESd8KQiT4KL9EYZQK//qQjTgVLlsSeMFKJspQJ LP2EjjgZ/EYpE0Yq0ShlgrJGX0kfXDccRkjcCSOVaKQygV9v0hGngmW4xJ4wUomGKxNYegkd 6ZT0GaZMGKlEw5QJyho9JT1wHTuThkjcCUMm+iC8REOVCfy6kw7Yjx3oXBossSeMVKLBygR+ 3UgHnAp+g5QJI5OoA51F7gSWrkIHnAx+A5UJI5VooDJBWaOLpDOu6wf9Je6EkUo0QJnArxPp iFOhA+knsSeMVKJ+ygSWjkJHOiV9+ioThkw0/a2wVnZfZYKyRgdJe1zHzqTeEnfCSCXqo0xg 1w7X9eR6SewJI5WolzKBX1vSkU7JHlIyd8KQ75DTwkvUU5nA0gbvTZaOOBn8eigTRipRD2WC ckZrSStc1xW6SdwJI5WouzKBX0vSEaeCpavEnjBkoimlwkrUVZnArwXpiJPBr4syYaQSdVEm sGQKHemU9OmsTBipRJ2VCcoZGZJ0XNcBOkrcCSOVqJMygV8a6USnZHuerIMyYaQSdVAm8Clv pJJOOBn82isTRiYRa1mVwOIVOuF0sHMnDJWo/sTwErVTJihveCQpuK41tJG4E0YqUVtlAr9k 0gkng6W1xJ4wUolaKxP4JZFOOBn8WikTRipRK2UCS6JWgeuM08GvpTJhpBK1FAkqSAkqGAmS eKTIgEyJO2FkErEWVQns4nBdOpchsScMmWjC/8JKlKFM4BdLOuNk8EtXJoxUonRlAqaiESN0 wengl6ZMGKlEacoEFY3mNl1wKnTBKeHnThgqUYPx4SRiLaoSVDSaSZriuhSeSmZPGKlEHmUC n0pGE9IVJ4MlhadzJ4xUohRlAktjoStOB79kZcKQicb+N4xErFVVAksjoStOCDt3wkglSlIm qGQ01CoLDbRuOBW64azyUSWMVKJEZQK7+kgRx8VL7Akjk4i1rErgV490x+nQjcQ5+BNGKlGc MkEVUlfojhPCL1aZMDKJWMuqBJY6QnecEHbuhCHfarP+HVaiGGWCKkZtrapQS+uBk6EHziof VcJIJWouElSREtjVRIomXFOJPWFkErGWVQl8qhk1SE+cDpYmRJUwUomaKBNYqgs9cUL4NVYm jEwi1qoqgaUaqQ69cE75NVImjFSiRsoE1Y2qNr1xTvWycScMlajuyHASsRZVCaobVYQaRmUk qgf1Je6EkUnEWlYl8KtE+uB0YKxk9ZQJI5WonjKBT02jIumDE8JS10ZOGHIdjQgnEWtVlcBS QeiLc8rHn86eMFKJ6igTMLWM8kI/nFN9hdrKhJFJxFpUJahllLPph7PKzp0w5DoaHk4i1rIq QW2jrOQ9rT9Oh/44s5h+xJ0wUolqKhP4ldHqwACcEAMolcyeMDKJWMtygjo8gV9pMgAnhKWa xJ4wMolYy6oETF3jXWEgzilLVcGZMFKJqioTWN4h9WAQzipLFSldFVu6yCRiraoS1DPethmM s8rHn86eMGSiof8KIxFrVZWgvvGWpJQ2BOcVM5hUUiYsWCLf36HD/nVa1qoqhU8D8j9tKM4s ZojgTjnR7KlNcukVBuvaiVzkqmMJVdXIGhr/1YbhDBxq4652gtkD6WQ9HRX7K5ooVcOunSAp WHX2vwtQ3ct4szsZZ3YjE0h3MpG4K2DVqkbG7z9kOM7mYTbukYtchRMDVDSWdCVjzC74Wlcy QVTrrpglVVXENCL/JiNwxg/HU0fmrDhyFU4IUBEz2uxMsmAcYZX6q3VWzObGX42/Isu/tMbc SDwzWJUye8XlQlc4JNwKxweoKMvsREaZHclY/Hgc6SyxV8ySqiqyvKk14UbhOTQKVY6UOCuO XIXjAlQ00uxARpD2GIEOqLIj10lZMUuqqqiJ8YbQFLLwXMuiKmX2iiNX4VhelbOi4aSdNowb TVValfo4K2ZJVRU1NV63GY1npeVdXq274pAVDg63wjEBKhpqtuXaaEMgCz8eTZVa1aoqZklV FTUzXpO8qo3Bc9fyjlStveLIVciSqioaYrbWBnODzFaYZ1alVamPs2KWUlVRc5tXtHF4mxhL 3iaqiiNXIUuqqogZaLYkA8wWWMGsytZcG2XFLKWqIiZGeFkbjzcKhlXq46w4ZIUDXw+zQpZU VRHTn2Rq/WAEPh9JWgnOillSVUVMLHmJTMCbgKWUqNZZceQqZElVFfUzM7S+JF3rA8OpyhZc S2XFLKWqIiaOvEgm4W2AmYgqJ4pq7RVHrkKWVFUR09tMI73MVOzVDMIq9XFWzFKqKmLiyQtk Mt4GJqPCybxSVcWRq5AlVVXE9DS9pAcMxedDcc0wkqGsmKVUVcQkkOfJVLwRTEWVUzhVxZGr kKVUVdTD9GjdSYrWDYbg65Y0Xq27YpZUVRGTaDwnTMcbwTRUOY0q/bey4shVyJKqKupqJpMu JAlnrAe8ZAhxV8ySqipikoxnhQ9Q4fvcdM5ZccgK+wWrsImo8B5KqaqoM0nUOpEEnLUpnIeo KmZJVRUlk2eED/He4/SBxFl9wapNEtU+SKlV1XUk8VoHaA8D8PWBGAkfVfVsnlTVpZCniQc+ wjuQzwyFYCNhKegIyCuaVaGquL0Zp7UjsVpb6I+RYQaQJOWIsLSqii1PES98gnekjyXO0WDt RK5CllRVUVszRmvDtTab48kTzyWg0gRlxSylqiKv8SRJ5T7Fm99MjlWrqjhyFbKUckWteUWt SDOtJWmKJ08cnqs+8cqKWVJVRanGEySNm4U3Px9WrariyFXIUqoqagGZZhOSYTbGMzWG9MFo +DgrZklVFaUZj2vpkjl482Nmo8LZUrVyxSEr7BtuhWxuVBUx6ZBmNiK9UHkvjALjq9ZecRwl VFWUYTwmZMI8vP0xc1HlXF6ts+LIVchSqipKNRtqXtJA80APjEBP0oyoKmYpVRVlGo+SFtwC vP0tQIXzOVXFkauQJVVV5DHraymQbNYj3VF9d8xvD8FdMUupqqiF8YjWUrIIFTILOVXFoSqs 3SfcCllSVUVJkGjWJQlmHbw5NMJbhE9jZcUsqaqiVsbDQmtYgvdbZjGnqjhyFbKkqoriSW0t DmLNWnhraEC6Yp4t7opZSlVFrY2HSBtuOd5vl3FLibviyFXIkqoqYmLMmlpzaGbWwFtBPbwT 1ecaKCtmKVUVtTEe1Npy7eAzvOOu4Fi1zopZOyEr7P1amBWylKqKmKZmda0J1xFz68OqVVXM kqoqamc8QNpzq/COy6xEhYyq4shVyJK6K6qmNYZG0NCsStpjbpkOmGvGX3E9UTFLqqqovXG/ 1oHrCGtR3RpYzakqjlyFLCWryllRA7OKVh/qmZVJW8xtO8wz46vWWTFLqarIcp/Wifscb+7M OljLrZGqZu1ErkKWUlVRXbOSVgdqmxW1WtAGc2ypSdWqKmZzo6qoM7mXdIH1eDP/kvuCV2uv OJIVsqSqimqZFbSaUMMsr1WHVpjfVpjr1pyqYpZSVRHT1biHdINNeDPfiOo2cKqKI1chS6mq qJpZTqsKVcyypAXmtwXmuiWppqyYJVVVZLlb6859gwq/hq9gE7cR5IpDVtgz3ApZUlVFlc33 tEpQ0SyjVYAMzHMmqcKrdVfMkqoq6sH1NO4i3+P7j+/gW2DVqiqOXIUsqaqi8mZprRyUNd/V 3jPfwZtdRby3MpVQbSVlxSypqqJeXG/jTvITvv/4EdX9wKkqjlyFLKmqojJQ2nxbexfeMd/C +2p5vLtWIKxaVcUsqaoipg/X17hD24YKt8IW2AyqiiNXIUuqquhteMsspZWC/5n/wztrOby7 Wli1qopZUlVFTD+uv3G79gu+w9qOa5mfQVVx5CpkSVUV/cf8r/Zv+Jf5H+1NSMIKTiZlUW1Z ZcUsqaoiZgA3EHajwl2wE3bAr/CLo+LIVciSqip6w/y39hq8av5Le8V8E++upfFWXoYkEXfF bG5UFQ00btMGcYNhP67bB3thD8gVW9U+EbLCWt1fDbNCltRZ0cuo6CV40XxDe958XXsO4rCK 47BH44FVq6qYJZUrGswNISW1odxRXHcYDsFBOKCoOHIVsqSvOCp6Fp4xX9OeMl/VnoDHzVfw Vv42iUWlsVStu2I2N6qKhnHDjRIkD9flQDYcB1bxEani/RGtkCV9zlbRK9pj8Ij5svaQ+ZL2 ANxnvoi38lJ4Oy+F7z3eIqqKWVJnRSO4kdwoo7h2HtedhdNwEvIhl1d8jFdcsArf0djvxnuI ErL5YVXcaT6v3Wribcl8RvsHp/Vv2O0sBRvv4YqUWdxorjH2cBPyP4zG/5QjEpnUrGU25ixx CfM5rSilflq7jtR/wRUkZ2OoSjnGuFUby42DBtiXDbFHG5H/KqsoWGrf73xkLasSjOcmGLdo E6Ee9lJ9nBQMS6dKGDJR11fCSMRaViVgJsFkrjZ2dh2oS95UJoxMItayKsEUo5g2FaZxNbEb mVrYmbWJO2FkErGWnQmmc+/DB0ZR7UOohl3EVMcZUYO4ExYske/fGGStTnMk8KWYAR85fBxA Zex5pgpOsqrgrID1E5nErNUPeUJfyhmKtL5knxhFyEzJp1DBfIFUxN6vBKoKIjPrrFVnEpZg Fjcb5hjReAd9Dm/Xz+Et+3m8bTPuhCETdQ4nEWtVlWAuzOPmw7s4vUuTZ/F2/KwrIWsnMolY y3KC+dwCWAiLDFNbDKXMp/AG+xTeZJ/GG+3TImEZKWFkErGWVQmWwFJYxv3bfAJvnU9o/zWf xBvok8qEkUnEWnYmWA4r4DNYaRjkdfMxvCU+hrfFx/Ee/LgyYWQSsZaXORKsgtWwBtbCOnjZ fBhvdo/gnfURvLs+ioSPuhJGJhGrfaUiwefwBXwJ6+E580G8Xz6kvQAvIp074WMhE9XsFE4i 1rIzwQbYCJvgK/gGnjDvxzvh/drT5gN4P3yAJ3zQljAyiVjL66UEX/ME38L3RhS+w47C958G 3kjvwZvpvdqj8Lh5HxLe50oYmUSsditBFCX4kSfYAlvhZ/gF7jbv1O4178L72l14y7ybEj4M /oT3h07UMZxErGVfgm2wHX6FnbAb9sJ+uNW8DW+Nt2u3wR3mHdpdSHiPI2FkErHaf+EJ9sAB OIw9dwxycD6dgNM4x6/i/eIa3r90s7hmmCW0ImZJ7RakLMkTsnYKlug+SlSMamdjcBQJ8tD7 GfR+Cc+5v5BAM2/VTPTOrgnZW4eXw+iN1cXqOwvn4QJ6Yr1dwVvL7/CnYV0TqrdHH7g3SG9/ 6ay3qzhjF8IcmAWfcjNx7n7iskyYyX3KzcL5PAfm44RciBNyEU7HxTibluBcWooTYSlOhKU4 EZZiPy7FqbAEe5JZjH25GCfDIuzNhbAAu2M++daYB3NgNsyCT2EmvvYJfAwzcP0M3PshfIB2 3icbjelkA5mG/qahX2YqMkxFlilkHaw1JpM1xiRkZSYi90Scq8wE1MGMR03MONTHjCXLjDHc aIxNFjeKG8mN4IbDMBgKQ7jBuHcQDIQBaJPpj376QV/02xcZ+pBVRm9kY3ohay9k7oX8PVFH T9TUE7X1RJ2WDbARNsFXpBfGqRfGqxfGz/Id2rL0wSnE9IUhMDSg7wIagjZ9BqGfAeivH/rt iwx9kKU3cvVGxt7I2huZeyN7b9TA9EE9fVAX0xd19iMrMQ4r0c5nZCAMgsEwBIZyw3DNcG4E NxL3M6PQHpOF9i1rMU/MOszZ5/AF5vBLWI853Yj53YS5/gq+xtx/g7XwLZmM+qag/qkwDc8L ZjpO7ffhA/gQZsDH8AnMhE9hFsyGObiemQvz0MZ8WIA2F6LtReQbrP+vsRe+gk3YGxtpfyxD rmXItww5lyHvcuRejvzLUcty1LWMrIKV8BnuWQHLYRnaYZaiXWYJ+rD2eOh/Kyb4ifGlbv36 zlitmrYLIyHbSaYr7SDvSz7gPoSPcM3H8Al8irZmwWw8eebAXJz/8/AEmq/tw6jtQwX74QAq OsgdQoWHuSNwlDsGxyEbciAX1+ZBPu7PR1sn0OZJYZ526gacJvPJKaUF5CT1tRj9LkGGpciy DLmWId9y5F2O/MtRyzLUtAw1LkWtS1HzEozDYozLIjyFF+A5OB9P5LkwB+8Gs2AmntIfwwx4 Hz+fBlPx9ckwEddPwH3jcP9YjONotJeFdrMwdqPQz0j0ORJjNhJjNRI5RiLPSIzTSGQbiYzM KIzVKGTOQnZmNMaKGYN6xnLjUN94mMBNxFhM4ibDFG4qN83mFMfWzW5cdwgOwxE4CsfgOGRD DplMcskkIQ/9WiZw4/H5OBjLjcF9zGi0NRptZpFjqO8odwQOwyHuIBwgWRgvNm7MaMwPMwZj yYxFbmYcahjPTSA7kccyiZssmRLQLoXdkoLtXK0we9b30q9h5fyJ1WuZr/2BFWZZSH7HqvNb jM8CWSL8KflLclXyN1mqsIxcdfgL/uT+4H6H37grcJm7BBfhAncezimcRX9O58gS4bzkguSi zWL0abmMcWKuYOwsC5BvAWr6WPsHJ5vbDIUPlS5jpVlGoy/LRaxG5gJ3njunNCos1xyuB5SF r9v9w/3tcFUYrfSXMEa4ih3lNo5o5nS84U+A8dw4vHMzYyVjJKNdDJLlEiUp7FDIZlRQhbmS 3G0hZSmVhBJQHG4lo/FdzWitGOoqSsbiO51x6HO6w/sBfODwIXIyM9DuAlgIi9APs5gUJ0uQ w61kALeFcLuwNIBluM6vpEMJSXHuVu4WrhgU5Ypw0RKTM7goSWFJIQXdZqnCEqVCDoUdoiRG QIuRO5BFkoW41mcBuRbGv8kV/OnxB32n+Be+2x8P42AsN4YbLdwtZJG7JHdK7rAZFbYHHB4M KksyWjITPoVZMAfmag+Z82A+LNAeJgu1RzCizKMY5cfgcXgCnoSnuKfhGbJIexaeIwu15+EF tPMC2mReRPsvoh/LHBjPjYOx3BhuNO6RZaE9v+ckzzo8g7qDeVbyqsJrJEsyn1sgWai9zr0B b3L/clkUljfJYps3HF4nS8hr3KuSV7ADfV4WlpGXbJaTFyNuCSySLHR5IYDncb1lMebU8iza Y54hS7HOLE+hBuZJ7gl4HP0zj8Gj8Ag+exgeIkuxvpdiryzR7ke796Of+9DnfZjHezGv92Jd 3os1ea85G/t3Fu3xgp0WTxWyvkssr23WquE5Y/eBTdWAPtSqcOXMT7Sy3HvYuZZPtTJkFimN 9JY53FztXTKPm4/PmAWShaQMRsTnPbIYffmVg/JcBaiIa5hKUBn3M1XQXlW0b5mH2ubCHJjN sdqnwnjA98/Y5VWxs6tih1Uho9DOKLQ5Cn2MQl+j0G8W+h+NPGOQbSyMQ94JMBH1TCLvmJPJ 2+YU7S2ulNJk7X9cKdxfCu2UQpa30ObbaPsd9PEu+iqNPstQv6x/lmMk8oxErpHINwI5RyDz COQfqVWHGmSUVhNq4b5aaMNvDDcWxmm10Z9lLsyD+bAAFsIirQ5XF2Pst0ir51CfLBQa3LRF ksVoi1mCPpil6Hsp8jDLkM9Si6vJ1SBLMRbMElgMizA+zEIFtk58FtpUEdi6YhZj3JklWG+W CuinPFmG+bGUhffIcsydpTT3Lj5n3oG3yVLMObOElEL7lkXcQqyRBfjvfG4ezMW1c2A27mdm oT3mU7Q9E/0wn6Bftj8/Rp6PUcP7QlWb6aSayzSH0P+2YfBTqBu9s6zTYsx+XF/oA70lvYTm pKfQjGvq0MSlR0hNze4uzRyaO8QI3UisJE7oSuID6kISwpDo0lUyD+bDAm4hLJIs1pICSMYq c0oJwBMGL1kawjIbTxhSIBmSuERI4OIhjouFGGgOzaApNAmgMbLImpAlNk25ZpLmGDdZjLCI W8gt4ObTGi/YjhnNf3W3rDZAa4XdYukj6S3ppbV2aIPd4NPWoR3pJbQXekv6cH25flx/yQDS jgy0aevQRtLaoZU5QNJf0o9jtU/mJsFEboJNSzzPZC0kmZIMm3EBjCWZkhbCGLTv10oYjXp8 slArMwr1+4wU2gkjFEZiXJ1GwQJuIbdIsljr4LJE6yjpxHV26IKd4NQZO8apE2RChkM6WaqU gfZlmZIWkpZksU0rsohbyC2gdVCw3TWAnkcbtJ6YNctohyzSA7pDtwC6CqNItxsyUuiuNIL0 EIYjk88wrZfNUK23MIQbrPUhg4S+2G1+A1z6kYEOg2A4jHAYSfpzQ2CowrCQRilkBTRUYQjX X9KPjHYYA3NgHsyHhbh2ERmA1TaQLNEGkcXaYMkQbiiu9RmG+1WGuywShpHFwlD05TMEO4YZ TJYhg2UgNwBvkUx/6EeWYd6WYW4tvXFfb7TD9ELbvdBXL/TfE7umJ+rtibfHnqi/J94Y2bov 2C4yC7FdpOvvo+VPcZb6jZOMVRjjMJrMdPgEM8h8LPlIMsNmlMtHDgsUFrpkkQUK8x3mkdHC XDJGm0PGwjhtNsZjNp5Ns/C8moVn12RzgzbJ3MhtknxlM9H8OqQJDuMl47ixDmOEr2xGI4Nl I7eBjDHXBzSWfEnGceO5CdxE4QvU5fO5NtVcAcsDWOawlFtCpmBlM6MxvlkY5yyMNzMK48+M xLwwIwIYHlGjlEZwUwKYKmQJUxQmSyYpTCSjbSbYjAlibBDjAhjvwvZ/wU6SA/xXqZ7Ty2v3 mOe0e4Xzwn0uF8j9LhcDesC8RB43o/THTUN/gpiSaP1JyVM2RfSnJc8oPEuKujwjFBMeUSqq P6xUhDxEosEEQ78LtdyFuu4kF7Q7uNvhNoxRSSjBFRcuhHDR4RJE6cXRn8WURJMSDiW524Qi +u3cHQp3osY7lIrhHrvbJCVJUfRpKQ63crdwxSRFuSJcNGeCQYrpUZLCkkI2RXVdqQgp5FBY IUrBwFj5mDYmcsoMLoorDAe1aPMA7Of2cXs1U2KQPUIUV5gr5KCT3TaFzF02hbkoMDgTorki 3C3crVxxrgSU5G6D27k74E7JXXA33AP3wf3I8gA8iIwPwcOo7RHU/CjqfxRj8RjG5DHzEPb7 ETgKxyEbciAXX8uDfFx7Ak7i3lNo4zScQXtn0O5ZtH8W/ZxDf+fobCqONovja8XxuVMJfN3n drgD7sTnd8HdcA/uuxfuQx/M/ejvAfT7APp/EDkeRJ4HketBZHwQWR80j8FROMIdxrWHuIO4 /wC3H+0x+9A+sxd9We7GuNzF3cndAbfDbVxJroSkOO7128ft5w7QOETu1zheQi8voVeflzGr fruEV8hO4VXJaw6vC7vIG8Jubo9kL7eP2y85gPtlB9G+3asOrwgHyMvCfuEl9GPZS17G6fwy VozlLJyRnMY1bi+SU+QFyfNBnXR5gZwgL0peEvKRwe8VrFTmVaxWn9ewq/yyyesh5ZA3hML6 GzjRLAZnSqLJm5J/Sf6NU9TnPy5FQ/o3PO/wXEBFhOclLwjR+osOL7mY+svEkETpbC0UbHdV LMx2V2HtJb2s9oZW3rzG/SOUI39rZbn3zKukjPkX96dWmvyhvUt+h9+0d8gVuAyX4CJ3Hs7B WVx3Bk7j3pNwAm3lo+089JOLPnPRf45WASphDVSGqlw1rjrUwNeZmlAL99SGOlxdtFWPq881 5poE0NQm3+GE5KRNE3JKaIyf+zSSNJQ0EE4pnIYzcBbO4XrmPFyAi9wlyWVcx1yB37jfSX3M i+VPjAXzF6mLeWTqYF59amO+a3E1yTVSg6suqcZV5apwlblK5nWhoqSCpLyp6Uw5h7JYnmqF HArblCNRpLykgqQi1ILaUAd7qS7U4+pjnzWAhth3jUgRvTH2cWO80TUht8CtUBxKwm1wB75+ J669C/fdjfvvQTv3or370P796OcBvab5oF4DqpkP6VWgElSEClAOn5eF96AMri0N7+K+d+Bt tPEW2noLbZYid8NdcAd3O3cbeQuZfN42S3DF0ZblXWRnSqOOMtx7qEtWFvX6vEeKCGUwJmUw PqXhXYyXJQptM4W5QiHowruS0oKGPjT0x9bBdY0pR65JZ9Q1fH4BLsFluAK/4Zrf4Q/4E9f8 hTV2lVTE2mYqYU1X5qpAVajGVcfXa5CrWPNXsQf+gj+xJ/6A3+E37JErcBkuwQU4D+fgLL5+ Bk7DKdx3Ek6gnXzIQ5t5aD+XVIOqXBWoDJW4iriuAslH/hNwErUwp1DfaTgD5+A81V8e81UO c1gWc/oe5rcM5rs05r401kJprIvSWCOlsTZLY81Y7sY198C9uP5e3HcfKYe1Vh4qYO1VhEpQ GapAVagG1aEGreX7sX/Yumbr+z7sH7bW2Zpn2Pq/C+6EO+B2KInPS8CtuO4W3HML7i2Gdoqh zWI6q6Fgz7Gx9KuMlfUEvDEl4G3Jshf2cLu5XUI82UniFGJDiAlpR5h+dYkNIE4hnvwiJDgk Ctu1JEmy8LNNSpg8AZ1wOKnkFU4IqVj1TBp2QDp2QwZk4sneAlriad8a2kBbaAft8XkH6Aid cG1n3NcZ93dBW13Qdlfsmq7YNV2xO7ti13TFjumKndsVp1BXnFRdcWp1wwlmMbloobtDD6GI 3pPr5VI0iGK4x9KD6w7doCvXhRTVO0MnriN0gPbQDtpK2gRVRGgraSdpj3qcOtiY6N/H4KLg Asb9PJyDs5iHM3AaTmFeTsIJ0g7z0ZbkYe7yMId5WitoybWATMgg+Zh3Nv9sLTBsfZyC01gz zBk4C+fhAui6B3NpKQxRnOFgOkTrXoVUoYieJklXyMD4+qQrpHExCs2ViuBrdrGSOBJN4h0S UJOfAVFcYShE52Jk/m/oAMyKJZ/L0/o79HXoY5N7A3Jwf2j9cBI49TePCwPMY8JA86jDEW0Q OSwMNg9xB7kDZEhIByXHuWxtqMIwyJKMVspxGWOTazNayAsoy2EYDFUYgrn1uw66PhSraShW 1VCssGFYacOw8obDCG4kN0ow9SxuNDGEMUKUxNDHcv6vm5Jo3OtTBO1aRmH3MCNJMWSxDOeG cUNhCDcYBuF6SxF9INpkBqCfAeh3APIMwM4ZgLoH4D10AN432bov2C6aR7voV208WhyPUbVc 0yYEMFG4zmn6RDQ0CckmIeFkJJ2MxFOQfCqqmAbvo6IP4EOYQYroH8HH3Ce4diYx9U+JAVH6 LMyupRDooMF1bRb6/5T8A39rM8lV7RPuY7wlf0T+1GbAh3hb/gDexxvzdJgGU/HmPIVc0SaT y9okcgk1XeQuwHnUfQ7Owhn8/DScgpO49gTk4948tJOHNnPRdi76yEFfTDb6zUb/2ciRjTzZ yGb5BGZyn+LaWdxsbg7a8cvjTsFpyRmX2TanySxyCk7CCfSXD3noOw85cpEnF9lykDEHWXOQ OZe8z03Hdcw0ko86mRPcSdTOnILT3Bl8fpY7R6ZhHJnp5ALavYA+LqI/ywyM+0fwMebgE5iJ OfkUZmGOZpPfUd8fZC7mdC7mdx65Cn/DP3ANNH0e1so8rJm5WDtzsY7mYD3NxrqahTX2Kdbb TFpzRbH2imIdFsN6LIa1WQzr1DIdpnFTYQpMxrXMJJgIE9CGJRr7xsfU2T4q2I58hr5zuF1f Z1TXLNVs1ipVdVkDq2EVrCTVtM+4FdxytO+zzKghLDVqcrXIEqO2pI6wOKDaNkuNSgEtC0tl peWkissKhW8l3zl8b1M5gErkh5vwI6mMH9cOoI7L9/hcrRbUJN9hrizVhW8xr7JvSFXta24D rHepJnypVN0hFdK4dNznk0E2BLBRYVNImWFo4bIxgA3cesmXQqb2Bfe50AL7zm8tt0ayWmGV S6awUvqxJUNYLVnjsNYm3WYdSeNS6eyIzK9hbEVLlmpcVUkVh8raFofNN+inG1IpLJvDsEWo aLNVYZtNBfJzCNtJ+TBVcGjo8gtp5NDQ5VfSQNtB6ms7YZdRT9vN7YG9sA/2wwHuIK5jDuE+ 5jDaOYw+LI21I0YTaArNIQa8kAppXLokQziqcMzhOHZFaC2EY5Kj3BHuMHdIchAOcPu5fZK9 JDOkfcjqtF/hgEu6zUGMl6UZOYBxPYDxtTSGRmQ/5sBnH+aE2cvtwVzt5nbh58xOzpp731rw rZXGXBOsp6bQjPNyqVyaQzruUclQ+tVhh00m2RmEdU0Lm83wk01mmDJwr90Wh61CukMalwpe OhMj97fhnMQO8jkRVKxCHBcPCZAISeSkkQwp4NFOITVzGhUwZ1ANcxbVnZOcJxnaBe4idwku k3TtCvcb7v+dpGp/CF6XP0NKDekP6of1mYG+M5EnE7laIGML5G2B7C1QSwvU1AL1ZaLWTNSd gXFg0rV83J+HdvLQXy7GIxdjk4MxysGY5WDscjCWORjjXJxoudgJedgZedgh+dgtJ7BzTmIX nYLT2GFn4CxOyXNwHi7ARe4Sdxmu4DrmN9KA/E4akj/QtqUx+RN9WppyzSTNJTEubO2cwtfO wXm4ABdJM+Rphjx+V4SmkiaSxlwjriG5TBqQS6iJuchd4M5z57iz3BnCxs+nIfL6NEJ+prGk CcadaSppFpaTpLkSG6PI/QnlL4y9Dnvw1hiOvXhLs6wy9sMBvBn6HMR3arJDZIVxWHJEclRy zOYz47hDNtr3W8WtlqzBdcxabh3aYT5H+5Yj3GHUyxzite+C7fAzvraN24p7mS1oy7IGVsMq fL6SbEOun2E7Mv/C/UqWGzvIMm6psdNhB1kiWYr7lqKNpWhvGdpllqOPFeiL+Qx9r6T+WY7N yLMZuSzr4HODzavlS7IF3ykwW4UNaM/vZ247dwSOwjHuONlIsoVNNseFr1yO2Xwd0nGHbNzn t8nIETYauWSDZL3kS5JDviDZcNzlc1ofwRwn6yRr0ZbPGrTNrCa5ZBW3UvIZt0KyXLKM5JCl JJs7TpaQY/jxUe4Idxj3MIfIcuw7nxXYk8xn2KfMSliHPbyO9vHuMOzie8OuYKdQPfoO7Vn9 B+yCH7DqLb9KflHYrn3v8F0A39r8TL5T+J5sIz84/Iid4vMT2aK0GbvsRm0hW7ifYbvkZ5ut ZBvZRraSn8kWvNX6/YJ2mV+5HdxObhfsxnXMHrIVb+DMNryRMz/Ddryl/wK/wg7YBUckRwM4 xh3nsoUDLjnkoMOhoHKDOsgd4PZz+7i93B5uN+zidirssMkRdirssslG24Htwdj4HeOOwi7Y gWt+hV/Qznb4Ge1vQ7/bMJ/bMLfbMM+Wn7ltuGYbrZHt3C9YN8yvsIPbCbvgCHeUOyY5HkC2 0labHLLN4WelXJdtku8k3yrlKH3n8L2QTX5wOS45xh3ldhbwhOvH37OqaZfxhvkLt51cwGxZ tpHz2IE+58gWvHVazsBp7pTkJNmKN0ZLPtmGt37mZ3wXwGwnOeg7B6uBycZqyEZ12VgN2Tjf s/EcyMb7T7axD/bDATiIaw/BYdx/BI6izWMkH6N1gmSj/2xkyUY2yxk4y50jx1GTzzHU6nMU 48Ac4Q7z8fkavpJsEi64bCTnHc6FbYNw3uGCw0Vjvcslly/xnUVwV8JyBI5yxxyOB/VbEL8L x2z+sDnq4Py6z3GF7IB+V/jNJgf53S7b5GKMw3cxoByFbIXjQV0I4Dzu9bH2QA45K+Rin/id lpziTsIJyIc8yMV9TA7ay0Yfx8lR7RjWyjHsnaPYq0exZ49i7x7FPj6C/XwU+/oo9vhR7PWj 2PPHsPePYY8dx3mQjbMhB+dELs6MPJwjTD6cwNvBSTgFp+EMdxbYmXSeu4D7LtB/t2AsnDZz XxfwBB1B/4f/a+1r8wC3n3xl7pPsFTY5bDT3kA3ceocvw7LbYZew3mGDw0ZuE/cV97XkG+57 yQ+SH7mfuM3cFoWtkm3CboU9uMZvC7dZ8hPZS350+AHjbtnPHeAK6z+YUWBwJvmRRAs/OWyW bBGK6FsdtoVUVGmrZAtshh/hB/gevuO+hW/MYvrX8BW3CTbCBljPfUmKBlDEZb1kA7cRNTKb JF/ZmORrYkAUdyBC33ntMS9oe8zz2m7zHHeWO+NwWtsl2SnZIZwSfnU5ic/tdpITZBe328wn e0ietlfA27tNDtlvk+1yQCnH4ZTNQXJSOIRczGFkYo6QPO0oydWOkRztOGRzOegnl8uDfDgB J/G1U3Ca4OyHs2jnHNo8hz7Oo7/z6P8CxvwC5uMC5uaCeRF03VLIobAkijPAFC5iJTldIkXI Ze6Kw29CUZcrQjHhMlziLsIFOM+dw7VnuTNwGk7BSTgB+UHkSfKRx+kEd1KIRtt2p4kpMbgo KAyF4CLm5DycxRydxlydwpydxNydwDzmY07zMbf5mOd8zDdzAvN/AmvhJDmM6w/hPuYg5u8g 2jmIOTyANg9gnx1A+wcwhwfQl6UwREkMiSkctIkWDkkOo26fI5KjNkUDOiLZwf0aUhGbHZKd 3C5kk+0WTM7goqAwziOmEJ1LkfmdgX+amv6neV2zXCN/BXCVXOc0/Soa+htp/ka6v5HyHyS+ hvTXUZkWXUTXo4vqhSEKDFJENyGaKxIdrRclpl6MGBCl3xJdmCsEOmhwXbsl+ppWjPwDf2tF yVWtCBcd/ZdmghH9J4mK/kMrDIWif9d00OC6+Zt2jVzR/oG/zcvkqnkJLnIXUO95OAdn4Qyc xuen4CSuPwH5uD8P7eShzVy0zeSgnxz0l41+s9F/NnJkI1M2slmKQFGuGK69hbuVK452/PK4 U3BacsblVpvT5BZyCk7CCfSXj37zSBG0Hw0m+jQgCgrj50wh0EkeavLJR53MCXIN42A5Bae5 M3AWX2fOES36PNHJBbR9AX1cJFFgRF9ChkvIchmZLiPbFeS8gry/kVsxZ8Uxh0wJzGkJzC9T EvNdEvNfEmuhJNZESayRklgrJbBmSmDtlMA6Ko71dCvW1S1YY8Ww3orSmiuKtVcU67AY1mMx rM9ieiHQOY27jlP5GvyDnfw3dxX+wtpm/sQ69zP1Pwv8OwN9v+P9HsyUJZ/cjdF3utPhDpvc G5BD7gwpW7vL4e7o48I90cckR7V7bY5o95HDkkPa/eQgd0B4IKiDkuNcNnlQ4XHJE0o5IeQG kBfQ45LH4CF4UOEBzK3fddD1B7FyH8TKfRAr9yGs3Iewch+GR7hHJY8RU39c8gTu83lSiJIY CqbwBNr0K4I2LY9hxzCPkmLIYnmYe4h7EB7g7of7cD1zL9q4F20y96Cfe9DvPchzD3brPaj7 Huzee7CL2bqP3N/f8EL0Xtgj2S3Zpb1os1N7SfKywysOr+Ieu93kNfTjt5fbR16N3i85ILxC DgovO7zk8CKul72A9vz2cXvJizh3X4w+hx8zZ+GM5LTN85Ln8NzwedbhGaWT5FmH5zCjPs9L XiD55EUhD/UxuajbJ4e8QrJdXlXKcSisv4rVZjE4k7xGom1el7xBiuhvSv5lUzSgNyXPcs+E VMTlWclzyOPzvMMLgskZwouona2FyDyjSmH2LPlcnst/Jf9xyb0BOTb/DSib/M/mOLL4HNPe Eo6St4Uj5B08m/wOkXex4ywHXEorHZQc57KFMg4VHSq55ISQG0CeUkWHCvAelJGUFvIl10HX S2M3lcFqKoNV9R5W2XtYcWWhHFdeUoGYpCJXCffJKpMoiaFgCpXQpk9F7AifCtg9THlSDFks Zbn3uDJQGt7l3sH1zNto4220ybyFft5Cv28hz1t4RpVC3aXwjCqFZ1SpAj+jfP9aSk2cszVx dtbEOVkTrVrytRpCnlDdoRpX1SZXq6KU41KVqwN1A8pVyJPkc1e1engPr4fRqYdVUg8jVQ8j Vh8jVx+rpT5GsQFGk2mIkW3ENcZIN4Gm0AyaczH4WiwXh3viIQFtMIloLxHtWnQ9CX0loc8k jGUSxjIJY8kkYiwt+ZI8LcEhXhLHxaJOtZygPOC1yZXkcYV0L2qwROmpgqGncRlBZAomfh5a uhBN0iSpEi9Wv49HKKqnSJJJMSHJ5ZYgVNerJZIiYHKGQpTE+izBxsS6YaKxhiyxaJOJIUWx 1izN0B/TlGsCjblG0BAaQH1cWw/q4v46aI+pjT5qo79ayFELc1sTa7Im1mRNrMma2A9sj0fm mdsWq9mSz+W5tOZaKeXegByl1i7ZQhvhOLL4HNPaCUeF9uQId1jrIBziDmodyQGlTi4HJce5 bJvOkh7Q06GXTU4IuQHkufR06MF1lnSyyZdcB13vhNOiE1ZYZ6y0zlhxXbDyukI3SXdJD1zD 9BQMvZdLlN5bMBRM0otEk56kCOlBiqI/SzfsEKYr14XrzHWCjlwHXN+eFIFovR0xwYAovS12 UlvU3RY7qS12UdsCP3Pl34s/JPqSzWCXy8Ig4YrkN/gd/sA1f8FV+BttXYPr2lCkHor0w1DF cMzcCBKlj0R1oyALlTKjYQw3FiMwjhsPE2AiTMLXJsMU3DeVROnT0N50Uoi8L+gKhWw+kFif FVaaTn2xfosgQ1FkKYpcxZCvGPIWQ/5iqKUYaiqGGoui1iKoOVofjHsG4d6ByDkA7fRHhv4Y k354P+iHMeob/Sf8Dlfw80twQeuP703743vTATgrB+IZPgizPQSrfyh2wzDsqhHYcSMhC0Zj d46FcTAeJsBEfD6Jm4zrp8BU3MtMQzvT0N50chJOae+T03AGzmofkHNwnrvAXZRcIu9zbN0M xTWjYQyMhfHcBJiIdiZJJqN9nynoz3KGOw2n8DXmJJwgk5CdmYg6JpBctJ+L2i1jYQyM5rJg FDcS14/ghqMNZhjaHIb2h5JTqIE5zZ3BGj7LnZOcV7hgM0RhqCTUzq3W9sUgO3cH/cu0+fpa I1NfDatgpdFC/wxWwHJYBkthicNil0yXRQFlFEA6pEEqeCEFkiEJEtFvAhevEBdAbAAxXHNJ M9TflGsCjaER1xAaYLyY+lw9ssyoy9XBuDK1yQqjFsbbstKoSVYZNchqbo1RXVjLreM+D+IL hS9DWH8DNnAbFTa51AigZgC1bkDtoDZivAPZEKb1pDbGyPIF97lkncNayRpSR1gdwKqQ6mKN qNRTqP9/pIHNZ0JDSSNhBfbICuyVFdgzlmbQnItxsD7/LICVuFdlVQCrhaYua4JYG8A6h88d vlD4klsvNMOa8mkuiVGIJeuD+JL7Aj7n1sFabo1ktWSVEIcxtPvMYYXCciFeIQFnnSxRksQl cyk4Iz2cl0tVSAtqWRDLFVZwK2EVrIa16GcdfA5fIsd6JY/NBuINIpVLw/WWL/Ec+wI+xzNN to5bSzJJwZ7yfaKs9/O22mZ9K2aG2UbiHGL/T20tgC0kLqTNLvE2PyklkB9vWKJCks1PWN2B bMbXnbagDbsE1C+L17/FivD55gZ9HcRXAVhfzwjqG6xkp2+xypnvsPKZ74k3DJ6gvsNpEVpy UN+6pJBvbDyoTebFeKik4i0jXF4Hj0NKQF8hp8/X3DdYM3aJ5FvJN1g3avEKcSHEhhBDvg2q uc13QXwvxDjE6j8IcQ7xNj8KcUo/KcUKm5VisDeZ5tiTlm14mjM/k6bC9iB+UfgV99s1d4iR xErihF9Qr18C+vJJRCYmyWZbUMnCVpsU1O/jwZg4efG5Tyqu99vG/eywXclLflH4VfCQHUKK y86QkiNEbtMLqWQHSUNOn3TUYLfdJgNj4rbNJlPYqrDFYTPJID8FlE5+DCiN/BAB3yulB/Sd kGHzrYv/GVmwt6fN9Gsk2foeo7PNbpsuEbErgJ1BdXboCB2gHbSBVmijBWRAms1ukqrgdfC4 7LLxCjttUm+A814nTxhC7+5dLklkd0CJLntwkqrFC3tJnLAPJ7RdjLCfNA+gmdIB0lQ4iO+v /RoHdUhoFNRhl8ZBNFFo6tDM5hBpHkRMGGKFgySOi5ckYIwSIYnsx7zvx5rYjzWzD2trH9bf PuyFfThZ9pIMyJS04Fpibn1aca0lbUJojTZ8WnEtHay+9qHffcixH7n2I98B5DyAzAeR/RBq 8TlMEoQjDkeVEoVjNknCcZIsSdGzlTx6jkKuQh5JUcq/IZ4gvGFIRZ+WXIwvk8NlB3A8DMeU UslRFy85EpSHHA6bF2simFSbg8hnSecysMYyuRZYdy2hFdca65Fpw7WFdlirTHuug7AHzyG3 Tjehs1LBnuqt+J+O/1VLZH//lv4bXMFIMJcxEpfgIlzAiJxXOEfSbc5yZySn0Z7PKfRh8XIe chIr2uIRTtioV3GetIrD470BHge265LJCZJETpJELgHiIQ51xUJzaIbam0ITaIwxaQQNMU4N oB7GrS7Gsw7UwljLagoXSQ1yyahOLhvVhCvcb5LfSXWuBlcTanG1oQ5XF/cw9aA+1wBtMg2h EfphGnNNkIFpSi6ixouolbmAJxJzHvWfxzgw5zAm5zA2PmeVEsOQBMmQgnY85Dzm6gJclFzi LhMP8vv9hnuZ3x3+IB4Fb1jYHmLOYyzsmiKfUxObi6RxEI1sLmFO/Bo41L9J9ZQuC3UF9vlF Uh/5G0gakvPIaGnMNSHnULtbM0lzclaIUYjlYnCtrDn6aE5jXrCTMZH/O3KF9ao4G6/inJP9 RdIlaTcg1cHr4AnpT5fAa9HPG4QnQuS9lCz8SZLIX9jDPlex55m/hXjyj02czTUhVrhuE6Nr plNzXQ9TIUlhm5gbVsiMdSkcQJQQIxgKJhdNYkkRIS4sRc34ABK4RFKEJHHJDilCtOBxMYm3 QAySGpYoM40UNtNJIZKBufXTzEzhumG5JvmH+9vG2vtRqMcvBX3KkgNIUkgUokiCUDiIQrg2 EJ0k2Wgk2ea64ZNCrmHvWrxcqkMarvPTML46xpopRLzI5hXjYmKM/dJDSCPRQirWlI8X61Dm EYoJKcItNskKzmvUbhU8YfC63CKk2hQLoCjqDqSITTqJDkAe94I9/w7R30/RUqokFE8QwUZb NUuWW12SbkKiXjykBJcSLvEBleSsn8fdgNiASgZwG4kJ6HahObnD4U58jblLiNXvviFx+j1K 8cK9GC9LIpfEJUtScK2Ph/NKUtFX+O4JKY2zf36v5D7063S/4CEP2KS4PHjTPEF4w5Cq9IBS mnC/kI56/e7FCeJ0j0smxt7vLpsWWGd2d0huJ5kOGZJ0Lg3XM6mcFzxoj0nhkh2SbO7AGnRL EG5XuA3X+JQkSaQE2rdLwXlxIzxCeE8Xj+Kpon66WLwFPPmn8l8TStROaI+ZjXW7RgoNHRqQ x4X6whMOT5r1gqirP+XwtMIzAdWT1Oca2DyNvHaNhKdIY+FJpSaoI7jHXZxjGpx793qDcJ5Q KqFOrWSbh4Qkl4ddEm0eIQk2jwrxLo8JcTaPS54g8Rh7WYJCIpckPIU6LCkOHuFpFy/WCuMJ 6dkgnkM/Ts8H5AnAG0Aq2mPS0FcasqSTp+EphydvwhMKj6OfwFLJY0reMHjIozYpLo8E8bDg ER4SvAHdzBO2YCfuZPp/6z/qr+KZ6POKw8sOL4Ul8yZkBJGukBbQyxgZO6+CJ4iUgF6xSQ7L y0G8pJQivCh4hBcEr0uwnVpwwdoPdHIEOmmSA3oBJ2ZgiRgDlQTyUkDx5GWlOPKKEIu9IIvR X1N4XfKG5E0hVhLHxUsSuETcxyQ5JEtSyOs2niC8N+UN4rkBVq43XZL1f0n+jXqY/6DO/5IE /X9cKYyF7C2SYPN2QIk277gkhZCsvyukKHhI6Qgq45IivKeUzPl+7uG8Qln6byraYNLQD5OO 7JZ3HN5WSiNv2aQKpdCH0/+QQy2F/DdM/xE8Af3bxmvzL6VU8qZNGnlDSCevkwzympCJve/T ooBP22uFre9vuut9tRpmB7262ZFUMzvpVUlnvQpUNruQSlDR7EoqcOUl5YIoG8B7YekilAlL Z4VOXEfowLVHm0w7aIs8TBvkbYN6WkMr1NgK9bZE7S1sKmIG7DJIBSGdlCdpDqkSLymHFVQ+ hHKSssRr4999qS5lBG8AqlPAfRq4TwTrJCjLlcMJJiuPEy+QCiRBIR5jqRInVBJiSWU83Zgq pDnWrk8zrGdZU1LdoQZpQmpKauH7Tp/aCnVwTXBNA2gWQHOb2gq1UKMlFhljkTmOVMcYVSMJ qJtJxFjIkjBGTslcSgCeELwuVYTUANJIVZt0Ug0/rk5SUVMq6vOiTg/q9mA8UvS6NslBOK9l POCFVLSVijbTSC30W5NkoE+/6tjXai2EGqSlpJVQE2eIXxuurUI7pRo27cPUIaQquE5WFe37 tXVoY1OFtFZoZVM5LK1tKim1sal409retAoBtRPKC+2FckKHEDq6lA2qk0050tmmPFTA50xF qIT7KhNr/gv25tCJvk9fo3uw+gNJ+T+QjN3nl+GQ7pDmkBqCNwCPQ4pCsiRJkihJCCBeEgex qJWJgWbQFJpwjaGRpKGkAcbdpz5Xj6srqeNQO6SUG5AcRJJCIjIwCVy8JA55VWKDqhNEbYVa XE1JDfSjUp3EKyQ4JEqSAkgOQwqpRjycl0t1SHNIl2Q4ZAbQglS3aRlBrcJSg6sZplpB1A6p paQFl0lqYaxqYfxqC2k3pA7uCaaukOFSL4j6ATQg6S4NFRpxjZGzKTSHWKyjOEiAJKyxFAXP DfCGkCpJk6RLMiSZEeERAj+/fAr2pFzA/6z9Mv0jrTMqZjoJqUJHIS2IdL0DySDtUQHTjrTQ 296ANkG0dmhFMiUZknQujfOGkEpahuQNwBNAilIrknxDWuNp3RpP4zbYDW3wFG6Lp3Bb7JB2 eAK3w25pTxopNCQdsOP86pOONvVcOgl1A+qME0Ottt7FphbpSmqSbqSG3p3rgVPWpyepRnoF VF3o7dBHqMHVlNQivW1qc3Uc6qJ9ph5XH5kacA2RtRHpjvHvjrlgumFeumJ+mC44wbpgvjoL sTadSJxNR8yzXQLmK5BEzG8wSS7tgkqWpHAezitJVUgLS3uSSjqgrQ5ouyNJgWSMQRKXKHRG rT5dJF0xPt1IgkKi0B3tWZIdUoQeCj1vmselFz736R1hfULySLw2vTEP4eillEZ6SnpIujt0 k3R16IL2AvOSzgE1temCfRhYY6FrUI1cupGGCg1supP6DvVID5u6DnUUav9/0x392dVFPT71 SFdSX+iCWtUaYi5CaaTUiTQOognpiLm2NCMdcN5aYhxib1AM2vNpjr58mpHOxL7mCvZWNoL/ zq5ieimtL95e3NJIH6VUBd/uZjwS36mRHFAfnJRuiQ4JpK9LvEKc3s8l1qa/SwwZQJrrAyWD MPqBDA5giMJQybAAhqM/uxhJrM0w1KUWT4aSBPTNJJLBJAnZ/QZiDsIxAPN4czwBeJUGKqUK gxQGwxAYimuZYTCcePQRAaXoI8MwKmwezusyEtmcRghpyGkZRtLJUCEDtdkNdhgkGagwIAz9 Jf0kvjNhMNbWIIWBJF4YQBIcEsM20CVBGBRQvDDYJS5skfyTgmMwdrLRJF2SdgNSHbwOnpCy HMJbp94gPBEi77VkmyycT8xorAOfMZhvZqwQT8bZxNmMF2KFCTYx+kSX5vqkME2WTLGJuSGT SazSlACmkhhhmsJ0yfu4nvlAiAtTPPnQJYFLxNd9krhkhxTyvo3HZrrgvWnThNSwTMUeY6Zg XzKTSQbm1m+imSlM4MZz4yRjbay9PxX1+KWQaUJyAEkKicJUkkCmBDGZJAY0iSTZTCTJNhOE FDIetVi8XKpDGq7zm0hS0X4q+mW8yOcV4zId4+SXHkIaeV9Ixbry8ZIPBY8wQ0ix+UhIVki5 IR+j/dC8Nh/ZpNrMUPiQpAX0gU06eV/BGkv/uEfmTwp+5KooEHlGnIKNsmqW/D62SboJifon ISUozbSJD1PcDYgN6tMAZuHkD2S20FyYI5mLrzHzhFh9/g2JIwtc4oWFGC9LIpfEJUtScK2P h/MK87ErImUBSeNSbRbaePVFDosFD1lik6K09KZ4gvCGIdVmSVBpwmIhHfX6LcQJ4rTAJRPj 6zdPMtds4TJHMptkOmRI0rk0XM+kcl7wkLkYN0uyQ5IwhyQqJJDZAczCNT6fkiQyE+3bpeCs uBEeEt6Txf6EcZ+5qQoF/ZOC+6LYyZ9ZaB1aCmUtegxmDUkLaLVNurBKYSXJIJ9JViiluyxX SrNZQVKVlgfkDcETtmWClzh3ePBdHYg3AOdpFor6tLOfesnCMpJElguJwgqlBPKZTbywUoiz WRXA6iDWCPEhJEgSyWqSxCVzKRIP+rdbbeNVcF7jtsZhLfoKZJ1NsvA5SRK+IInClyTBZr0Q TzYEFadvVIrVNwXxlcLXQcU5xHMJkkTylVJSEMlkI/ZPODYF5UVboX2N+XT6hqQI3wrJEZBy Ezwu37l4Xb4lqeQbIQ01pqH2dLKJZGA8fTKxlnxaYN35tMSaZFoJX5itHdpgbfu0xbpn2nHt sT+YDsIa0lFYTToJq8zONivNLjafka7CCsnyIJYpdQmis81y0kmhI1kRlg7IHEp7spK0E1Zh XENZTdqE0BrjzrTCfDAtMU9MC8yfU6YkQ/gC68cvzeVLrDk1r4MnDCn/p75w+Bx9qlnvYQV7 4xtCvwN6k74dLYXPE0QK+QWnDPMrTlRmB05dZidOZp9dOLGZ3SSO7CGx+l4So+8jzfX9cIA0 0w8KTfVDksMKRxSOKjULornNESGGHHaJRR6/g6hJ5QCJV9qP8QlPIsbnxuwNKMlmD+ZPthvz GswuzL+bV2m34BH2uKQghywZ+f32I6PTAZJoc5AkCIckh0k8OeKScAMSbY4GlISvy5KDSMH1 Kh7hmMJxSTauV8lx8YTgdcnGCSo7jpPW55iQjpxuRyLssMIhkmZzUEhV8HIeckBICcG6bn9A XrIvAvYip2wPavHZLaTb7BIyyE6HHTaZQf0aAb+QDLJdSOfSCiD1JvmfbZH5ez9O4l3F6YQk P4C8gDJvQkYQ6STfJi2IVAcv6nDyBJESpuQblh9CHklxyUUuJ9UpF1iq6wS8cd4gPAGoT/Rs 1OmT45LkkiskuuSRBKV8IV7pBImzOYm3IJ9TJMbmtMMZyVmbWP2cEMfFk7MkgUvkkoQzJFmS ouBxOS14Xc6Ezd2uz1mXFJdzJJmcF5L0CyRRvwiXUDdzmcTrV1wSyG9B/E4SQ0hy+cMmWZIi /Cl4CuSvMFxFP4H8TZI53889nNfmKvYo8xfOQOZPnJPMH9zvAfwmpLlcQXt+XnLZxiNcsklx uRgWD7kQwnn0Hcw5kmpzlqTZnEHdPqfxrJGdwnPJ52SB/0zSrfzPJK3Vq2padKbOXDftrjn8 w/0tZEjSuTQulfPinhvnXE3/v1yVVu6N8YbJcxPUO/AfnBjMNSGRXLdJIFq0LJ7oNnFCIaVY vbBSjB7l0lw3HEzSLKjogJq6FLkBRW2aBNCYFBMaSRo6NNBvEepL6pFbo+tCHVI8ujbU0ktE 1+Rq6CWF6vptkttdapA7SE1yO9ryq83Vcagr3EbqSeq7lEQddg25RqQExsOuiU1xjKtdM4fm GAufGC6Wi+PiIQESIQmScV8KKQEloz2QgryW2yV34Nobl3KTPP8HvGG7PTqV3BadhvFIw9hY isOtkltIKikmKYo2/DySFOyVQJKDSHKJxucqJtpy8xDDxkuihFRSmKQJhUi6jR6dYaMR6/lm Ym2pJZBoIV4oQuKCiI2gGPpvtMREHz4GslgSMB4+iRiLJFIIY1wIY6oTD+dVKkQ8uC8FbaSg zWQai4K9VbzF/zaxovr/6+1Ot6M4rjiAu0/scPLFbxAQ2hIbMCjeABtsx3EACbTvs/T03tMj IRbbscCAHW8sBmxsIwmwk0fIk+Qt8hL5lH/drqmpqq7u6RnJ4ZyfRudMd1Xd21X3jjg68P1z B/ZtWB0Xrf3COreWo2WQ5GgWiLuI+hBav/+/CErZjyfXzQHB68It4Bg0wIaaNYDKPoDKP4Du cBCd4yC6ykF0ntS0YgAdSzVJDmRcMDhPBhQT5GDGuDVoMFTCsGaEGyUT1h+4lzD/y1jXITiM NR9GPEcQ4yuI+yiZtY4hF8fQVceQlzF00zHkaAxdcwydMVWBKtTIMZx05ihyy7yCPDNHkPPD xMV8Lub1MH/qj8THmlKj3Aj2CDPMDXGDilATaWJNE7lNDZKEaymG6HUN1nHtRTJANgirC0cQ d0dFs8qtwDLiXoIFxD6P2OcQ9yxinkG8zDQZVUwhdtVwgaESsvdNkxEyQ0bJbI45zbxmgVvE WEuwDCtkGLnIqvwKqhlD2JdD2JMpGxrg4Nm6wlCGR4bxPTMCo8TBs3Lw7JgGnmPqZYzLHBLq eN6yGjkipPtmb35f+0/Y+eUEZMzIx3t5vEKvKtw+ONZrXTWMXlfYJdV7UCv0Ro438XTzHBcq wgnJSbzHvCXUrLd7UienMmzhNPKVcjiX8yQ+rm0LuFB4GxV2r5wiMRcpTitC6x3Nu0JA3lP4 Rn/uS1AgLCFSvFcoFt4Vmoi34zQ6l+5URgv57XhLchIdTndCcpy0NImkycW4nom4EAJyEnlL eRpXOEEcgwY5nuNNXNP2BnHJ6xhf5aNW9CIgr/YkJNmaGxns1W/vlNt1bUW7t73DPet94lp/ gQ+Q1VTD+qtgW2e4s6gqbedQeZhxVCxmApXsPHcB/Z6ZJCtkSjOtmckxq1gtUCEzGVWMnzWF tcsmEZPsgsJWnBcauSYUTinjpbjCOeIJZ4mvOJMRGIS5zpIg45zgk3HBIxOCi3yYOMilahK5 kk1JppFvkxm8V55TkqvxCviKWSHImNPMC761UErQRWgQCfMkJnOSWVT1tpk9NN3FlBALk4oo 4wJiSgUav9B5XJNngoR7ZhzrbDtHYnJW0RTOKBLU3I4PjFqo17+e94UEPULW5OJdiPrU6W27 66ar9HPUIWsRp7fIEk6+bjnDEVZIg6xCBdWJqaKDMDWoo9MwNqlmNDIqxDFwNZ7G76raRU1S x5iMjblszG9jXQ2Fjfjb6sQlNa6KnMoqxDcIcoQ9iPoUC1VNTVLX2AYNjCdzOBfra/MQF+ML vhUYeSWp94U9CXoQZgSIrc1H/B7nomIwDkmQi5RNWshfqsZVuQq3yq1wyyTBeWSaikXMp4ok YU9MHbQ/Zbt7m6dgtWh3Fe/f9PPDf6wmMtZEVhKsKkFkCZ5kghkTzNDCCW3h1O6FhLhCE+Mz MeZqizB3pO0meQeZhTmCAnknKnuywgyXRBkOYmiQJiphgsqYoEq2UDXXUFlTq2SdrCjWJC1J ImlK4h5EfQiNlkmQa4lbFMJ9C7kiTcw1NYmmpVkrad3gYo4NxbziEpnTzJLLwoziSg+uGs0W mCtpvqSFXViULEmWJStGVwwul7LaRQXPRlfV1CR1skFsrsE5nIt90uZJfEkgCbmoJxs5Lgmh 4jIJjK4ofMXVUrxSPlT4OQJNKFwVIsUVEnd1OaPZ1aUebKBnXsQnDmZ93xpZI+ukhe+ZRGiR Jkm62rv/83kTJ0+1SD5RLJBNYV4zZ13TXBdmMz4VZoQbmpsl3MIYbTcxV2pes6C4gXhUS5g/ 67qwnHEtx6ag57SYvouvKjtcF5RQ7pR+mOGSjwo55GNFg/wtw8a+yVMnm5Jrkuu4pu1T0jBw OFficb7iBvJicpOEXGB0q8BnCl/4vKsgR5gjIp+hWt0iTaytiRiaiK+c6yVcU8SKTUVUIBQ+ yRUY+NgzxT42+Aj3ZoVKx+jG1E1ke/O3R3/HzjT5QnAVXxo55CuhYX3NfYOTcpvUrTvcXXxe Ye6RqvBtjvv47GPyQPNQ810p1S5qkjrGZWzMZ2MNNtbX0DiIpeMu8sPcETzkQucjT7ogR9iD qGe3SWx0R3JXc0/zrRAJ9yUPsD7mIQmQ247vEb+ZV+iR4O9C0IPQIMJaUt8hfuYhPED1Yu6T BPlI3SMtcpe7w93mvuG+5r7ivsS9zBcYUxVrIpzptrBP6f2f961MB/IxR1u2Ju3dvz7/A7KU FQuPMiID+al3doVptz7KcA0cxQ+oJmZ2xo+oSlk14SejqvVYqFhb3DZZNdop8ETzVPPM4GdS 0VQlNU0d95nY5ClpkCfIIbNDXLIteIi1DB+56UeQI8zYyhWRbYMd7gk8xbXMM/iZBNYvOf6B tRX5Z88CLjSIMGbWLyTGOjue4fwxT4UEsal2NNuaLYPHXfwk+VHSrgk72FvMtmaL2IrH2HMq p7StjAbZLmSTHaN6aXlV9Xd4/S9qJvszMrj/uUFRWV/A6+hvX8RXVnkPPG/h61HrXy/II7ER fkP3/g8euprQYCEb8AYLAAAghHA9l+Dc0wBVzBbL+tKgbDUAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAEAAABA oFsAoPSIANQKAAAA/nic7VtNjCNXEX6eH7fdnnV7uqc9OxMEbwOsstKsNbPrAFkhsj9JyCrR EpFFkeAAPe1nu9l2t9PdHs8ECRFxR7kMiRASZwQSQkQREogLSBEcuHPiwJEsQkicOEBVvWp7 PLvr7C47O040bXn8ul69v6p6X9X7mYIoCzH/3roQi+KPAp8F+M4XSvAuRGUOKZhamiuIwtQ8 nfp+5VfGOBf5i4WCcOD3P3N//a9FLbxVwL+GmHvyJW9bhfJrYSav3tTc5yGvRtw14MDnt1RT YW7uyVf30kz1RKT5CiP+/P1BWpmj/pZHvWwUTtPvHNSzBL8XzLPAMQ+prYsNqNkRkunXC0xv TtLfz+lPT9Kfn2P65ybpt3P65yfpl+eZ/oVJ+t9z+jM53ST6lYVFgcPwziFV0z5Y1LTtcy7Q dPl3DF3+wmZe/qAc/wkSWWH5LY/l9w+Q39WXB37Q8uQ1Lx14oXjvzVyCk3oYv99fPTn//BRN /IY10RS7kJIvxkPZClpyLx7IrvIS6W3Hg0xm3SCV/STuJF6vp+Q3H/VjiNPCFetgSyuiAl8D pOeKOvy6wob0MlFWiGZB2oJfk1Iu5K3AZ5nkLYEbc+/2qd2DPj3v4UpNz7MIBy6Y3wG9vAmp Ry7OB32OfMSPV74P3tq+oTXy5xONzEhr+8bP2Rc0RYTI9JxK/STYVghNCWJRW6VpEEdeKIMo U4lKs1R6UQuwSslhnNyChJcRkLXijVFOGvsBFPG7XtRRqca5uK9kFkvP9+NePwzSrqwCFtnQ i2X4mIAutqgSytThvQqYU4NvlTgswqs6+YUqfBGfbOCyeXRVQjLkRszCetYIsxyioO+wmKdO NbsQLZyC9/pEGYvKmNxKjdqrU78Olq4TQub8VcJN7KmErwn9tKh3ayTXDHwpeq2sm8SDTpek ivk1qgtHVOQRrxzyYvN3eKOj805f5L7+TXwabYDU+lQQySjOZC9OFOo4khee3sSsVnquAeif y7cIYzXJh6AsLXiXlKM9hEsSxLxV+l1jT6Lt8WccbzRFD9t9DS2p6+0oua1URHbU874dJ2B5 7XCgIh8sKRvx+HGUgaUOMtVCsyJ7pZ5rGwyiW0HUkc/Kp64fHsgWDAS0Ikm/FqTw14bPEunV hvcltgnkcsj2liGN4zwFby7xaOvTnIfrWWYfWoMyLlurS7z4V9sq1rhOVu4QDW1A12aypWtK Db5VsrsllvESybhGLVlspUssY+w1SvVfYHkYd+YaW+f5ZFGJX3NE1xQ7NOuD1B+kqYwjJUHe 2TCWt9SeDNJ0kMu8najXQQdZuCdVTyUdJT0AAkSI7VD1QEV3RQSszQO5e4AIg8SH2tsyUxEi iixBn0zoU40lVSJJ2RxtlIC2DuMvkUwd+DXJapCjxrEJSr1EM9XmsnWyRuS2KUpZptJYR41o JarbpZmKHCWSconrLY2s+mD9et6XqFTeN4faLFFLNUasZe57leqzSd659n9H8o4hUn4DUiws wMHeIAqyAGQ8DNBk5bAb+IQSPAmlanQaECq22wC9NAGCaCcOd9C0fQ9WERvSD7003ZAdFbVU siETFQYdEO+GTNUuAABoIAC1eRnRTI7ocLQmzcQzNA801SSLNkkvuR3iW5146yRZl35zOWk0 timnTKNFyinGZo0DKAWTWnSZF+3apPIWSapMbya91+jNIV26VE+ZNG8Ttjos0ZxmE8KYPENN tgCHRqH5LHGJZP8jkP2TkFKZ3zi3Ie9At60c3RraI2HJMqDZJLadoXbskX24d2CbS3N8l1dG TfHShFftQuCP2lW7feVzwO/DzEjJNY4hbYRoEx64pXagndxn1mjUNvdu7UA0r+Vi03w5GMUv M+5YI3Q22BNZJD2Xej/Oy3HKuKcvNhgxj893XWZJ/3vhLGo3jPs9MPe7uK+tsfuyeayS7cVg H1ZkPRsjfM31jHkaXY0JJLXEL3mt2xSvo6ZvJuCbQpn63Tj0krQb9FMCwDDoBeCpGvKVUHmg 7SBqBb4Hih52FWBBQlbhQzd7SmVa9fEQYEJXh+YSpQjFMbm3dhL35CuDSKEnXmWUs0kfFs1U l+aQxlaTx+SQ5RZptkiyCJvioCLNRpsxrQi5B+enTZZdJ83XaT7mEYtBHC5Jy6b83AKRxyXc KFJ/xr3LLVN7xBrla0vDPhcJy1EvBrVQJ369Zvjh/MmaYTZa2zd+yvs4TRGizbNJd4IdRX4t 8npgqujpIY5IFLouBR6KgguydZqPZOMKVgLxHvqtYTemiXIrioehanWUB3EF74uMYruGMbJV bZkYm9mjeWrTDHbIHmtkg1WysHVGOpsQTPuNGln+OOKw2NscRPaxNduECBWyfF3WIPteOTCv tA2vU/80n8MezyCrz3dVxqi6zjsqlvgF74B9RvRRovKGdxT7P/d6KjTHHfBuNsnro2CFD5J3 fN7pE6zXPxWrd2DXtJG8rzFvYVF8D1JfSTpeFLxBMdzjs4rRI9cpUnQ4DhxHV8dhK8dhfVob H7A2rrRaCYRkx6AI/azS/oNefdZYB7Mlr6PN0/HAlcWTeGA2Wts3fkIaeRs0oiB1U4Wq30Vv fz9TRL7g7X4Yn3z+fM8LwoNs4jRFlPZoH80WlYkzif9n/EU6V7ofXzg9T5+zSFopmYdOTMbl js87bbLeFopPTJ9JD2k9f9C4uXhWfPcYoprJ5+Me40zL0f7ravEkmjj6Gu83mni7eBJNzIJ2 3tL7R6CNbxxtNPERleOx7+wVv7V49r418yjlyKhp6Hn6WKKaKc/HJ955OG38QOi7P03x9QN7 Tv0k3glaSnrRHu8tBVE7TnrauY0Oovw4SoEtwdMRtePh/jBuDqtdX6kWnqWM94YP7zDpvV59 7pDv8ji8Y5SfRelzQURRecif6TOk8c58vttujnabaqxXh3jy/Xp92mDzOYo+OdHt4mlDcbQH rXf49YrotnGyIpqN1vaNdzV2lBZFejwamUGpHEXece/sXS096M6enqvvlE7m6my0lt9Ju32i kRlpLdfItfKJRmajtX3jxxq1QCP+49HIDErhYfKOzz81WWN/Wfzkh2rsUY7w8AgKU+/ezx+S xPw9JXH3enJJLEyRhD5bPW0u0tnqNbx8qvDSoNfvh3gHA1cKuGZIZdqNB2ELFgme36WT7HYc hvEQFwgeb9MAb5zIbdXGeyU34h3V24ZlxcXNDXlhc3NLPqe8VhhEdKErDIFPYix/hs6Oca3g cCRfJ0p+X6nCN9KqFPdLgefLNeLJ72DhnaZVvoOlVxVl4jap7DrXqf/qG1CoK5NrcDntcAsO 3epy+b8nXOIu0/2WMtexyje/HK63MuJ6gtZ2FUjptc1nNVaDdFFjaZYEPt4R9FqwGKObmQ1t NRW6sWTyGqbOpfXtUIvG39IWCzV9CdfbV7766ovXN2TzGfnlOGzLl4PoVgpSjlryhTCOkw15 Qw1B3mE3kOfl1tam3Ny8uCGvR63Aa8jTNAZHrMGIy6NV0xpLWd940T0oj/pjiPxeUH6+b8No i/B1WAsGffP7XlpOZbq1oqW0SrfG2jSO38M4noWUXuRfkhndBrq8k0Zhw497Ep/X1HYaZOqS HA6HDX1dL8j2gijNgmyQqUacdHhFXWeZ69VhTeg7XZ8inWCqTGtECTz6Y4DNOXwD0SJrwfHg p0xWqPVaodwVvk+teVeZX9vM5OxeoP+7EeJ/M2dRuQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAB9pAABEAGQAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASJSs6AwQDBAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwAE8DAAAACyBArwCAAAAAEEAAAACgAA IwAL8AwAAAAEQQEAAAD/AQAACAAAABDwBAAAAAAAAMAyAAfwm2gAAAMEVxsPP4GnmyyAlFPR f2/eR/8Ad2gAAAEAAABEAAAAAAB2AGAhG/BvaAAAVxsPP4GnmyyAlFPRf2/eRwATAgAAAAAA AAAAAAEAAAABAAAAoPRbAJBIkAA9aAAAAP54nOybCXwURdrGqxK6w0wCuRMQxOZSVAi3KOIR EAQBRUBX3V3dIWmSMZOZODMBooKAsoj3jQfe58qq67me6wVeuIL3furn7erqinihrgf7vG9X TyaTIt1oJHzfj+T3z/RU1VQ/z1tXV09HioAQ2QsDUnQRr3US+KE/2bKzMPCam0UpdJSXJYVs M885svLuz2nOpfKmlKIEr99nvbWpkBLFOUgR63NE1tgpjVXh6pA1LpRoDEXE3Yuo/CBkFnD5 ApHD5R/kumRWVp8ZTYmkXS+iTjlHD5V33/s7z95ZTvks1hxIKa2Q3fg1C587Fa/DguuyTHE4 jg5sDFfbkXDUToyuTCZDVbVWyKqKNTRZsdlWU6wxbkVCSTuRtMYdXmFZ0yJ2KGFbyaYG27Kq 8CYeabIa4uFo0ikbtxMNsWjCTnQXZSIIivE3V5TitUDMF+UiH7/lohA5OUwh8qhUDl674G8x XqlUDn+6AO/z+V053gVQUw7iEESqk2fy3zJRJAbiuCiVE0QpE0f5+EQZf76Yz1OgPpGP41LO KUYEEhyP/2QNkxNxVBmJWMc1wnEYRqz6RlifZVuhaGKuHberreWO0XGHW1WhaDSWtBKNs1A2 2Zi0rdmxOAqqsuVQEWRf5cpFrjpnjrBYSz7nFnMkKL0HHDh+TNEHlKTKl6tYlXNKqfLhHFG9 +cpLDmJIaU6NJn8uX+zAOaewy/7Zw+QMcuk0tT0vGQ9ZiVrbTiaowRtCDXacfRyaCsHQEVYy Zg0dBesNTvPX2XYDpSVrbWtuLF5tRcL14aRqXWoNUlvEbZ7PxwXsszjluYuKSylHJkd0xRG9 9uC+QKWCqfZyvOfjveMqR/TmT+dypBzXxXy25nL5XI8J52VKAbWFxb0hfXxtwDjxN67uWeSO q5bjM+tnjs/sNsZnUI3P/E6UHYtTbFqqzuZ+S2fLV2ejvzhbn8mhWXbEOiyStMbOdOeO7AzN ze+3pJZOnornZZuCsodWUKsWcNpGpJl0VDG8YgTSf5BFIpxVzLMD5U/u5HxmJOc5aVMMJ22P tLRvVNqotLSpppO2Z1raNSptL05rGbVOrdpItNnWnTLi1mmzba2vx21ro43IrVKR6yMW4Miy Dg7V29YxHfNDs2t39IneGE0mj+V8Houb+9183s/7VMflCdGf2+Ha7KOzqG0nhOOY9qPUFlNC 6qgIs0cBf8Lk2cVClCpR2l2hnLR88Yjq933ECdyilTVtNqhlHWhHqzHpejQOdQ2aj0ORcLLJ Vw/h1bIMfbWIZ8SfE5e+8Nqd53OqpVBbz5b0g76qh7nzezHPy84c3l7tuUrNK+6IGheLYqlL WpXV1bg6SWzVweW0gHul4ax+5byuFyKe+by+/dp9u2PyhLie2+FqzO9hHG21kG9DMWivvJar mNFqNfr1VqfdVRuOMLu10YZb6vJRtcr3ESfyCJ1mx+tDUTu69ceos5+gq+7evEMoSl1vtx6j /5/WwifUNVUfcZLTAvHYbMQdy0sHXHuoXR3tEbpyxGlHU6Ku5js+Vr9ujUKtV1PN1HrVGI/T WJgWS4STW7lFctUeqxBa3bFQwm1Dq7SzZuuvAbatFvo5eSvU/qGPqOJ2OCReE4qGj+eLrsGT os4evz3bg/v9Doh1Ccc6yHtYJ8o093RVu3uKfFkq+uZWj5fXpzpudapQLVZm7tDmFcaWx6BM PMl1f4vd5EIcdcS1Y/pPx18zduQYFeJpZ47MMcWirXktubmfbSYyHZUnOnDUOyNzYydnZM60 I3ZDbSxqW34GpzUhNM9zoz1+UH0oHPE51rvxXecinptL+N5nbrtctzj3GYr5zqb5C+uiNTxX WGq3nbl+/7J+cZizQzASnUa0aA1/0dNHsPUVRnvMWR3XY5tUjEwxpV1nL8tqv3Zsvzz6NsIZ o9fmbB+jfuv6Nceos4v/NmekoF28Nb66sUrdSrTGhqrqauKxxmj1aOdKn679W96fy1HfyRSr PVoZ39HKF5O51oM7m2IQjo60Q/H0i2TLmtE461i7Kpmw0n8OsGvits1tUCw+xzVuGStMv8a9 T+aKPPXtF33LQ/cd4QGp6b95qSO6hqbaCnkfv9bpeVC1RDfWSIO/TuO3qOVZzkdrOY7a+7ou vdZfXm9zvH+uJiEucHoiWufoX711/i9HvePWqrGqhWYbu7gttEU93B2Zv+QugTOGDw5sH8Pb 4hg+llvnucBI7ivuEyHxUNJ2nowYH62JhBO1ViQUrWkM1djW7EijHa1qGm1Z02Kx+IRQOH5g LFY9fl6VHYnY0aTzRIdz76OInxVwj5xnNgp5LSjjUs46kaOe8yjh5wec77e68PMiRWr9cp8U oRLreYUOih+x+tGK8rG641vE9Tl3ue5mT/2CI0UyzRNsJK1QlB5wseeEY40JqwoGE3bCitv0 UEw1PQORsOc18ndyA5HaEI9hcU2G59hWrR2KJGsHWjXOt3uxuBUP19RiOUzWhvhhGas2hGKh ZJIKVGdGgbQVYH3MYafO8zEFnB9MPRVSoOKTz35MXgGDqoZS7jPOsxBF7NL9rq0E0XHKlnIN bh1BLpej1mYn0gGOfRGv+HSOHPV0SaFqAfduRJl6jqNY3aMqS10VOd+OujXkq518U3D7Tn5b yevNLbI2SH1C0yI+aui41eo2V7ts6IDetO21ZfvmOWO1X+72sbqt5KnZc3uLbDN5Tous3d4i 20yefjVqn2cg21qL8tRdFlNk42jokAq+BspX6c8FVPrQlun9gip9mJueqZ+eE/8BZ9xph3LR rCOA1/9kGax506ZNoo/KMVPPpXfFa79sQ+R3ejFrOPNSVj7zYpbzaZH6cT+dkzob1emerXOG Fqk+1VKLEJROKt3aAqyhPzTUZa8MnMusC9QxKwPuGVueI7AFtS7ptDJwM7MusIRpj1qH56wM HMmsCwxn2qPWNcbKwAZmXWANs/laneujFzZ14ygfkaV6ZJG6PhrLG4nUU6qBjJ7d/N5fPe51 VrCNvr0T99U7eU8iROW0aVMmjaucOemQg60Jh0yf2k/sKHqKHsizRH9QIHYW/eC8B971btWj g0rXa5uKffkLZvgLZvjzqsf1l9uGv93Y3wZ+8keIaY1Re6A1NRSvqrWGjhw0fMhAa9iQIcOQ 1533kEGM3T78fWwJUnKRVq7+Uk45fru1cp2r1L6zqcCX69wM17kZrr3qcV3nteH6fnb9DPrv XBzNrLWtGe5mFtveamu6s2F1b+vaVjjh/HtDFIWs5NyYNde266xILFpD//gRrsZuPowcZ5fs bHRnx6oaaccci/K/lUSr7IYkfTqRbKzmfzHhnSHtJwt531mi9uV5HOdC3sEH+ekIyusiCvj/ SehOdBcuRWmFardMO9gS/lQp7/3dmnrwnrcnn8G5i0C5tMftyrvaICsoRcmgqquQd7Jd8Vqo tBRybhe+z+zsxAuUJjprgJWWqDPkKUekKY+1lIqAUu887fMNYk5P+6RuHlRYk5KWPS9UT/+H w/9XEQlH6xLWLDuJGEdb3GXgVkndWKCGcu41VFjUhC1bCyGPREKzYvEQ35QIR8NoIT5E6Ata RbwzRzdPRaBI9OJYOV6bXQXZUyF7KkJ6c2T1NXZNa73OfOy0UBHnOMdB9YQxxbiES7n9Ipfj nafqy+No57KiQqUzqFq+mNszT7WnozPI753UEnV/pAtG573cDn2xgs7B0bjp4yutAePiNmKD zjzdTqALV6El6D9hxtc3xOba8Xp6KCsctSqr6AuOXTnwMyunz5g4yRowMxSpow9Wzoo1JvHx tPtAVMwZVtZEbiZrUiLRaCd2rbDK+D+DurHSctZeqNQXcUohuyuB2kLVE7uwR/LQi/tbD45h L3bfheNCkeyu6ilm/+mjqDvf3aE5K6DO4MTIGQ3d+dWpqZzbpSufhdq6Syp+bm2FapQ4ke6u Ws8Zt86T8qVKdWfkLeZ4H4J4T8fRpGh1eE64GkFJWHNrY/RPRHU0RWy+m6MdnF5uheK2ZUfC NeFZEZtuwIUaGiJNFblKVQnHwFFKfaSn8taTI1eaGrNt9VTqZbqe6nwvVtLCaSG3W1D11CKl wMkvVv2yhKPcNWNFyEtda2349qPU1VReq+s4Wr37ZQfFF0al7GkeJMvNSbLInCjzzANljjlB Zpnj5Q/GOPmNMVZSGf1VRfPZPvn6fR9n+6exj9zFnCx3UmfsirOZONtPxgFyI8603thPUhmv s3301TttnG03PluxIF+k/TNjf/kpav7Y2Fd+hNo/MMbI94y95dvgTWO0HAxFg8DuYADYGfTF Z3sDUkr1eCt6y4ci8k7+3oeCd9MUvGHsJV8z9pT/AK8Yo+QeKDcCDANDQLrCXQHV46XovS9e 96GIak5X8D/gVSh42dhDvgReMEbKdcYIOQblRoO9wCgwMk3hUKXQS9HbG172oYi8v5Kh4Hko WAueM4bLZ41hcg2oRLn9wL5gH7B3hsI9fCh6ff2LPhSR93UaBc8YQ+VT4EljiHzCGCzHo9wB YBwYC/bPUDjGl6LnfSgi76Tg6QwFq8HjRoV8DDxqDJKT0HMnggPBBJCpsNKHolf/vdaHIqqZ FKzKUPAIeNgYKP9m7C4fAlOhYgqYDA4COoVeil76+FkfiqhmnYIHjd3kA+B+Y1d5HzgU89A0 cAg4GJ/RKfRWtMaHIqpZp+BeY4D8K7jH2EXeDWZCyQwwXaFT6KXo2Q9X+1BENesU3GXsLO8E dxj95e3gN1gZiMPBYfiMTqG3olU+FFHNOgV/MfrJ25i+8lajjzwKK8dRUHMkOEKpa1Y4kRV6 KXrqg4d9KKJaWyvoK2+Bij+DlUZveTP4PRQRvwO/ZXWtFXoreqgNRWNYUU9BNVMMMhXcbFjy T+AmYyd5IwiaI7DCjpTF5h6ym7mn3NHcS/YxR2P12BuryRjM3WPkH7D6HqM4WjnIdOGlevV7 D/hQTbXqVN5g9GKuN3aU1wFhDsEVyHBWXmqOYtX9oHogVA+H4r3NfWQVrk5mQTERAjoXXqof fffeNlTT9eSeRhbfPaPaKVYjwB44+55gNBgD9gX7g7HAhiqiGlQpXIWuSmoTnevrjJ7yWnCN 0UNeDb7DrPU95tAfMZ9uwuwuzaEyGxjmMI4O1ePl8OF37vLpkJRSXPfJcDQOjAcTwERQax4g axSzQbpj1zUBAAAAAgAAAAMAAAAEAAAABQAAAAYAAAAHAAAACAAAAAkAAAAKAAAACwAAAAwA AAANAAAADgAAAA8AAAAQAAAAEQAAABIAAAATAAAAFAAAABUAAAAWAAAAFwAAABgAAAAZAAAA GgAAABsAAAAcAAAAHQAAAB4AAAAfAAAAIAAAACEAAAAiAAAAIwAAACQAAAAlAAAAJgAAACcA AAAoAAAAKQAAACoAAAArAAAALAAAAC0AAAAuAAAALwAAADAAAAAxAAAAMgAAADMAAAA0AAAA NQAAADYAAAA3AAAAOAAAADkAAAA6AAAAOwAAADwAAAA9AAAAPgAAAD8AAAD+////QQAAAEIA AABDAAAARAAAAEUAAABGAAAARwAAAOcAAAD9////SgAAAKMAAAD+////pQAAAP3///9PAAAA UAAAAFEAAABSAAAAUwAAAFQAAABVAAAAVgAAAFcAAABYAAAAWQAAAFoAAABbAAAAXAAAAF0A AABeAAAAXwAAAGAAAABhAAAAYgAAAGMAAABkAAAAZQAAAGYAAABnAAAAaAAAAGkAAABqAAAA awAAAGwAAABtAAAAbgAAAG8AAABwAAAAcQAAAHIAAABzAAAAdAAAAHUAAAB2AAAAdwAAAHgA AAB5AAAAegAAAHsAAAB8AAAAfQAAAH4AAAB/AAAAgAAAAFIAbwBvAHQAIABFAG4AdAByAHkA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAWAAUB//////// //8ZAAAABgkCAAAAAADAAAAAAAAARgAAAABgnKNuPXPBAcBcKG89c8EBTAAAAIATAAAAAAAA RABhAHQAYQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAoAAgH///////////////8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAABAAAAA1XQAAAAAAABXAG8AcgBkAEQAbwBjAHUAbQBlAG4AdAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAGgACARgAAAD//////////wAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACjfwAAAAAAAE8AYgBqAGUAYwB0AFAA bwBvAGwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAWAAEB GwAAAP////8EAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAvZuPXPBAcBcKG89c8EBAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAXwAxADAANgAzADcANAAzADQANAAwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABgAAQH/////DgAAAAYAAABDAvA12pDQEZJzAMDwBp6nAAAAACAC 9m49c8EBIAL2bj1zwQEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAE8AbABlAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACgACAf///////////////wAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAUAAAAAAAAAAMATwBiAGoA SQBuAGYAbwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAASAAIBBQAAAAgAAAD/////AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AQAAAAQAAAAAAAAAQwBvAHIAZQBsAEQAUgBBAFcAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABQAAgH///////////////8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABOAAAAmKgAAAAAAAD+/////v////7////+/////v///wYA AAAHAAAACAAAAAkAAAAKAAAACwAAAAwAAAD+/////v////7////+/////v////7///8TAAAA FAAAABUAAAAWAAAAFwAAABgAAAAZAAAA/v///xsAAAAcAAAAHQAAAB4AAAAfAAAAIAAAAP7/ //8iAAAAIwAAACQAAAAlAAAAJgAAACcAAAAoAAAA/v///yoAAAArAAAALAAAAC0AAAAuAAAA LwAAADAAAAAxAAAAMgAAADMAAAA0AAAANQAAADYAAAA3AAAAOAAAADkAAAA6AAAAOwAAADwA AAA9AAAAPgAAAD8AAABAAAAAQQAAAEIAAABDAAAARAAAAEUAAABGAAAARwAAAEgAAABJAAAA SgAAAEsAAAD+////TQAAAP7///////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// /////wEAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA /v8AAAQAAgDghZ/y+U9oEKuRCAArJ7PZAQAAAOCFn/L5T2gQq5EIACsns9kwAAAAsQEAABYA AAABAAAAuAAAAAIAAADAAAAAAwAAAMwAAAAEAAAA2AAAAAUAAADoAAAABgAAAPQAAAAHAAAA AAEAAAgAAAAUAQAACQAAACQBAAAKAAAAMAEAAAsAAAA8AQAADQAAAEgBAAAMAAAAVAEAAA4A AABgAQAADwAAAGgBAAAQAAAAcAEAABIAAAB4AQAAgQAAAIIAAACDAAAAhAAAAIUAAACGAAAA hwAAAIgAAACJAAAAigAAAIsAAACMAAAAjQAAAI4AAACPAAAAkAAAAJEAAACSAAAAkwAAAJQA AACVAAAAlgAAAJcAAACYAAAAmQAAAJoAAACbAAAAnAAAAJ0AAACeAAAAnwAAAKAAAAChAAAA ogAAAP7///+kAAAApgAAAOQAAADjAAAAqAAAAKkAAACqAAAAqwAAAKwAAACtAAAArgAAAK8A AACwAAAAsQAAALIAAACzAAAAtAAAALUAAAC2AAAAtwAAALgAAAC5AAAAugAAALsAAAC8AAAA vQAAAL4AAAC/AAAAwAAAAMEAAADCAAAAwwAAAMQAAADFAAAAxgAAAMcAAADIAAAAyQAAAMoA AADLAAAAzAAAAM0AAADOAAAAzwAAANAAAADRAAAA0gAAANMAAADUAAAA1QAAANYAAADXAAAA 2AAAANkAAADaAAAA2wAAANwAAADdAAAA3gAAAN8AAADgAAAA4QAAAOIAAAD+////GgEAAOUA AAAbAQAA/f///+gAAADpAAAA6gAAAOsAAADsAAAA7QAAAO4AAADvAAAA8AAAAPEAAADyAAAA 8wAAAPQAAAD1AAAA9gAAAPcAAAD4AAAA+QAAAPoAAAD7AAAA/AAAAP0AAAD+AAAA/wAAAAAB AABSSUZGkKgAAENEUjh2cnNuAgAAACADTElTVCw2AABkb2MgcGZyZAEAAAAAAG1jZmeQAgAA IAsgAJBRLQAPAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAcPrv/zhX6f8AAAAAAAAgQAAAAAAAACBAAQABAAAA AAAAAAAAAADwPwEAAADQOLQA0Di0AAMAAAAAAAAAqCkBAAM+AACcMQAAAAAAAAEAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAEAAAABAAAAAQAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAUA BQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAF4BAAABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAABAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABQAFAAAAAADEAAAABQAFAAAAAAAgAMQABQAFAAAAAADEAMQAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAQAAAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAA ZAAAAAEAAABwdHJ0EAAAAKPa8/+wYxMArTANAFl27f9MSVNUaAEAAGZudHRmb250IAAAAE4A AABAAAAABQIBAgEGBQYGBkNvbW1vbkJ1bGxldHMAZm9udCMAAABTAAAAQAAAAAILBAICAgIC AgRBdmFudEdhcmRlIEJrIEJUAABmb250HwAAAFsAAABAAAAAAg0JAgICBAICBEthYmVsIFVs dCBCVAAAZm9udBsAAADBAAAAQAAAAAICBwIGBQYCAwRHYXRpbmVhdQAAZm9udCAAAADrAAAA QAAAAAEBAQEBAQEBAQFMdWNpZGEgQ2FzdWFsAGZvbnQgAAAA6wAAAIAAAAABAQEBAQEBAQEB THVjaWRhIENhc3VhbABmb250IAAAADkBAAAABABAAQEBAQEBAQEBAUx1Y2lkYSBCcmlnaHQA Zm9udBsAAABRAQAAQAAAAAMJBwIDBAcCBANNeXN0aWNhbAAAZm9udB8AAABtAQAAgAAAAAEB AQEBAQEBAQFLYWJlbCBVbHQgQlQAAExJU1ScAgAAZmlsdExJU1QwAAAAZmlsY2ZpbGQkAAAA UA/0AwEAAKACAAUAAAAAAAAAAGQAAF+BAAAAAEClrgI8AAAATElTVGQAAABmaWxjZmlsZFgA AADgD/QDAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEClrgI8AAAAFwAAAAAAAADs////+////wAAAAABADIA AgAAAAIABQAAAAAAAAAAZAAAAAACAAUAAAAAAAAAAABkAAAATElTVHQAAABmaWxjZmlsZGgA AACwEPQDAgAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEClrgI8AAAAGQAAAD+CVwIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwABADIA AwAAAAUABQAAAAAAzGYAAAAAAAACAAUAAAAAAAAAAAAyAAAABQAFAAAAAADMZgAAZAAAAExJ U1QwAAAAZmlsY2ZpbGQkAAAAGBH0AwEAAAAFAAUAAAAAAGYAmQAAAAAAAAAAAEClrgI8AAAA TElTVBQAAABmaWxjZmlsZAgAAACoEfQDAAAAoExJU1QwAAAAZmlsY2ZpbGQkAAAAyBH0AwEA AAARAAUAAAAAAJkz/00AAMwDAAAAAEClrgI8AAAATElTVHQAAABmaWxjZmlsZGgAAAAAG/QD AgAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEClrgI8AAAACQAAAAC0xAQEAAAABAAAAAAAAwABADIAAwAAAAIA BQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAUAAAAAADgAXgAeAAAAEQAFAAAAAACZM/9NZAAAAExJU1QwAAAA ZmlsY2ZpbGQkAAAAIBv0AwEAAAACAAUAAAAAAGQAAAAAAGsEAAAAAEClrgI8AAAATElTVDAA AABmaWxjZmlsZCQAAACwKvQDAQAAAAIABQAAAAAAAAAAZAAAAAAAAAAAQKWuAjwAAABMSVNU EAQAAG90bHRvdXRsjAAAAOgR9AMBAAAAAAAAAPoCAABkAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAACAAUAAAAAAAAAAGQAAAAA AAAAAEClrgI8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAb3V0bIwA AABgK/QDAQAAAAAAAAAyAAAAZAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAABQAFAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAG91dGyMAAAAAPGmAwIAAAAAAAAA +gIAAGQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA 8D8AAAAAAAAAAAIABQAAAAAAAAAAZAAAAAAAAAAAQKWuAjwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABvdXRsjAAAACgs9AMiAAAAAAAAAPoCAABkAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAACAAUA AAAAAAAAAGQAAAAAAAAAAEClrgI8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAb3V0bIwAAAAQLfQDIQAAAAAAAAD6AgAAZAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAAAgAFAAAAAAAAAABkAAAAAAAA AABApa4CPAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAG91dGyMAAAA 2C30AyEAAAAAAAAABAEAAGQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAABEABQAAAAAAAP/mTQAAAAAAAAAAQKWuAjwAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABvdXRsjAAAAIgS9AMCAAAAAAAAAAEA AAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/ AAAAAAAAAAAFAAUAAAAAAGYAmQAAAAAAAAAAAEClrgI8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAATElTVC0rAABzdGx0fQAAAAUAAAAoE/QDAAAAAFAP9AOQE/QD AAAAAKgR9ANIMPQDAAAAALAq9AOIMPQDAAAAACAb9AOoMPQDAAAAAMgR9AMFAAAAsBP0AwAA AADoEfQDGBT0AwAAAAAA8aYDCDH0AwAAAABgK/QDSDH0AwAAAAAoLPQDaDH0AwAAAADYLfQD CwAAADgU9AMAAAAA//8AAAAAAABTAAAAYgAAAGIAAAC7SgEAQAAAAEAAAABAAAAASDP0AwAA AAD//wAAAAAAADkBAAA6AQAAOgEAAAZ8AAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIMvQDAAAAAP//AAAAAAAA OQEAADoBAAA6AQAAlpcAAAAEAEAAAAAAAAAAAEgy9AMAAAAA//8AAAAAAADrAAAA7AAAAOwA AAA+bgAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAiDL0AwAAAAD//wAAAAAAAG0BAABcAAAAXAAAAD5uAACAAAAA AAAAAAAAAADIMvQDAAAAAP//AAAAAAAA6wAAAOwAAADsAAAAPm4AAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgz 9AMAAAAA//8AAAAAAABbAAAAXAAAAFwAAAA+bgAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAiDP0AwAAAAD//wAA AAAAAMEAAADCAAAAwgAAAMRLAQBAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADIM/QDAAAAAP//AAAAAAAAwQAAAMIA AADCAAAAuOYAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAg09AMAAAAA//8AAAAAAABRAQAAZQEAAGUBAACMlQAA QAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASDT0AwAAAAD//wAAAAAAADkBAAA6AQAAOgEAAFpnAAAABAAAAAAAAAAA AAAEAAAAwBT0AwAAAAAAAAAAqDT0AwAAAAACAAAAyDT0AwAAAAAEAAAA6DT0AwAAAAABAAAA BAAAACgV9AMAAAAA//8AAAAAAAAAAAAAQEIPAEBCDwBAQg8AAAAAAICEHgDAJwkAwMYtAAAA AABIE/QDAAAAAP//AAAAAAAAAAAAAEBCDwBAQg8AQEIPAEBCDwCAhB4AwCcJAMDGLQAAAAAA CDX0AwAAAAD//wAAAAAAAAAAAABAQg8AYK4KAEBCDwAAAAAAgIQeAMAnCQDAxi0AAAAAAFA1 9AN4FPQD//8AAAAAAAAAAAAAQEIPANASEwDQEhMAQEIPAICEHgDAJwkAwMYtAAAAAAABAAAA uBX0AwAAAAAAAAAA45z+/4+xAAAAAAAA45z+/x1jAQAAAAAA45z+/4+xAAAAAAAAxTn9/4+x AAAAAAAAj+YMAI+xAAAAAAAAVj8NAB1jAQAAAAAAADUMAI+xAAAAAAAAHpgNAI+xAAAAAAAA FRYFAI+xAAAAAAAA3G4FAB1jAQAAAAAApMcFAI+xAAAAAAAAhmQEAI+xAAABAAAAEAz1AwAA AAAMAAEALgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAGPABAAAAAAAAAAAAMOADAAAAAAAAAAAASNAFAAAAAAAAAAAA YMAHAAAAAAAAAAAAeLAJAAAAAAAAAAAAkKALAAAAAAAAAAAAqJANAAAAAAAAAAAAwIAPAAAA AAAAAAAA2HARAAAAAAAAAAAA8GATAAAAAAAAAAAACFEVAAAAAAAAAAAAIEEXAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAcAAACwCvQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAE4AAABiAAAA YgAAALtKAQBAAAAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACEAAAA4F/QDAAAAAAEA AAAAAAAAAAAAAE4AAAAAAAAAAAAAALtKAQBAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA7MAAAAAAAAAAAAACwHvQD SAv0AyEAAABQD/QD6BH0A5gX9AMAAAAAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAATgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAu0oBAEAA AAAAAAAAAAAAADswAAAAAAAAAAAAAEAf9APYDPQDIQAAAOAP9APoEfQD+Bf0AwAAAAABAAAA AQAAAAAAAABOAAAAAAAAAAAAAAC7SgEAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAOzAAAAAAAAAAAAAAaB70A3AM 9AM2AAAAsBD0A+gR9ANYGPQDAAAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAE4AAAAAAAAAAAAAALtKAQBAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAA7MAAAAAAAAAAAAAD4HvQDsAz0Az8AAAAYEfQDiBL0A5g49AMAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAATgAAAFQAAABUAAAAu0oBAEAAAABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA IQAAAPg49AMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAATgAAAFQAAABUAAAAu0oBAEAAAABAAAAAQAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAEBl9AOIZfQDIQAAALAq9ANgK/QDBAAAALgY9AMAAAAA/wAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAwGfQDuBj0A/8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAz4AAAM+AAAYBn0A7gY9AP/AAAADPgAAAAA AAAY8AEAGPABAJAZ9AO4GPQD/wAAABjwAQAAAAAAJOgCACToAgABAAAAwBn0AwAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAYAAAADAAAAAgAAABjwAQACAAAAOBr0AwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAFA7 9AMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADAAAAgDv0AxA+9AMBAAAAAAAAAAgAAABCdWxs ZXQxAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA4F/QDMBn0AwAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAGg8 9AMQPvQDAQAAAAAAAAAIAAAAQnVsbGV0MgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA OBf0A2AZ9AMAAAAAAAAAAAMAAAC4PPQDED70AwEAAAAAAAAACAAAAEJ1bGxldDMAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADgX9AOQGfQDAAAAAAAAAAADAAAACD30AxA+9AMBAAAA AAAAABAAAABTcGVjaWFsIEJ1bGxldDEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJgX 9AMwGfQDAAAAAAAAAAADAAAAcD30AxA+9AMBAAAAAAAAABAAAABTcGVjaWFsIEJ1bGxldDIA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPgX9AMwGfQDAAAAAAAAAAADAAAAwD30AxA+ 9AMBAAAAAAAAABAAAABTcGVjaWFsIEJ1bGxldDMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAFgY9AMwGfQDAAAAAAAAAAADAAAAED70AwAAAAABAAAAAQAAABcAAABEZWZhdWx0IFBh cmFncmFwaCBUZXh0ACgT9AOwE/QDOBT0A8AU9AMoFfQDuBX0AxAM9QOwCvQDuBj0A8AZ9AM4 GvQDAgAAAGA+9AMAAAAAAQAAAAEAAAAWAAAARGVmYXVsdCBBcnRpc3RpYyBUZXh0ACgT9AOw E/QDOBT0A8AU9AMoFfQDuBX0AwEAAACgPvQDAAAAAAEAAAABAAAAEAAAAERlZmF1bHQgR3Jh cGhpYwCQE/QDGBT0AwIAAADQPvQDYD70AwAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAABIMPQDCDH0A0gz9AOoNPQD SBP0AwAAAAACAAAAUD/0A2A+9AMAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAASDD0Awgx9AMIMvQDqDT0A0gT9AMA AAAAAQAAAHBf9AOgPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAIgw9ANIMfQDAgAAABBh9ANgPvQDAAAAAAAA AAABAAAAAKgw9AMAAAAACDT0AwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAADQYPQDYD70AwAAAAAAAAAAAQAA AABIMPQDaDH0A4gz9APoNPQDCDX0AwAAAAACAAAAkGD0A2A+9AMAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAASDD0 A2gx9APIM/QD6DT0Awg19AMAAAAAAgAAAFBg9ANgPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9ANoMfQD yDP0A+g09AMINfQDAAAAAAIAAAAQYPQDYD70AwAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAABIMPQDaDH0A4gz9APo NPQDCDX0AwAAAAACAAAA0F/0A2A+9AMAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAASDD0A2gx9AOIM/QD6DT0Awg1 9AMAAAAAAQAAAKBf9AOgPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAIgw9ANIMfQDAwAAAFBh9AMQPvQDAAAA AAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDSDT0A+g09ANQNfQDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AwAAAKBh9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDSDT0A+g09ANQNfQDAAAAAAAAAACY OPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAJA/9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASDL0A8g0 9ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAOA/9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAASDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAADBA9AMQ PvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAwAAAIBA9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAiDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAA AAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAANBA9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA yDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAACBB9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAA AAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAA AHBB9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQD AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAMBB9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANI E/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAABBC9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAGBC9AMQPvQD AAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAwAAALBC9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAA AACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAABD9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0 A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAFBD9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAAB AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAKBD 9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAPBD9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QD AAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAEBE9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAJBE9AMQPvQDAAAA AAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AwAAAOBE9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACY OPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAADBF9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g0 9ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAIBF9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAANBF9AMQ PvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAwAAACBG9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAA AAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAHBG9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA yDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAMBG9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAA AAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAA ABBH9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQD AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAGBH9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANI E/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAALBH9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAABI9AMQPvQD AAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAwAAAFBI9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAA AACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAKBI9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0 A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAPBI9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAAB AAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAEBJ 9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAJBJ9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QD AAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAOBJ9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMI MfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAADBK9AMQPvQDAAAA AAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AwAAAIBK9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACY OPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAANBK9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g0 9ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAACBL9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAA AEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAHBL9AMQ PvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAwAAAMBL9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAA AAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAABBM9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQD yDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAGBM9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAA AAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAA ALBM9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQD AAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAABN9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANI E/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAFBN9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw 9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAKBN9AMQPvQD AAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAwAAAPBN9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAA AACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAEBO9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0 A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAJBO9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAAB AAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAOBO 9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAADBP9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QD AAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAIBP9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMI MfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAANBP9AMQPvQDAAAA AAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AwAAACBQ9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACY OPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAHBQ9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g0 9ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAMBQ9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAA AEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAABBR9AMQ PvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAwAAAGBR9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAA AAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAALBR9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQD CDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAABS9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAA AAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAA AFBS9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDCDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQD AAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAKBS9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDCDP0A8g09ANI E/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAPBS9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw 9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAEBT9AMQPvQD AAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDCDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAwAAAJBT9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAA AACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAOBT9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDCDP0 A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAADBU9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAAB AAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAIBU 9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDCDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAANBU9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QD AAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAEBi9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMI MfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAACBV9AMQPvQDAAAA AAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AwAAAHBV9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACY OPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAMBV9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g0 9ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAABBW9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAA AEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAGBW9AMQ PvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAwAAALBW9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAA AAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAABX9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQD yDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAFBX9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAA AAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAA AKBX9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQD AAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAPBX9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANI E/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAEBY9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw 9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAJBY9AMQPvQD AAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQ O/QDAwAAAOBY9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAA AAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAADBZ9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0 A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAIBZ9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAAB AAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAANBZ 9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAA AAAAAABQO/QDAwAAACBa9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QD AAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAHBa9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMI MfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAMBa9AMQPvQDAAAA AAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QD AwAAABBb9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4 OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAGBb9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g0 9ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAALBb9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAA AEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAABc9AMQ PvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAA AABQO/QDAwAAAFBc9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAA AAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAPBh9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQD SDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAKBc9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAA AAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDSDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAA APBc9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDSDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQD AAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAEBd9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDSDL0A8g09ANI E/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAJBd9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw 9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAOBd9AMQPvQD AAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAwAAADBe9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDSDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAA AACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAIBe9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDSDL0 A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAANBe9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAAB AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAACBf 9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASDL0AwAAAABIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAExJU1QEAAAAdWlsIExJU1RiAgAAcGFnZWZsZ3MEAAAAAAABkGJib3gQAAAA QNdf8sAooA3AKKANQNdf8m9iYnggAAAAQNdf8sAooA3AKKANQNdf8kDXX/LAKKANwCigDUDX X/JMSVNU0gEAAGdvYmpMSVNUagAAAGxheXJmbGdzBAAAABoBAZhMSVNUUgAAAGxnb2Jsb2Rh RQAAAEUAAAADAAAAFAAAACQAAAALAAAAMAAAADQAAABAAAAARQAAAOgDAADQBwAA4C4AAAAA AAACAAcEOPNLAGRkAABHcmlkAABMSVNUbAAAAGxheXJmbGdzBAAAAAoAAZhMSVNUVAAAAGxn b2Jsb2RhRwAAAEcAAAADAAAAFAAAACQAAAAMAAAAMAAAADQAAABAAAAARwAAAOgDAADQBwAA 4C4AAAAAAAACAAcEOPNLAGRkAABHdWlkZXMAAExJU1RsAAAAbGF5cmZsZ3MEAAAACAABmExJ U1RUAAAAbGdvYmxvZGFIAAAASAAAAAMAAAAUAAAAJAAAABEAAAAwAAAANAAAAEAAAABIAAAA 6AMAANAHAADgLgAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAIwKAAAAZERlc2t0b3AATElTVGwAAABsYXlyZmxncwQA AAAAAACYTElTVFQAAABsZ29ibG9kYUgAAABIAAAAAwAAABQAAAAkAAAAAAAAADAAAAA0AAAA QAAAAEgAAADoAwAA0AcAAOAuAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAjAoAAABkTGF5ZXIgMQBMSVNUMAAAAGxn b2Jsb2RhJAAAACQAAAABAAAAFAAAABwAAAAAAAAAIAAAACQAAADgLgAAAAAAAExJU1SobwAA cGFnZWZsZ3MEAAAAAAAAkGJib3gQAAAA1Nbz/6u/FADAMg0A8Mjs/29iYnggAAAA1Nbz/6u/ FADAMg0A8Mjs/9TW8/+rvxQAXkQNAPDI7P9MSVNUmG4AAGdvYmpMSVNUXAAAAGxheXJmbGdz BAAAABoBAZhMSVNURAAAAGxnb2Jsb2RhOAAAADgAAAACAAAAFAAAACAAAAALAAAAKAAAACwA AAA4AAAA0AcAAOAuAAAAAAAAAgAHBDjzSwBkZAAATElTVFwAAABsYXlyZmxncwQAAAAKAAGY TElTVEQAAABsZ29ibG9kYTgAAAA4AAAAAgAAABQAAAAgAAAADAAAACgAAAAsAAAAOAAAANAH AADgLgAAAAAAAAIABwQ480sAZGQAAExJU1RcAAAAbGF5cmZsZ3MEAAAACAABmExJU1REAAAA bGdvYmxvZGE4AAAAOAAAAAIAAAAUAAAAIAAAABEAAAAoAAAALAAAADgAAADQBwAA4C4AAAAA AAACAAAAAACMCgAAAGRMSVNUYG0AAGxheXJmbGdzBAAAAAAAAJhMSVNURAAAAGxnb2Jsb2Rh OAAAADgAAAACAAAAFAAAACAAAAAAAAAAKAAAACwAAAA4AAAA0AcAAOAuAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAA jAoAAABkTElTVEIBAABvYmogZmxncwQAAAAACgAIYmJveBAAAAAelwYAI+YQAPn+DAAf5hAA b2JieCAAAAAelwYAI+YQAPn+DAAf5hAAHpcGAGjnEAD5/gwA2uQQAHVzZG4EAAAAUB0BAExJ U1TeAAAAbGdvYmxvZGFuAAAAbgAAAAUAAAAUAAAALAAAAAMAAABAAAAARAAAAEgAAABMAAAA UAAAAG4AAAAeAAAAZAAAAMgAAADgLgAA/i4AAAAAAAAAAAAAcF/0A9B69AMCAAAAAAAAAAAA AACQvgkAAAAAAARE8D8AAAAAAABMSVNUXAAAAHRyZmx0cmZkUAAAAFAAAAABAAAAEAAAAP// AAAYAAAAUAAAAAgAdwUmAAAAb4z+XDAJ5T8AAAAAAAAAADFEEcJ4XBpBAAAAAAAAAAAAAABA rHHrPwB0Kdgg5jBBTElTVKQCAABvYmogc3BuZAQAAADIF70DZmxncwQAAAAACgAJYmJveBAA AACPiwYAM40QADH9DACV7g8Ab2JieCAAAACPiwYAM40QADH9DACV7g8Aj4sGADONEAAx/QwA le4PAHVzZG4EAAAAUR0BAExJU1QkAQAAbGdvYmxvZGF8AAAAfAAAAAgAAAAUAAAAOAAAAAQA AABYAAAAXAAAAGAAAABkAAAAaAAAAGwAAAB0AAAAeAAAAHwAAAAKAAAAFAAAAB4AAABkAAAA yAAAAOAuAAD+LgAAjz4AAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAABBh9AOIfPQDAAAAAAB99APIEfQD6BH0A2Z0 aWwwAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAA TElTVFwAAAB0cmZsdHJmZFAAAABQAAAAAQAAABAAAAD//wAAGAAAAFAAAAAIAAAAAADwPwAA AOAF7PA/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPC4aQQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAbx8wQXR4c20HAQAA //////////8AAAAA/////wgAAAADAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAQAAAMgXvQMAAADgBezwPwAA AAAAAAAAAAAAADwuGkEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAG8fMEEAAAAAAQAAABBh9AMAAQAA AB4AAAAdAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABgAAAAYAAAAGAAAABgAAAA YAAAAGAAAABgAAAAYAAAAGBFeHBsb3JpbmcgVGhlb3J5IGFuZCBQcmFjdGljZQAATElTVEAC AABvYmogc3BuZAQAAAB0F70DZmxncwQAAAAACgAJYmJveBAAAACeCwoA2Q4SAG32DABJXREA b2JieCAAAACeCwoA2Q4SAG32DABJXREAngsKANkOEgBt9gwASV0RAHVzZG4EAAAAUh0BAExJ U1QkAQAAbGdvYmxvZGF8AAAAfAAAAAgAAAAUAAAAOAAAAAQAAABYAAAAXAAAAGAAAABkAAAA aAAAAGwAAAB0AAAAeAAAAHwAAAAKAAAAFAAAAB4AAABkAAAAyAAAAOAuAAD+LgAAjz4AAAEA AAAAAAAAAAAAANBg9AOAf/QDAAAAAPh/9AOwKvQD2C30A2Z0aWwwAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAATElTVFwAAAB0cmZsdHJmZFAA AABQAAAAAQAAABAAAAD//wAAGAAAAFAAAAAIAAAAAADwPz2oseRtLOU/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA PBckQQAAAAAAAAAAcB1FKyU66j8AAAAAo2ExQXR4c22jAAAA//////////8AAAAA/////wgA AAADAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAQAAAHQXvQM9qLHkbSzlPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwXJEEAAAAA AAAAAHAdRSslOuo/AAAAAKNhMUEAAAAAAQAAANBg9AMAAQAAAAoAAAAJAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASW5zdGl0dXRlAABMSVNUIgIAAG9iaiBzcG5k BAAAACAXvQNmbGdzBAAAAAAKAAliYm94EAAAAJCRBgCBWxIA/YMHAK3UEQBvYmJ4IAAAAJCR BgCBWxIA/YMHAK3UEQCQkQYAgVsSAP2DBwCt1BEAdXNkbgQAAABTHQEATElTVCQBAABsZ29i bG9kYXwAAAB8AAAACAAAABQAAAA4AAAABAAAAFgAAABcAAAAYAAAAGQAAABoAAAAbAAAAHQA AAB4AAAAfAAAAAoAAAAUAAAAHgAAAGQAAADIAAAA4C4AAP4uAACPPgAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAA kGD0A3iC9AMAAAAA8IL0A7Aq9APYLfQDZnRpbDAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAABMSVNUXAAAAHRyZmx0cmZkUAAAAFAAAAABAAAA EAAAAP//AAAYAAAAUAAAAAgAAAAAAPA/Paix5G0s5T8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAABARhpBAAAAAAAA AABwHUUrJTrqPwAAAADy1jFBdHhzbYUAAAD//////////wAAAAD/////CAAAAAMAAAAAAAAA AwAAAAAAAAABAAAAIBe9Az2oseRtLOU/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQEYaQQAAAAAAAAAAcB1FKyU6 6j8AAAAA8tYxQQAAAAABAAAAkGD0AwABAAAABAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABhbmQAAExJ U1QiAgAAb2JqIHNwbmQEAAAAzBa9A2ZsZ3MEAAAAAAoACWJib3gQAAAAN5IGANDvEwAVhwcA /GgTAG9iYnggAAAAN5IGANDvEwAVhwcA/GgTADeSBgDQ7xMAFYcHAPxoEwB1c2RuBAAAAFQd AQBMSVNUJAEAAGxnb2Jsb2RhfAAAAHwAAAAIAAAAFAAAADgAAAAEAAAAWAAAAFwAAABgAAAA ZAAAAGgAAABsAAAAdAAAAHgAAAB8AAAACgAAABQAAAAeAAAAZAAAAMgAAADgLgAA/i4AAI8+ AAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAABQYPQDaIb0AwAAAADghvQDsCr0A9gt9ANmdGlsMAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/ AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAExJU1RcAAAAdHJmbHRy ZmRQAAAAUAAAAAEAAAAQAAAA//8AABgAAABQAAAACAAAAAAA8D89qLHkbSzlPwAAAAAAAAAA AAAAANxIGkEAAAAAAAAAAHAdRSslOuo/AAAAAEFrM0F0eHNthQAAAP//////////AAAAAP// //8IAAAAAwAAAAAAAAADAAAAAAAAAAEAAADMFr0DPaix5G0s5T8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAADcSBpB AAAAAAAAAABwHUUrJTrqPwAAAABBazNBAAAAAAEAAABQYPQDAAEAAAAEAAAAAwAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAFRoZQAATElTVDACAABvYmogc3BuZAQAAAB4Fr0DZmxncwQAAAAACgAJYmJveBAA AAClnAcAPyASAGDQCQB0JBEAb2JieCAAAAClnAcAPyASAGDQCQB0JBEApZwHAD8gEgBg0AkA dCQRAHVzZG4EAAAAVR0BAExJU1QkAQAAbGdvYmxvZGF8AAAAfAAAAAgAAAAUAAAAOAAAAAQA AABYAAAAXAAAAGAAAABkAAAAaAAAAGwAAAB0AAAAeAAAAHwAAAAKAAAAFAAAAB4AAABkAAAA yAAAAOAuAAD+LgAAjz4AAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAABBg9ANYivQDAAAAANCK9AOwKvQD2C30A2Z0 aWwwAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAA TElTVFwAAAB0cmZsdHJmZFAAAABQAAAAAQAAABAAAAD//wAAGAAAAFAAAAAIAAAAAADwPz2o seRtLOU/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAlHIeQQAAAAAAAAAAcB1FKyU66j8AAAAAo2ExQXR4c22UAAAA //////////8AAAAA/////wgAAAADAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAQAAAHgWvQM9qLHkbSzlPwAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAJRyHkEAAAAAAAAAAHAdRSslOuo/AAAAAKNhMUEAAAAAAQAAABBg9AMAAQAA AAcAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAUmlnaHRzAExJU1ROAgAAb2JqIHNw bmQEAAAAJBa9A2ZsZ3MEAAAAAAoACWJib3gQAAAAlIwGAAFCEwDa2AkAq0USAG9iYnggAAAA lIwGAAFCEwDa2AkAq0USAJSMBgABQhMA2tgJAKtFEgB1c2RuBAAAAFYdAQBMSVNUJAEAAGxn b2Jsb2RhfAAAAHwAAAAIAAAAFAAAADgAAAAEAAAAWAAAAFwAAABgAAAAZAAAAGgAAABsAAAA dAAAAHgAAAB8AAAACgAAABQAAAAeAAAAZAAAAMgAAADgLgAA/i4AAI8+AAABAAAAAAAAAAAA AADQX/QDaI70AwAAAADgjvQDsCr0A9gt9ANmdGlsMAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAExJU1RcAAAAdHJmbHRyZmRQAAAAUAAAAAEA AAAQAAAA//8AABgAAABQAAAACAAAAAAA8D89qLHkbSzlPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAFAyGkEAAAAA AAAAAHAdRSslOuo/AAAAAGWDMkF0eHNtsgAAAP//////////AAAAAP////8IAAAAAwAAAAAA AAADAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAkFr0DPaix5G0s5T8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAABQMhpBAAAAAAAAAABwHUUr JTrqPwAAAABlgzJBAAAAAAEAAADQX/QDAAEAAAANAAAADAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAFNleHVhbGl0eQ0NDQBMSVNUTAIAAG9i aiBmbGdzBAAAAAAKAAhiYm94EAAAAI8oBQCrvxQAL7EJAJ+JEABvYmJ4IAAAAI8oBQCrvxQA L7EJAJ+JEACPKAUAq78UAC+xCQCfiRAAdXNkbgQAAABXHQEATElTVOgBAABsZ29ibG9kYT8B AAA/AQAACAAAABQAAAA4AAAAAwAAAFgAAABcAAAAdAAAAHgAAAB8AAAAgAAAADcBAAA7AQAA PwEAAAoAAAAUAAAAHgAAAGQAAADIAAAA4C4AAOouAAD+LgAA8cDg/5kBAAABAMAErFn+/2Zt /f8TA///HS4BAAAAAACgX/QDqJH0AxMAAAAtnQAA5d3//wwDAAACagAALcD+/6FOAQAjpv3/ 9KYAADvx/P8HTQAAaRn9/7UQ//9oov3/pIX+/67X/f9FOP7/Ol3//yjw/P9XzAAAG/H9/1TE ///dzPz/9M/9/620/f8hXv3/cDr+//pE/P9aFf//KTr8/6rbAAC2p/3/ISYBAB3E/v+5cQEA JBcAAKK9AAAtnQAA5d3//wzAwITAwITAwITAwITAwITAwIgA6B8jBAAAAAAb9AMQLfQDAGZ0 aWwwAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAA TElTVFwAAAB0cmZsdHJmZFAAAABQAAAAAQAAABAAAAD//wAAGAAAAFAAAAAIAAoAzPhOAQ51 FSGLa/E/WgQTo3vuoz+K5QCib84hQVoEE6N77qO/DnUVIYtr8T+eP1lsCFozQUxJU1RGCwAA b2JqIHNwbmQEAAAAkBC9A2ZsZ3MEAAAAAAoACWJib3gQAAAA1Nbz/6xDDwDAMg0AEGIMAG9i YnggAAAA1Nbz/6xDDwDAMg0AEGIMANTW8/8dSw8AXkQNABBiDAB1c2RuBAAAAF0dAQBMSVNU dAEAAGxnb2Jsb2RhzAAAAMwAAAAIAAAAFAAAADgAAAAGAAAAWAAAAFwAAABgAAAAZAAAAGgA AABsAAAAxAAAAMgAAADMAAAACgAAABQAAAAeAAAAZAAAAMgAAADgLgAA/i4AAI8+AAABAAAA AAAAAAAAAABQYfQDCCz8AwAAAAD/JQAAUI8AAAEAAAAAAAAA/yUAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJAs/AOwKvQD YCv0A2Z0aWwwAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAA AAAAAAAATElTVFwAAAB0cmZsdHJmZFAAAABQAAAAAQAAABAAAAD//wAAGAAAAFAAAAAIACsB 9Ay8BXbgmtdxW2VAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAWFIowQAAAAAAAAAAZOdNlmKWFEAAAAAAWIcuQXR4 c21ZCQAAAAAAAP////8AAAAA/////wgAAAADAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAQAAAJAQvQMAAAAA AADwPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAFhSKMEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAFiHLkEAAAAAAAAAAAEA AADsWxkAAAAAAGQe/f8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAUGH0AwABAAAA9gAAAPUAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAGAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAYAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAA IAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAACAA AAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AFRoZSBTZXh1YWxpdHkgYW5kIFJpZ2h0cyBJbnN0aXR1dGUgaXMgYW4gYW5udWFsIHR3byB3 ZWVrIGxvbmcgcmVzaWRlbnRpYWwgY291cnNlIHRoYXQgZm9jdXNlcyBvbiBhIGNvbmNlcHR1 YWwgc3R1ZHkgb2Ygc2V4dWFsaXR5LiBJdCBleGFtaW5lcyB0aGUgbGlua3MgYmV0d2VlbiBz ZXh1YWxpdHksIHJpZ2h0cywgZ2VuZGVyIGFuZCBoZWFsdGguIFRoZSBJbnN0aXR1dGUgaXMg YSBjb2xsYWJvcmF0aXZlIGluaXRpYXRpdmUgb2YgAKBh9AMAAQAAAMkAAADIAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABDUkVBIChDcmVhdGluZyBS ZXNvdXJjZXMgZm9yIEVtcG93ZXJtZW50IGluIEFjdGlvbikgYW5kIFRBUlNISSAoVGFsa2lu ZyBBYm91dCBSZXByb2R1Y3RpdmUgYW5kIFNleHVhbCBIZWFsdGggSXNzdWVzKS4gSW5kaXZp ZHVhbHMgd2hvIHdvcmsgb24gc2V4dWFsaXR5LCByaWdodHMsIGdlbmRlciBvciBoZWFsdGgg YXJlIGVsaWdpYmxlIHRvIGFwcGx5LgAATElTVIYCAABvYmogc3BuZAQAAAAoFb0DZmxncwQA AAAACgAIYmJveBAAAACJ3vP/bBMSAKPP+f/hoREAb2JieCAAAACJ3vP/bBMSAKPP+f/hoREA id7z/2wTEgCjz/n/4aERAHVzZG4EAAAAWh0BAExJU1QkAQAAbGdvYmxvZGF8AAAAfAAAAAgA AAAUAAAAOAAAAAQAAABYAAAAXAAAAGAAAABkAAAAaAAAAGwAAAB0AAAAeAAAAHwAAAAKAAAA FAAAAB4AAABkAAAAyAAAAOAuAAD+LgAAjz4AAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAANA+9APol/QDAAAAAGCY 9AOwKvQDYCv0A2Z0aWwwAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AADwPwAAAAAAAAAATElTVFwAAAB0cmZsdHJmZFAAAABQAAAAAQAAABAAAAD//wAAGAAAAFAA AAAIAOIDEAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAeEciwQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAA zbMxQXR4c23pAAAA//////////8AAAAA/////wgAAAADAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAQAAACgV vQMAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAHhHIsEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAM2zMUEAAAAA AQAAANA+9AMAAQAAABgAAAAXAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAABQdW5lLCBNYXJjaCAxNS0zMCwgMjAwMgAATElTVGICAABvYmogc3BuZAQAAADUFL0D ZmxncwQAAAAACgAIYmJveBAAAAC86PP/uu8SAG8W+v+5fBIAb2JieCAAAAC86PP/uu8SAG8W +v+5fBIAvOjz/7rvEgBvFvr/uXwSAHVzZG4EAAAAWx0BAExJU1QkAQAAbGdvYmxvZGF8AAAA fAAAAAgAAAAUAAAAOAAAAAQAAABYAAAAXAAAAGAAAABkAAAAaAAAAGwAAAB0AAAAeAAAAHwA AAAKAAAAFAAAAB4AAABkAAAAyAAAAOAuAAD+LgAAjz4AAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAFA/9ANAm/QD AAAAALib9AOwKvQDYCv0A2Z0aWwwAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAATElTVFwAAAB0cmZsdHJmZFAAAABQAAAAAQAAABAAAAD//wAA GAAAAFAAAAAIADgEEAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAsv0hwQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA 8D8AAAAAdH8yQXR4c23GAAAA//////////8AAAAA/////wgAAAADAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAAAAAA AQAAANQUvQMAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAALL9IcEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAHR/ MkEAAAAAAQAAAFA/9AMAAQAAABEAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEFwcGxpY2F0aW9uIEZvcm0A TElTVDABAABvYmogZmxncwQAAAAACgAIYmJveBAAAABR7QYA2Nn0/1dpBwDSXfT/b2JieCAA AABR7QYA2Nn0/1dpBwDSXfT/1OsGAFXb9P/UagcAVVz0/3VzZG4EAAAAGQAAAExJU1TMAAAA bGdvYmxvZGFcAAAAXAAAAAUAAAAUAAAALAAAAAEAAABAAAAARAAAAEgAAABMAAAAUAAAAFwA AAAeAAAAZAAAAMgAAADgLgAA/i4AAAAAAAAAAAAAoD70A+id9AMGfAAA+oP//wAAAABMSVNU XAAAAHRyZmx0cmZkUAAAAFAAAAABAAAAEAAAAP//AAAYAAAAUAAAAAgAOAQUAAAAAAAAAAAA 8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAABEtRtBAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAABQTCbBTElTVDABAABvYmog ZmxncwQAAAAACgAIYmJveBAAAADdlQsA2Nn0/+MRDADSXfT/b2JieCAAAADdlQsA2Nn0/+MR DADSXfT/YJQLAFXb9P9gEwwAVVz0/3VzZG4EAAAAGgAAAExJU1TMAAAAbGdvYmxvZGFcAAAA XAAAAAUAAAAUAAAALAAAAAEAAABAAAAARAAAAEgAAABMAAAAUAAAAFwAAAAeAAAAZAAAAMgA AADgLgAA/i4AAAAAAAAAAAAAoD70A3Ce9AMGfAAA+oP//wAAAABMSVNUXAAAAHRyZmx0cmZk UAAAAFAAAAABAAAAEAAAAP//AAAYAAAAUAAAAAgAOAQUAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAA AAC6KydBAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAABQTCbBTElTVDABAABvYmogZmxncwQAAAAACgAI YmJveBAAAADXtwIA2Nn0/90zAwDSXfT/b2JieCAAAADXtwIA2Nn0/90zAwDSXfT/WrYCAFXb 9P9aNQMAVVz0/3VzZG4EAAAAGAAAAExJU1TMAAAAbGdvYmxvZGFcAAAAXAAAAAUAAAAUAAAA LAAAAAEAAABAAAAARAAAAEgAAABMAAAAUAAAAFwAAAAeAAAAZAAAAMgAAADgLgAA/i4AAAAA AAAAAAAAoD70A2if9AMGfAAA+oP//wAAAABMSVNUXAAAAHRyZmx0cmZkUAAAAFAAAAABAAAA EAAAAP//AAAYAAAAUAAAAAgAOAQUAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAC4vgVBAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAABQTCbBTElTVDABAABvYmogZmxncwQAAAAACgAIYmJveBAAAACqFf// 2Nn0/7CR///SXfT/b2JieCAAAACqFf//2Nn0/7CR///SXfT/LRT//1Xb9P8tk///VVz0/3Vz ZG4EAAAAFgAAAExJU1TMAAAAbGdvYmxvZGFcAAAAXAAAAAUAAAAUAAAALAAAAAEAAABAAAAA RAAAAEgAAABMAAAAUAAAAFwAAAAeAAAAZAAAAMgAAADgLgAA/i4AAAAAAAAAAAAAoD70A2Cg 9AMGfAAA+oP//wAAAABMSVNUXAAAAHRyZmx0cmZkUAAAAFAAAAABAAAAEAAAAP//AAAYAAAA UAAAAAgAOAQUAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAADASu3AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAA AABQTCbBTElTVGJGAABvYmogc3BuZAQAAADkEL0DZmxncwQAAAAACgAJYmJveBAAAACj2vP/ 8uwLANsLDQDwyOz/b2JieCAAAACj2vP/8uwLANsLDQDwyOz/o9rz/wDyCwDbCw0A8Mjs/3Vz ZG4EAAAAXB0BAExJU1R0AQAAbGdvYmxvZGHMAAAAzAAAAAgAAAAUAAAAOAAAAAYAAABYAAAA XAAAAGAAAABkAAAAaAAAAGwAAADEAAAAyAAAAMwAAAAKAAAAFAAAAB4AAABkAAAAyAAAAOAu AAD+LgAAjz4AAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJA/9AOYBfQDAAAAAJMRBABQjwAAAQAAAAAAAACTEQQA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAkKWmA1AP9ANgK/QDZnRpbDAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAABMSVNUXAAAAHRyZmx0cmZkUAAAAFAAAAABAAAAEAAAAP// AAAYAAAAUAAAAAgAKwHMFrwFYCtpIWfEGEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAC6SijBAAAAAAAAAABoHoqJ OdBLQAAAAADk2SdBdHhzbXZEAAAAAAAA/////wAAAAD/////CAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAwAAAAAA AAABAAAA5BC9AwAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAukoowQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAA 5NknQQAAAAAAAAAAAQAAADgxGQAAAAAA/tvg/wAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADgAAACQP/QDAAIAAABY AAAAAgACAIAABABZAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABHdWlkZWxp bmVzOglBdHRhY2ggYSBjb3B5IG9mIHlvdXIgbGF0ZXN0IENWLiAgUGxlYXNlIHR5cGUgb3Ig Y2xlYXJseSBwcmludCB5b3VyIHJlc3BvbnNlcwDgP/QDAAEAAABLAAAASgAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACQlBbGwgcXVlc3Rpb25zIG11c3QgYmUgYW5zd2VyZWQglyB5 b3VyIENWIGNhbm5vdCBzdWJzdGl0dXRlIGZvciBhbiBhbnN3ZXIAMED0AwABAAAAVgAAAFUA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACQlBdHRhY2ggZXh0cmEgc2hlZXRzIG9mIHBhcGVyIGZvciBR dWVzdGlvbnMgMTQgdG8gMTcglyBwbGVhc2Uga2VlcCB0byB0aGUgd29yZCBsaW1pdACAQPQD AAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAADQQPQDAAIAAAB/AAAAAgABAFsAAACAAAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAYAAAAGAAAABgAAAAYAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAGAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAYAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAxLiAgTmFtZSBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXwAgQfQDAAEAAAAdAAAAHAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAACAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJ CQkJRmlyc3QgbmFtZSAJCQkJTGFzdCBuYW1lAHBB9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAMBB9AMAAgAA AHwAAAAGAAEAWwAAAIEAAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyLiAgQWdl IF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXyAzLiBHZW5kZXIgX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXyA0LiBOYXRpb25hbGl0eSBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX18AEEL0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAYEL0AwACAAAAfwAAAAIAAQBbAAAA gAAAAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAANS4gIENvbnRhY3QgQWRkcmVzcyBfX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18AsEL0 AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAEP0AwABAAAAggAAAIEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAg AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAABfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18AUEP0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAoEP0AwAB AAAAgQAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAFRlbGVwaG9uZSAgX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18gRmF4IF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX18gRS1tYWlsIF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fAPBD9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAEBE9AMAAgAAAH0AAAACAAEAWwAAAH4AAAAAAAIAAAAC AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAYAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAA2LiAgUGVybWFuZW50IEFkZHJlc3MgX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18AkET0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAA4ET0AwAC AAAATQAAADQAQABQD/QDgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAC AAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAA AAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAC AAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX18gIFRlbGVwaG9uZSBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX18AMEX0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAgEX0AwACAAAAgAAAAAIAAQBbAAAAgQAA AAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAA AABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADcuICBQcm9mZXNzaW9uIF9fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXwDQ RfQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAgRvQDAAIAAAB/AAAAAgABAFsAAACAAAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA4LiAgQ3VycmVudCBQb3NpdGlvbiBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXwBwRvQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAADA RvQDAAIAAAB+AAAAAgABAFsAAAB/AAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADkuICBPcmdh bml6YXRpb24vSW5zdGl0dXRpb24gX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX18AEEf0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAYEf0AwABAAAAgQAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAYAAAACAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAQAAAAGAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEFkZHJlc3MgX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fALBH9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAA AAAAAABI9AMAAQAAAIIAAACBAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAYAAAACAA AABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAGAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAYAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fAFBI9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAKBI9AMAAQAAAIEAAACAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABUZWxlcGhvbmUgIF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fIEZheCBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f IEUtbWFpbCBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXwDwSPQDAAEA AAABAAAAAAAAAABASfQDAAIAAAAZAAAAAwABAFsAAAAbAAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAMTAuIEVkdWNhdGlvbmFsIEJh Y2tncm91bmQ6AJBJ9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAOBJ9AMAAQAAADUAAAA0AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAABgAAAAIAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABgAAAAIAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAFllYXIJCUluc3RpdHV0aW9u CQkJICAgU3ViamVjdHMJCSAgICAgICAgICAgICBEZWdyZWUAMEr0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAA gEr0AwABAAAAhgAAAIUAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA YAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18gICAgX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fICAgIF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f ICAgICBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXwDQSvQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAg S/QDAAEAAACGAAAAhQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAYAAA ACAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAg AAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAYAAAACAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAA ACAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAGAAAAAgAAAAYAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAIAAAACBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXyAgICBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX18gICAgX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18g ICAgIF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fAHBL9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAMBL 9AMAAQAAAIYAAACFAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAABgAAAA IAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAA YAAAACAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fICAgIF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fXyAgICBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXyAg ICAgX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18AEEz0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAYEz0 AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAsEz0AwACAAAASQAAAAMAAQBbAAAASwAAAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAYAAAACAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAABgAAAAIAAAAGAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAEAAAABAAAAAADExLiBQbGVhc2UgcmF0ZSB5b3VyIEVuZ2xpc2ggbGFuZ3VhZ2Ug Zmx1ZW5jeTogIFBvb3IJCUZhaXIJCUdvb2QJCUV4Y2VsbGVudAAATfQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAA AABQTfQDAAIAAAB1AAAAAwABAFsAAAB3AAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAABgAAAAIAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAABAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAxMi4gUGxlYXNlIGxpc3QgYW55IHByZXZpb3VzIGNvdXJzZXMg cmVsYXRlZCB0byBzZXh1YWxpdHksIHJlcHJvZHVjdGl2ZSBoZWFsdGgsIGdlbmRlciBvciBy aWdodHMgdGhhdCB5b3UgaGF2ZSBhdHRlbmRlZACgTfQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAADwTfQDAAEA AACCAAAAgQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAYAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAF9fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fXwBATvQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAACQTvQDAAEAAACCAAAAgQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAGAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXwDgTvQDAAEAAAABAAAA AAAAAAAwT/QDAAEAAACCAAAAgQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAF9f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXwCAT/QDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAADQT/QDAAEAAACCAAAAgQAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXwAg UPQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAABwUPQDAAEAAACCAAAAgQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXwDAUPQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAABMSVNU sAAAAGxnb2Jsb2RhQAAAAEAAAAADAAAAFAAAACQAAAAAAAAAMAAAADQAAAA8AAAAQAAAAGQA AADMCwAA4C4AAAAAAAAKAAAAdjwNAZBDDARMSVNUXAAAAHRyZmx0cmZkUAAAAFAAAAABAAAA EAAAAP//AAAYAAAAUAAAAAgAkwpgAMkCAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAAc3VtaSwAAACj2vP/sGMTAK0wDQBZdu3/AAAAAAAAAAAAAMD/ a1NNAHNTTQAgAwAA6AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEQA UgBBAFcAQgBJAFQATQBBAFAAUwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAYAAEABwAAAAsAAAAJAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAvZuPXPBASAC 9m49c8EBAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAUwBUAFIARQBBAE0AUwBMAEkAUwBUAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABgAAgH///////////////8AAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAABAAAAAAAAABTAFQAUgBFAEEATQBTAEwA SQBTAFQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAGAACAP// /////////////wAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAEAAAA AAAAAEQAUgBBAFcAUABBAFQAVABFAFIATgBTAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAaAAEBCgAAAA0AAAAMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAvZu PXPBASAC9m49c8EBAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAUwBUAFIARQBBAE0AUwBMAEkAUwBUAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABgAAgH///////////////8AAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAAFAFMAdQBtAG0A YQByAHkASQBuAGYAbwByAG0AYQB0AGkAbwBuAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA KAACAP///////////////wAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAUA AADhAQAAAAAAAF8AMQAwADYAMwA3ADQAMwA3ADEAMwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAYAAEA//////////8QAAAAQwLwNdqQ0BGScwDA8AaepwAA AABAo/1uPXPBAUCj/W49c8EBAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQBPAGwAZQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAoAAgH///////////// //8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAANAAAAFAAAAAAAAAACAACA hAEAABQAAACMAQAAFQAAAJQBAAAWAAAAnAEAAAAAAACkAQAAAgAAAOQEAAAeAAAAAQAAAAAA AAAeAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAeAAAABgAAAGJpbmR1AAAAHgAAAAEAAAAAAAAAHgAAAAEAAAAAAAAA HgAAAAkAAABDT1JFTERSVwAAAAAeAAAABgAAAGJpbmR1AAAAHgAAAAIAAAAxAAAAQAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAEAjKYP+TMEBQAAAAIBR6AX+TMEBAwAAAAAAAAADAAAA AAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAHgAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAwAAAAAAAAADAAAAQ0RSOAMAAAAAAAAAAwAAAAAA AAABAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAIAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAMATwBiAGoASQBuAGYAbwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASAAIBDwAAABIAAAD/////AAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADgAAAAQAAAAAAAAAQwBvAHIAZQBsAEQA UgBBAFcAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABQA AgH///////////////8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACnAAAA vHYAAAAAAABEAFIAQQBXAEIASQBUAE0AQQBQAFMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAGAABABEAAAAVAAAAEwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA QKP9bj1zwQFAo/1uPXPBAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAFMAVABSAEUAQQBNAFMATABJAFMAVAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAYAAIB//////////////// AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwAAAAQAAAAAAAAAUklGRrR2 AABDRFI4dnJzbgIAAAAgA0xJU1TgHwAAZG9jIHBmcmQBAAAAAABtY2ZnkAIAACALIACQUS0A DwAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAHD67/84V+n/AAAAAAAAIEAAAAAAAAAgQAEAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAA 8D8BAAAA0Di0ANA4tAADAAAAAAAAAKgpAQADPgAAnDEAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAEAAAABAAAAAQAAAAEAAAACAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAFAAUAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAABgAQAAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAUABQAAAAAAxAAAAAUABQAAAAAAIADEAAUABQAAAAAAxADEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEA AAABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAGQAAAABAAAA cHRydBAAAACj2vP/sGMTAK0wDQBZdu3/TElTVNAAAABmbnR0Zm9udCAAAABOAAAAQAAAAAUC AQIBBgUGBgZDb21tb25CdWxsZXRzAGZvbnQjAAAAUwAAAEAAAAACCwQCAgICAgIEQXZhbnRH YXJkZSBCayBCVAAAZm9udB8AAABbAAAAQAAAAAINCQICAgQCAgRLYWJlbCBVbHQgQlQAAGZv bnQgAAAA6wAAAEAAAAABAQEBAQEBAQEBTHVjaWRhIENhc3VhbABmb250IAAAAOsAAACAAAAA AQEBAQEBAQEBAUx1Y2lkYSBDYXN1YWwATElTVLABAABmaWx0TElTVDAAAABmaWxjZmlsZCQA AABQD/QDAQAAoAIABQAAAAAAAAAAZAAAX4EAAAAAQKWuAjwAAABMSVNUZAAAAGZpbGNmaWxk WAAAAOAP9AMCAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQKWuAjwAAAAXAAAAAAAAAOz////7////AAAAAAEA MgACAAAAAgAFAAAAAAAAAABkAAAAAAIABQAAAAAAAAAAAGQAAABMSVNUdAAAAGZpbGNmaWxk aAAAALAQ9AMCAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQKWuAjwAAAAZAAAAP4JXAgAAAAAAAAAAAAADAAEA MgADAAAABQAFAAAAAADMZgAAAAAAAAIABQAAAAAAAAAAADIAAAAFAAUAAAAAAMxmAABkAAAA TElTVDAAAABmaWxjZmlsZCQAAAAYEfQDAQAAAAUABQAAAAAAZgCZAAAAAAAAAAAAQKWuAjwA AABMSVNUFAAAAGZpbGNmaWxkCAAAAKgR9AMAAACgTElTVDAAAABmaWxjZmlsZCQAAACwKvQD AQAAAAIABQAAAAAAAAAAZAAAAAAAAAAAQKWuAjwAAABMSVNUVAIAAG90bHRvdXRsjAAAAGAr 9AMBAAAAAAAAADIAAABkAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAAFAAUAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAb3V0bIwAAADoEfQDAQAAAAAAAAD6AgAA ZAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAA AAAAAAAAAgAFAAAAAAAAAABkAAAAAAAAAABApa4CPAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAG91dGyMAAAAAPGmAwIAAAAAAAAA+gIAAGQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAIABQAAAAAA AAAAZAAAAAAAAAAAQKWuAjwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AABvdXRsjAAAAIgS9AMCAAAAAAAAAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAAFAAUAAAAAAGYAmQAAAAAAAAAAAECl rgI8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAATElTVCIYAABzdGx0 OgAAAAMAAAAoE/QDAAAAAFAP9AOQE/QDAAAAAKgR9ANIMPQDAAAAALAq9AMDAAAAsBP0AwAA AADoEfQDGBT0AwAAAAAA8aYDCDH0AwAAAABgK/QDBAAAADgU9AMAAAAA//8AAAAAAABTAAAA YgAAAGIAAAC7SgEAQAAAAEAAAABAAAAASDL0AwAAAAD//wAAAAAAAOsAAADsAAAA7AAAAD5u AACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADIMvQDAAAAAP//AAAAAAAA6wAAAOwAAADsAAAAPm4AAEAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAgz9AMAAAAA//8AAAAAAABbAAAAXAAAAFwAAAA+bgAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAMAU 9AMAAAAAAAAAAMg09AMAAAAABAAAAAIAAAAoFfQDAAAAAP//AAAAAAAAAAAAAEBCDwBAQg8A QEIPAAAAAACAhB4AwCcJAMDGLQAAAAAASBP0AwAAAAD//wAAAAAAAAAAAABAQg8AQEIPAEBC DwBAQg8AgIQeAMAnCQDAxi0AAAAAAAEAAAC4FfQDAAAAAAAAAADjnP7/j7EAAAAAAADjnP7/ HWMBAAAAAADjnP7/j7EAAAAAAADFOf3/j7EAAAAAAACP5gwAj7EAAAAAAABWPw0AHWMBAAAA AAAANQwAj7EAAAAAAAAemA0Aj7EAAAAAAAAVFgUAj7EAAAAAAADcbgUAHWMBAAAAAACkxwUA j7EAAAAAAACGZAQAj7EAAAEAAAAQDPUDAAAAAAwAAQAuAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAY8AEAAAAAAAAA AAAw4AMAAAAAAAAAAABI0AUAAAAAAAAAAABgwAcAAAAAAAAAAAB4sAkAAAAAAAAAAACQoAsA AAAAAAAAAACokA0AAAAAAAAAAADAgA8AAAAAAAAAAADYcBEAAAAAAAAAAADwYBMAAAAAAAAA AAAIURUAAAAAAAAAAAAgQRcAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABwAAALAK 9AMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAATgAAAGIAAABiAAAAu0oBAEAAAABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIQAAADgX9AMAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAATgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAu0oBAEAA AAAAAAAAAAAAADswAAAAAAAAAAAAALAe9ANIC/QDIQAAAFAP9APoEfQDmBf0AwAAAAABAAAA AQAAAAAAAABOAAAAAAAAAAAAAAC7SgEAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAOzAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQB/0A9gM 9AMhAAAA4A/0A+gR9AP4F/QDAAAAAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAE4AAAAAAAAAAAAAALtKAQBAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAA7MAAAAAAAAAAAAABoHvQDcAz0AzYAAACwEPQD6BH0A1gY9AMAAAAAAQAAAAAA AAAAAAAATgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAu0oBAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADswAAAAAAAAAAAAAPge9AOwDPQD PwAAABgR9AOIEvQDmDj0AwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABOAAAAVAAAAFQAAAC7SgEAQAAAAEAA AABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAhAAAA+Dj0AwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABOAAAA VAAAAFQAAAC7SgEAQAAAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQGX0A4hl9AMhAAAAsCr0A2Ar 9AMEAAAAuBj0AwAAAAD/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADAZ9AO4GPQD/wAAAAAAAAAAAAAA DPgAAAz4AABgGfQDuBj0A/8AAAAM+AAAAAAAABjwAQAY8AEAkBn0A7gY9AP/AAAAGPABAAAA AAAk6AIAJOgCAAEAAADAGfQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABgAAAAMAAAACAAAAGPABAAIAAAA4GvQD AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAUDv0AwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAMA AACAO/QDED70AwEAAAAAAAAACAAAAEJ1bGxldDEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAADgX9AMwGfQDAAAAAAAAAAADAAAAaDz0AxA+9AMBAAAAAAAAAAgAAABCdWxsZXQyAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA4F/QDYBn0AwAAAAAAAAAAAwAAALg89AMQPvQD AQAAAAAAAAAIAAAAQnVsbGV0MwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAOBf0A5AZ 9AMAAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAIPfQDED70AwEAAAAAAAAAEAAAAFNwZWNpYWwgQnVsbGV0MQAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAmBf0AzAZ9AMAAAAAAAAAAAMAAABwPfQDED70AwEA AAAAAAAAEAAAAFNwZWNpYWwgQnVsbGV0MgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA +Bf0AzAZ9AMAAAAAAAAAAAMAAADAPfQDED70AwEAAAAAAAAAEAAAAFNwZWNpYWwgQnVsbGV0 MwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAWBj0AzAZ9AMAAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAQPvQD AAAAAAEAAAABAAAAFwAAAERlZmF1bHQgUGFyYWdyYXBoIFRleHQAKBP0A7AT9AM4FPQDwBT0 AygV9AO4FfQDEAz1A7AK9AO4GPQDwBn0Azga9AMCAAAAYD70AwAAAAABAAAAAQAAABYAAABE ZWZhdWx0IEFydGlzdGljIFRleHQAKBP0A7AT9AM4FPQDwBT0AygV9AO4FfQDAQAAAKA+9AMA AAAAAQAAAAEAAAAQAAAARGVmYXVsdCBHcmFwaGljAJAT9AMYFPQDAwAAAMBQ9AMQPvQDAAAA AAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AwAAABBR9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACY OPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAGBR9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g0 9ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAALBR9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAA AEgw9AMIMfQDCDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAABS9AMQ PvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAwAAAFBS9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDCDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAA AAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAKBS9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQD CDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAPBS9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAA AAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAA AEBT9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDCDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQD AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAJBT9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANI E/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAOBT9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw 9AMIMfQDCDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAADBU9AMQPvQD AAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAwAAAIBU9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDCDP0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAA AACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAANBU9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0 A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAEBi9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAAB AAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAACBV 9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAHBV9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QD AAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAMBV9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMI MfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAABBW9AMQPvQDAAAA AAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AwAAAGBW9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACY OPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAALBW9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g0 9ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAABX9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAA AEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAFBX9AMQ PvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAA AABQO/QDAwAAAKBX9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAA AAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAPBX9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQD yDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAEBY9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAA AAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAA AJBY9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQD AAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAOBY9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANI E/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAADBZ9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw 9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAIBZ9AMQPvQD AAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQ O/QDAwAAANBZ9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAA AAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAACBa9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0 A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAHBa9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAAB AAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAMBa 9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAA AAAAAABQO/QDAwAAABBb9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QD AAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAGBb9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMI MfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAALBb9AMQPvQDAAAA AAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QD AwAAAABc9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4 OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAFBc9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g0 9ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAPBh9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAA AEgw9AMIMfQDSDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAKBc9AMQ PvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDSDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAA AABQO/QDAwAAAPBc9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDSDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAA AAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAEBd9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQD SDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAAJBd9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAA AAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAA AOBd9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDyDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQD AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAADBe9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw9AMIMfQDSDL0A8g09ANI E/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAwAAAIBe9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAEgw 9AMIMfQDSDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAAD4OPQDAAAAAAAAAABQO/QDAwAAANBe9AMQPvQD AAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASDL0A8g09ANIE/QDAAAAAAAAAACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAwAAACBf9AMQPvQDAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAASDL0AwAAAABIE/QDAAAAAAAA AACYOPQDAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAATElTVAQAAAB1aWwgTElTVGICAABwYWdlZmxncwQAAAAAAAGQ YmJveBAAAABA11/ywCigDcAooA1A11/yb2JieCAAAABA11/ywCigDcAooA1A11/yQNdf8sAo oA3AKKANQNdf8kxJU1TSAQAAZ29iakxJU1RqAAAAbGF5cmZsZ3MEAAAAGgEBmExJU1RSAAAA bGdvYmxvZGFFAAAARQAAAAMAAAAUAAAAJAAAAAsAAAAwAAAANAAAAEAAAABFAAAA6AMAANAH AADgLgAAAAAAAAIABwQ480sAZGQAAEdyaWQAAExJU1RsAAAAbGF5cmZsZ3MEAAAACgABmExJ U1RUAAAAbGdvYmxvZGFHAAAARwAAAAMAAAAUAAAAJAAAAAwAAAAwAAAANAAAAEAAAABHAAAA 6AMAANAHAADgLgAAAAAAAAIABwQ480sAZGQAAEd1aWRlcwAATElTVGwAAABsYXlyZmxncwQA AAAIAAGYTElTVFQAAABsZ29ibG9kYUgAAABIAAAAAwAAABQAAAAkAAAAEQAAADAAAAA0AAAA QAAAAEgAAADoAwAA0AcAAOAuAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAjAoAAABkRGVza3RvcABMSVNUbAAAAGxh eXJmbGdzBAAAAAAAAJhMSVNUVAAAAGxnb2Jsb2RhSAAAAEgAAAADAAAAFAAAACQAAAAAAAAA MAAAADQAAABAAAAASAAAAOgDAADQBwAA4C4AAAAAAAACAAAAAACMCgAAAGRMYXllciAxAExJ U1QwAAAAbGdvYmxvZGEkAAAAJAAAAAEAAAAUAAAAHAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAJAAAAOAuAAAAAAAA TElTVBhUAABwYWdlZmxncwQAAAAAAACQYmJveBAAAACj2vP/oV8TANsLDQBZdu3/b2JieCAA AACj2vP/oV8TANsLDQBZdu3/o9rz/7BjEwCtMA0AWXbt/0xJU1TAUwAAZ29iakxJU1RcAAAA bGF5cmZsZ3MEAAAAGgEBmExJU1REAAAAbGdvYmxvZGE4AAAAOAAAAAIAAAAUAAAAIAAAAAsA AAAoAAAALAAAADgAAADQBwAA4C4AAAAAAAACAAcEOPNLAGRkAABMSVNUXAAAAGxheXJmbGdz BAAAAAoAAZhMSVNURAAAAGxnb2Jsb2RhOAAAADgAAAACAAAAFAAAACAAAAAMAAAAKAAAACwA AAA4AAAA0AcAAOAuAAAAAAAAAgAHBDjzSwBkZAAATElTVFwAAABsYXlyZmxncwQAAAAIAAGY TElTVEQAAABsZ29ibG9kYTgAAAA4AAAAAgAAABQAAAAgAAAAEQAAACgAAAAsAAAAOAAAANAH AADgLgAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAIwKAAAAZExJU1SIUgAAbGF5cmZsZ3MEAAAAAAAAmExJU1REAAAA bGdvYmxvZGE4AAAAOAAAAAIAAAAUAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAoAAAALAAAADgAAADQBwAA4C4AAAAA AAACAAAAAACMCgAAAGRMSVNUJFIAAG9iaiBzcG5kBAAAAOQQvQNmbGdzBAAAAAAKAAliYm94 EAAAAKPa8/+hXxMA2wsNAFl27f9vYmJ4IAAAAKPa8/+hXxMA2wsNAFl27f+j2vP/sGMTAK0w DQBZdu3/dXNkbgQAAABeHQEATElTVGgBAABsZ29ibG9kYcAAAADAAAAABwAAABQAAAA0AAAA BgAAAFAAAABUAAAAWAAAAFwAAABgAAAAuAAAALwAAADAAAAACgAAABQAAAAeAAAAZAAAAMgA AADgLgAA/i4AAAAAAAAAAAAAwFD0A5gE9AMAAAAAsEQfACCLLAABAAAAAAAAALBEHwAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AADIrKYDsCr0A2Ar9ANmdGlsMAAAAAAAAAAAAPA/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAExJU1RcAAAAdHJmbHRyZmRQAAAAUAAAAAEAAAAQAAAA//8AABgA AABQAAAACAArAdQUvAUg/q0CIsjpPwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAALpKKMEAAAAAAAAAAOBoWiBFPOs/ AAAAAKFfM0F0eHNtRFAAAAAAAAD/////AAAAAP////8IAAAAAwAAAAAAAAADAAAAAAAAAAEA AADkEL0DAAAAAAAA8D8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAC6SijBAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADwPwAAAAChXzNB AAAAAAAAAAABAAAAODEZAAAAAAC4Ftr/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQwAAAMBQ9AMAAgAAAHkAAAAD AAEAWwAAAHsAAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAxMy4gSG93IGRpZCB5b3UgaGVhciBhYm91dCB0aGlzIHByb2dy YW1tZSBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18AEFH0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAYFH0 AwABAAAAggAAAIEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABfX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX18AsFH0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAFL0AwABAAAAggAAAIEAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18AUFL0AwABAAAA AQAAAAAAAAAAUFL0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAUFL0AwACAAAABAAAAJ0AAQDrAAAAoAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIA AAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAA AgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIA AAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAA AgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIA AAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAA AgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIA AAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAA AgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIA AAACIAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAA AgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIA AAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAxNC4gRGVzY3Jp YmUgeW91ciBwcm9mZXNzaW9uYWwgaW50ZXJlc3RzIGFuZCB0aGUgd29yayB0aGF0IHlvdSBk bywgYW5kIHRoZSBzb2NpYWwgY2hhbmdlcyB5b3UgaG9wZSB0byBhY2NvbXBsaXNoIHRocm91 Z2ggeW91ciB3b3JrIChpbiBub3QgbW9yZSB0aGFuIDI1MCB3b3JkcykuAKBS9AMAAQAAAAEA AAAAAAAAAPBS9AMAAgAAAHUAAAADAAEAWwAAAHcAAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADE1LiBXaGF0IGhhdmUgYmVlbiB0aGUgbWFqb3IgaW5m bHVlbmNlcyB0aGF0IGhhdmUgY29udHJpYnV0ZWQgdG8geW91ciB3b3JrIGFuZCB0aGlua2lu ZyA/IChJbiBub3QgbW9yZSB0aGFuIDE1MCB3b3JkcykuAEBT9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAJBT 9AMAAgAAABMBAAADAAEAWwAAABUBAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAA AAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAA IAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAMTYu IERpc2N1c3Mgb25lIG9yIHR3byBrZXkgaXNzdWVzIHRoYXQgZnJlcXVlbnRseSBlbWVyZ2Ug YXMgYSBwcm9ibGVtIGluIHRoZSB3b3JrIHRoYXQgeW91IGRvIG9yIGFyZSBhIHNvdXJjZSBv ZiB0ZW5zaW9uIGluIHRoZSBjb21tdW5pdGllcyB3aXRoaW4gd2hpY2ggeW91IHdvcmsgKCBl LmcuIGRpZmZlcmVuY2VzIGludm9sdmluZyBjYXN0ZSwgY2xhc3MsIGdlbmRlciwgcmVsaWdp b24sIHNleHVhbCBvcmllbnRhdGlvbiwgZXRjLiksIGluIG5vdCBtb3JlIHRoYW4gMTUwIHdv cmRzLgDgU/QDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAwVPQDAAIAAAByAAAAAwABAFsAAAB0AAAAAAACAAAA AgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAxNy4gRGVzY3JpYmUgaG93IHlvdSBleHBlY3Qg dGhpcyBjb3Vyc2UgdG8gY29udHJpYnV0ZSB0byB5b3VyIHByb2Zlc3Npb25hbCBkZXZlbG9w bWVudCAoaW4gbm90IG1vcmUgdGhhbiAxNTAgd29yZHMpLgCAVPQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAADQ VPQDAAIAAAByAAAAAwABAFsAAAB0AAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAxOC4gVHJhdmVsIHNjaG9sYXJzaGlwcyBhcmUgbGltaXRlZC4gUGxlYXNlIGluZGljYXRl IHdoZXRoZXIgeW91IGNhbiBtZWV0IHlvdXIgb3duIHRyYXZlbCBleHBlbnNlcyB0byBhbmQg ZnJvbSBQdW5lLgBAYvQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAABAYvQDAAEAAACCAAAAgQAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fXwDQVPQDAAEAAAAB AAAAAAAAAADQVPQDAAIAAABtAAAAAwABAFsAAABvAAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAQAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAgAAAA IAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgMTkuIFBsZWFz ZSBnaXZlIHRoZSBuYW1lcyBvZiB0d28gcmVmZXJlZXMsIG9uZSBvdGhlciB0aGFuIHlvdXIg ZW1wbG95ZXIsIHdobyBhcmUga25vd2xlZGdlYWJsZSBhYm91dCB5b3VyIHdvcmsuACBV9AMA AQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAACBV9AMAAgAAAH8AAAACAAEAWwAAAIAAAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAGEpICBOYW1lIF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fAHBV9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAHBV9AMA AQAAAIEAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAYAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABPcmdhbml6YXRpb24gX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fIABwVfQDAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAABwVfQDAAEAAACBAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQWRkcmVzcyBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18AwFX0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAwFX0 AwABAAAAggAAAIEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABfX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX18AEFb0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAEFb0AwABAAAAgQAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAFRlbGVwaG9uZSAgX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX18gRmF4IF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18gRS1tYWls IF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fAGBW9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAA AAAAALBW9AMAAgAAAH8AAAACAAEAWwAAAIAAAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAACAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAAgAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AGIpICBOYW1lIF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fAABX9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAFBX9AMAAQAAAIEAAACA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABPcmdhbml6YXRpb24gX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fIACgV/QD AAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAACgV/QDAAEAAACBAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAQWRkcmVzcyBfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18A8Ff0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAQFj0AwABAAAAggAA AIEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X18AkFj0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAA4Fj0AwABAAAAgQAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAFRlbGVwaG9uZSAgX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X18gRmF4IF9fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18gRS1tYWlsIF9fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fADBZ9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAADBZ9AMA AgAAAFsAAAADAAEAWwAAAF0AAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAyMC4gUGxlYXNlIHByb3ZpZGUgYW55IG90aGVyIGluZm9ybWF0aW9u IHRoYXQgeW91IGNvbnNpZGVyIHJlbGV2YW50IChub3QgZXhjZWVkaW5nIDUwIHdvcmRzKS4A gFn0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAgFn0AwABAAAAggAAAIEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAA AAAAACAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAIAAAAAAAAABAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAACAA AAAgAAAAQAAAAGAAAABgAAAAYAAAACAAAABgAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAGAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAABfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18A0Fn0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAIFr0 AwABAAAAggAAAIEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAA ACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABfX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX18AcFr0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAcFr0AwABAAAAggAAAIEAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18AwFr0AwABAAAA AQAAAAAAAAAAEFv0AwABAAAAggAAAIEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AABfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18AYFv0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAYFv0AwABAAAAggAA AIEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X18AsFv0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAFz0AwABAAAAggAAAIEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABfX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19f X19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX19fX18AUFz0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAA UFz0AwABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAA8GH0AwABAAAAhQAAAIQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA QAAAAEAAAABAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAQAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAYAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEAA AABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAEAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAIAAAACAAAAAgAAAA AAAAAGAAAAAgAAAAYAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABDb21wbGV0ZWQgYXBwbGljYXRpb24gZm9ybXMgc2hv dWxkIHJlYWNoIHRoZSBmb2xsb3dpbmcgYWRkcmVzcyBvbiBvciBiZWZvcmUgTm92ZW1iZXIg MzAsIDIwMDEgRGVhZGxpbmVzIHdpbGwgYmUgc3RyaWN0bHkgYWRoZXJlZCB0by4AoFz0AwAB AAAAAQAAAAAAAAAA8Fz0AwABAAAAPwAAAD4AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAIFRBUlNISSwgNDkgR29sZiBMaW5rcywgMm5kIEZsb29yLCBOZXcgRGVsaGkgLSAx MTAgMDAzLCBJbmRpYS4gAPBc9AMAAQAAAEAAAAA/AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAARS1tYWlsOiB0YXJzaGlAdnNubC5jb20gICAgIFdlYnNpdGU6IHd3 dy5zZXh1YWxpdHlpbnN0aXR1dGUub3JnAEBd9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAJBd9AMAAQAAAAEA AAAAAAAAAOBd9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAADBe9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAIBe9AMAAQAAAAEA AAAAAAAAANBe9AMAAQAAAAEAAAAAAAAAACBf9AMAAQAAAAwAAAALAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgICAgICAgICAgIABzdW1pLAAAAKPa 8/+wYxMArTANAFl27f8AAAAAAAAAAAAAwP9rU00Ac1NNACADAADoAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAUwBUAFIARQBBAE0A UwBMAEkAUwBUAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABgA AgD///////////////8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAA BAAAAAAAAABEAFIAQQBXAFAAQQBUAFQARQBSAE4AUwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAGgABARQAAAAXAAAAFgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA QKP9bj1zwQFAo/1uPXPBAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAFMAVABSAEUAQQBNAFMATABJAFMAVAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAYAAIB//////////////// AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEQAAAAQAAAAAAAAABQBTAHUA bQBtAGEAcgB5AEkAbgBmAG8AcgBtAGEAdABpAG8AbgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAACgAAgD///////////////8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAASAAAA4QEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAP7/AAAEAAIA4IWf8vlPaBCrkQgA Kyez2QEAAADghZ/y+U9oEKuRCAArJ7PZMAAAALEBAAAWAAAAAQAAALgAAAACAAAAwAAAAAMA AADMAAAABAAAANgAAAAFAAAA6AAAAAYAAAD0AAAABwAAAAABAAAIAAAAFAEAAAkAAAAkAQAA CgAAADABAAALAAAAPAEAAA0AAABIAQAADAAAAFQBAAAOAAAAYAEAAA8AAABoAQAAEAAAAHAB AAASAAAAeAEAAAIAAICEAQAAFAAAAIwBAAAVAAAAlAEAABYAAACcAQAAAAAAAKQBAAACAAAA 5AQAAB4AAAABAAAAAAAAAB4AAAABAAAAAAAAAB4AAAAGAAAAYmluZHUAAAAeAAAAAQAAAAAA AAAeAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAeAAAACQAAAENPUkVMRFJXAAAAAB4AAAAGAAAAYmluZHUAAAAeAAAA AgAAADIAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAwMmAvv5MwQFAAAAAgFHoBf5M wQEDAAAAAAAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAwAAAAAAAAAeAAAAAQAAAAAAAAADAAAAAAAAAAMAAABDRFI4 AwAAAAAAAAADAAAAAAAAAAEAAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAA/v8AAAQAAgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQAAAOCFn/L5T2gQq5EIACsns9kwAAAA ZAEAABEAAAABAAAAkAAAAAIAAACYAAAAAwAAAKQAAAAEAAAAsAAAAAUAAADAAAAABwAAAMwA AAAIAAAA3AAAAAkAAADsAAAAEgAAAPgAAAAKAAAAFAEAAAsAAAAgAQAADAAAACwBAAANAAAA OAEAAA4AAABEAQAADwAAAEwBAAAQAAAAVAEAABMAAABcAQAAAgAAAOQEAAAeAAAAAQAAAAAA cwAeAAAAAQAAAAAAcwAeAAAABgAAAGJpbmR1AGYAHgAAAAEAAAAAaW5kHgAAAAcAAABOb3Jt YWwAAB4AAAAFAAAAQ3JlYQBsAAAeAAAAAgAAADIAZWEeAAAAEwAAAE1pY3Jvc29mdCBXb3Jk IDguMAAAQAAAAABGwyMAAAAAQAAAAAA0RjBUXMEBQAAAAAB64Ww9c8EBQAAAAAB64Ww9c8EB AwAAAAEAAAADAAAAAQEAAAIBAAADAQAABAEAAAUBAAAGAQAABwEAAAgBAAAJAQAACgEAAAsB AAAMAQAADQEAAA4BAAAPAQAAEAEAABEBAAASAQAAEwEAABQBAAAVAQAAFgEAABcBAAAYAQAA GQEAAP7////+////HAEAAB0BAAAeAQAAHwEAACABAAD+//////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// //////////////////////////////////////////////////+1Hzm6NsPR1cYO8ipwpdGd +RIz4VeYlzeCb+H2O7h1Hf8Ex1SPl8MH3rrDp0NSqXM0CRwEpoCp4FhzHBMG5FbnmNpG5+gK o5u8nCmXK8B6zKifYXbdgLn+C0COv1aOv2HHg3w4vN2nQ1Ka7miycnQwOARMA9PRg+vNsTIC 6uCwTrl1HYeVY1Kqc3QZUyYvBZcYpfJfmKE/xmz9CfgUbtfDbaZjL4f3vnmrT4ekMtPRoXBE rmaAw8DhIGZWyigcEvWKTMfUNjpHxMVGCbPcKMZeoR+u2PvLD8FHcNva8QAfDm/x6ZCUTk9z NDPN1W/AEeBIcBwcNihiikzHpFTn6CKmSF6oeAcryLvgPaxp7wOdYy+Hd7+x0qdDUpruxnV0 FGb334Lfgd+DhLm/jCuOY1o7JqU6RxcYhcz5RgHzv1ht3gRvYfV5G+gcezm8/fUbfTokpTpH R4NjwB8UjeZ+TBKQW51jUqpzdJ6RL89VnGN0xa6tF3ZvveTrWFneADrHXg5vfe0Gnw5Jqc5R CKv0LFAFqsFcc19mDrNfC8dJ5ZiU6hwRZxtdmLOMPOwIe2Jf2hM75B0ZnWMvhyv/ca1Ph6RS 54iwwWxck9SAJsxA85h9M9w2OyalOkfEmUyuPAO8iJXkJaYH9r49tI69HV7j0yEp1TkiakEY HAtOQE8+ntmH3eock1KdozOMoDydCTDrsJIQz2NleQHoHHs5vOnVq3w6JKU6R8fiSrgORBTz 0c4nwiFxgiLTMSnVOTqN6SyXMTny71hFiOewqqwFOsdeDq97ZYVPh6RU56geRJlRmCdHyQVo 3wVwOT+NTMekUufo1BSmXAqewSqyhimVzwKdYy+H17x8qU+HpFTnqEFxHIhjd7MQDomTFDrH pHJZmhvX0VLDkH9kOjFPYr59CivK0wqdY2+Hl/h0SEp1jogESCoWo50XKRYyrR2TUp2jJUy2 PIXJkqsx367GavIEILc6x14Or3hxuU+HpFLnqJEZiXlyJGaRkfJktK/LYqa1Y1Kqc0SczEjm Mcy1j2MlIVax29aOvRyueOECnw5Jqc4RMY8ZgVlkhFyCtiVOUegck1Kdo8WGSLHI2CQewSpC PAqnhM6xt8Pz2nA4K+WwhyCFOkfE8eAEZrhcigj8UbGEae2YlDqOZAtHzfwkFvrgIczHf2Py 5MNAFxGvCFy87myfESAXOscnKuYrTkV0iKVMczTSI0IqWzpu2/1Jxo8pFjA/MA9grn6QCcqH mNYR8YrAhWvP9NnLyY3O8QJzGHMSWAhOQ2SWKdxopEeEIKXpzlxH85nvxYnMf8R9mKvvw0p0 PxOQOsdeDs9/7gyfDkmlzhGxyBzKLAanowxxGjNC65iU6hydwHwnjlf8FfM1cS9Dbls79nZ4 mk+HpFTniDjZHMKcAs5AvovrNtMxKdU5Ot74VjQx34h54C7M1XczhrwH6Bx7OTzn78t8OiSV OkfEEmYwxuJgeRbyz0wxTOuYVOocEXONjYqvxR2Yp+9ksuVdTGvH3g6X+nRICnWOiKWKU80K eTbyXMitzjEpzXQ0B44cvhKNir9gjr4d8zVBbnWOvRyevuYUnw5Jqc4RsUxxmjlInov0c1Kk u212TErnahwljS8VX4gEuBVz720Kcqtz7O1wsU+HpFLniDg9jfOQTpzLDNY6JqU6R0Tc+Fyx QdyCedbhJ7j9SevYy+GyZxb5dEhKdY7OMAcyZyrOR5qL6zbTMSnVOTouxWeiAazEHLsS8+2f mR+1jr0cLnnqJJ8OSaXO0Vnm7szZiguQ5tLSbbNjUqlz1GCsF7EUn4o/Ya4lbma+1zr2djjf p0NSqXN0DrMbcy64CO8vTDFQ65iU6hxFmX8z9eBGzLM3Md/B6Xdax14OT37qRJ8OSaHOEXGe uStzPliO98vZqeNW55hU6hzVG58wEeNj5gbMsTdgviXIrc6xl8OFTzT5dEhKdY4cBkC5w8V4 fzE7bXab6ZiU6hwRdca/FB+J6zDXEtczG7WOvRwuWD3Xp0NSqXN0oeIicxfmEhy7uG4zHZNS naNjU3wowuAazLPXMl/B6Vdax94O5/h0SCp1jojlzM5wsrO8FMfp6ByTSp2jsPFPppb5QFyN OfZqzLfXMF9qHXs5PGFV0qfDS9JcpTtyucTsz6zA8WVp6ByTUp0jooZ5n7kS8+xVzOeMzrGX w3mPJ3w6JHU6R5cqLjP7MZezy3RaOyalOkezjfdS2Ma74grMsVdgzr0yRWvH3g6P8+lwhXJ1 aYp+KVcrUvSVV7DLdFo7JqWZjmbDkc28w1SDyzHXujhuWzv2cjjnsTqfDi9Pa6d0R5f/l7e7 jrPaaN8GnsAmC7RA3d1dH6MCxd0d1nfPWcPd3W1xb0tbijsUbYvUW6S0uMsa7jVaeK+5M2fO JJkjsOf3/vH9FM4mM9c9lixFuA/IE/qHxPdzdcUsqUdRUYpxhCSTw9o0nLPTyWmiqjhUhe03 ZoRZ4QcBKvJX9YQ+w3yc83+mrBgJVRVZDmlJ3FSctcw0ckpZcagK225IC1JhHV4h+725H/Jq PrAlf1yq6nH9I8fPZ1DV9mpZSlU1ScZBkmgcIFNwxlpOoMoTympDV5caZnUzXMndlX2krNCO JVRVwyQY+4XJOGd9/JXaqw1VXcv1niDVvaWx3z30ILWqSpBg7NPiyV4yCeehXa4w2SYvYPpQ iTO/TAojMWtVlZCJM/YIE3C2TcRZ52dPPzmkvJCJ075IDJLY9zvdWI+qhHHGbi2W7CLjcWYx LLmPM33oRHFhJGItqxIwMcZOYRzOlnE4a5jxxJ0wVCLv57FhJGKtqhLEGDtIc+NXMgbnwljh iDJhqERJ65qHkYi1rEpg+UVrxo3GPh6DPe3nThgqUfK6pmEkYi2rEjQztpOmxs8kC3t5tHBQ mTBUotg1jcJIxFpWJbBsI01gFPbpKOzZLMGdMHSihmEkYi2rEjQxtkq2aCOxF5lRZJ8yYahE zVbXCyMRa1mVoDHZLIzAPhyBPTlScCcMnahOGIlYq6oEjY2ftEbCj9pw7EVmBNmtTBgqUZNV NcNIxFpWJfBpaPxAhmEfDsee9HMnDJWo4crqYSRiraoSNDS+FxoY32lDsReHCTuUCUMlqr+y UhiJWMuqBH7fkqHYh0OxJ/3cCUMlqvNZ2TASsZZVCeqTb7ivtSHYi5btRJUwUom2KxP41DO+ IoOxBwdjTzJDiDthZBKxVlUJLJuEQdiLjJVsqzJhZBKxllUJ6hobJRuQ5ifYzG1RJoxMItaq KoFlvVaHG4h9aPmJqBJGKtFPygR1jC8lX2gDsB99/OnsCUMmWh5OItaqKkFt4XPSH/twAPme cyeMTCLWoiqBZZ1Wi6xFom8l3ykTRiYRa1mVwG8N6Yd92A8nA9OfuBNGKtG3ygRMTWO10Bd7 sR/5WmJPGDLR0nASsZZVCWoaqyQrkWgjbJK4E0YmEWtZlaCG8Bnpg73IWMk2KhOGTLQkvEQb lQksK7jlSLNeskGZMDKJWKuqBNWFZaQ39mFvnAxMH+JOGKlE65UJLEuF3tiLli8k9oSRScRa ViWoZiyRLNZ6YR/2wsnA9CbuhJFK9Lkygd8i0gt70bJWYk8YmUSsZVWCqmQht0Drif3o409n TxgqUd2F74WVaI0igZXCMp/0xD7siZPBz50wMolYi/7e/QmYKsY8oQf2ImMlW6lMGKlEK5UJ qhhzJXOQZjms4D6T+BNGJhFrVZXAb7ZWGbpjL/YgyyX2hJFKtFyZwDJL6I796LdMmTAyiVjL qgSVjU8lM3HdYlgicScMmWhBeImWKhMwlcgnpBv2omUxT+dOGKlEi5UJLB8L3XAi+C1SJoxM ItaqKkEl4yPJDFw3HxZI3AkjlWihMgFT0fhQ6Ir9aJlPVAlDJao3P7xE85UJKhofSN5HirmS ecqEkUnEWlUl8JtOumIvdsXp4OdOGDLRnNJhJZqrTGCZplXgumA/WmYTVcJIJZqtTFDBmCqZ ghQz4VOJO2FkErFWVQn8JpMu2IuWmRJ7wkglmqlMYJkkdMZ+ZLqQT5QJI5XoE2WCCsZErbww AWlmwEcSd8LIJGKtqhL4jSedsR8tMyT2hCETzQov0QxlAss4oTNOBb8PlQkjlehDZYLyxljJ GK0T9mJnnA5+7oSRSvSBMoHfaNIJ+9EyXXAmjEwi1rIqQTmSJXTCqeA3TZkwUommKROUM0ZJ RuK6yTBF4k4YqURTlQn8RpBO2I+WyRJ7wpCJZr4bVqLJygSW4UInnAp+k5QJI5VokjJBOWOY ZKjWEXuxI04HH1XCSCWaqEzgN4R0xH60UsnsCSOTiLWsSuA3mHTEqWAZJ7EnDPlW+3F4icYp EzBljUFCR5wMfmOVCSOVaKwyQVljoGQArsuC0RJ3wpCJPgov0RhlAr/+pCNOBUuWxJ4wUomy lAks/YSOOBn8RikTRirRKGWCskZfSR9cNxxGSNwJI5VopDKBX2/SEaeCZbjEnjBSiYYrE1h6 CR3plPQZpkwYqUTDlAnKGj0lPXAdO5OGSNwJQyb6ILxEQ5UJ/LqTDtiPHehcGiyxJ4xUosHK BH7dSAecCn6DlAkjk6gDnUXuBJauQgecDH4DlQkjlWigMkFZo4ukM67rB/0l7oSRSjRAmcCv E+mIU6ED6SexJ4xUon7KBJaOQkc6JX36KhOGTDT9rbBWdl9lgrJGB0l7XMfOpN4Sd8JIJeqj TGDXDtf15HpJ7AkjlaiXMoFfW9KRTskeUjJ3wpDvkNPCS9RTmcDSBu9Nlo44Gfx6KBNGKlEP ZYJyRmtJK1zXFbpJ3Akjlai7MoFfS9IRp4Klq8SeMGSiKaXCStRVmcCvBemIk8GvizJhpBJ1 USawZAod6ZT06axMGKlEnZUJyhkZknRc1wE6StwJI5WokzKBXxrpRKdke56sgzJhpBJ1UCbw KW+kkk44GfzaKxNGJhFrWZXA4hU64XSwcycMlaj+xPAStVMmKG94JCm4rjW0kbgTRipRW2UC v2TSCSeDpbXEnjBSiVorE/glkU44GfxaKRNGKlErZQJLolaB64zTwa+lMmGkErUUCSpICSoY CZJ4pMiATIk7YWQSsRZVCezicF06lyGxJwyZaML/wkqUoUzgF0s642TwS1cmjFSidGUCpqIR I3TB6eCXpkwYqURpygQVjeY2XXAqdMEp4edOGCpRg/HhJGItqhJUNJpJmuK6FJ5KZk8YqUQe ZQKfSkYT0hUngyWFp3MnjFSiFGUCS2OhK04Hv2RlwpCJxv43jESsVVUCSyOhK04IO3fCSCVK UiaoZDTUKgsNtG44FbrhrPJRJYxUokRlArv6SBHHxUvsCSOTiLWsSuBXj3TH6dCNxDn4E0Yq UZwyQRVSV+iOE8IvVpkwMolYy6oEljpCd5wQdu6EId9qs/4dVqIYZYIqRm2tqlBL64GToQfO Kh9Vwkglai4SVJES2NVEiiZcU4k9YWQSsZZVCXyqGTVIT5wOliZElTBSiZooE1iqCz1xQvg1 ViaMTCLWqiqBpRqpDr1wTvk1UiaMVKJGygTVjao2vXFO9bJxJwyVqO7IcBKxFlUJqhtVhBpG ZSSqB/Ul7oSRScRaViXwq0T64HRgrGT1lAkjlaieMoFPTaMi6YMTwlLXRk4Ych2NCCcRa1WV wFJB6Itzysefzp4wUonqKBMwtYzyQj+cU32F2sqEkUnEWlQlqGWUs+mHs8rOnTDkOhoeTiLW sipBbaOs5D2tP06H/jizmH7EnTBSiWoqE/iV0erAAJwQAyiVzJ4wMolYy3KCOjyBX2kyACeE pZrEnjAyiVjLqgRMXeNdYSDOKUtVwZkwUomqKhNY3iH1YBDOKksVKV0VW7rIJGKtqhLUM962 GYyzysefzp4wZKKh/wojEWtVlaC+8ZaklDYE5xUzmFRSJixYIt/focP+dVrWqiqFTwPyP20o zixmiOBOOdHsqU1y6RUG69qJXOSqYwlV1cgaGv/VhuEMHGrjrnaC2QPpZD0dFfsrmihVw66d IClYdfa/C1Ddy3izOxlndiMTSHcykbgrYNWqRsbvP2Q4zuZhNu6Ri1yFEwNUNJZ0JWPMLvha VzJBVOuumCVVVcQ0Iv8mI3DGD8dTR+asOHIVTghQETPa7EyyYBxhlfqrdVbM5sZfjb8iy7+0 xtxIPDNYlTJ7xeVCVzgk3ArHB6goy+xERpkdyVj8eBzpLLFXzJKqKrK8qTXhRuE5NApVjpQ4 K45cheMCVDTS7EBGkPYYgQ6osiPXSVkxS6qqqInxhtAUsvBcy6IqZfaKI1fhWF6Vs6LhpJ02 jBtNVVqV+jgrZklVFTU1XrcZjWel5V1erbvikBUODrfCMQEqGmq25dpoQyALPx5NlVrVqipm SVUVNTNek7yqjcFz1/KOVK294shVyJKqKhpittYGc4PMVphnVqVVqY+zYpZSVVFzm1e0cXib GEveJqqKI1chS6qqiBlotiQDzBZYwazK1lwbZcUspaoiJkZ4WRuPNwqGVerjrDhkhQNfD7NC llRVEdOfZGr9YAQ+H0laCc6KWVJVRUwseYlMwJuApZSo1llx5CpkSVUV9TMztL4kXesDw6nK FlxLZcUspaoiJo68SCbhbYCZiConimrtFUeuQpZUVRHT20wjvcxU7NUMwir1cVbMUqoqYuLJ C2Qy3gYmo8LJvFJVxZGrkCVVVcT0NL2kBwzF50NxzTCSoayYpVRVxCSQ58lUvBFMRZVTOFXF kauQpVRV1MP0aN1JitYNhuDrljRerbtillRVEZNoPCdMxxvBNFQ5jSr9t7LiyFXIkqoq6mom ky4kCWesB7xkCHFXzJKqKmKSjGeFD1Dh+9x0zllxyAr7BauwiajwHkqpqqgzSdQ6kQSctSmc h6gqZklVFSWTZ4QP8d7j9IHEWX3Bqk0S1T5IqVXVdSTxWgdoDwPw9YEYCR9V9WyeVNWlkKeJ Bz7CO5DPDIVgI2Ep6AjIK5pVoaq4vRmntSOxWlvoj5FhBpAk5YiwtKqKLU8RL3yCd6SPJc7R YO1ErkKWVFVRWzNGa8O1NpvjyRPPJaDSBGXFLKWqIq/xJEnlPsWb30yOVauqOHIVspRyRa15 Ra1IM60laYonTxyeqz7xyopZUlVFqcYTJI2bhTc/H1atquLIVchSqipqAZlmE5JhNsYzNYb0 wWj4OCtmSVUVpRmPa+mSOXjzY2ajwtlStXLFISvsG26FbG5UFTHpkGY2Ir1QeS+MAuOr1l5x HCVUVZRhPCZkwjy8/TFzUeVcXq2z4shVyFKqKko1G2pe0kDzQA+MQE/SjKgqZilVFWUaj5IW 3AK8/S1AhfM5VcWRq5AlVVXkMetrKZBs1iPdUX13zG8PwV0xS6mqqIXxiNZSsggVMgs5VcWh KqzdJ9wKWVJVRUmQaNYlCWYdvDk0wluET2NlxSypqqJWxsNCa1iC91tmMaeqOHIVsqSqiuJJ bS0OYs1aeGtoQLpini3uillKVUWtjYdIG2453m+XcUuJu+LIVciSqipiYsyaWnNoZtbAW0E9 vBPV5xooK2YpVRW1MR7U2nLt4DO8467gWLXOilk7ISvs/VqYFbKUqoqYpmZ1rQnXEXPrw6pV VcySqipqZzxA2nOr8I7LrESFjKriyFXIkrorqqY1hkbQ0KxK2mNumQ6Ya8ZfcT1RMUuqqqi9 cb/WgesIa1HdGljNqSqOXIUsJavKWVEDs4pWH+qZlUlbzG07zDPjq9ZZMUupqshyn9aJ+xxv 7sw6WMutkapm7USuQpZSVVFds5JWB2qbFbVa0AZzbKlJ1aoqZnOjqqgzuZd0gfV4M/+S+4JX a684khWypKqKapkVtJpQwyyvVYdWmN9WmOvWnKpillJVEdPVuId0g014M9+I6jZwqoojVyFL qaqomllOqwpVzLKkBea3Bea6JammrJglVVVkuVvrzn2DCr+Gr2ATtxHkikNW2DPcCllSVUWV zfe0SlDRLKNVgAzMcyapwqt1V8ySqirqwfU07iLf4/uP7+BbYNWqKo5chSypqqLyZmmtHJQ1 39XeM9/Bm11FvLcylVBtJWXFLKmqol5cb+NO8hO+//gR1f3AqSqOXIUsqaqiMlDafFt7F94x 38L7anm8u1YgrFpVxSypqiKmD9fXuEPbhgq3whbYDKqKI1chS6qq6G14yyyllYL/mf/DO2s5 vLtaWLWqillSVUVMP66/cbv2C77D2o5rmZ9BVXHkKmRJVRX9x/yv9m/4l/kf7U1IwgpOJmVR bVllxSypqiJmADcQdqPCXbATdsCv8Iuj4shVyJKqKnrD/Lf2Grxq/kt7xXwT766l8VZehiQR d8VsblQVDTRu0wZxg2E/rtsHe2EPyBVb1T4RssJa3V8Ns0KW1FnRy6joJXjRfEN73nxdew7i sIrjsEfjgVWrqpgllSsazA0hJbWh3FFcdxgOwUE4oKg4chWypK84KnoWnjFf054yX9WegMfN V/BW/jaJRaWxVK27YjY3qoqGccONEiQP1+VANhwHVvERqeL9Ea2QJX3OVtEr2mPwiPmy9pD5 kvYA3Ge+iLfyUng7L4XvPd4iqopZUmdFI7iR3CijuHYe152F03AS8iGXV3yMV1ywCt/R2O/G e4gSsvlhVdxpPq/dauJtyXxG+wen9W/Y7SwFG+/hipRZ3GiuMfZwE/I/jMb/lCMSmdSsZTbm LHEJ8zmtKKV+WruO1H/BFSRnY6hKOca4VRvLjYMG2JcNsUcbkf8qqyhYat/vfGQtqxKM5yYY t2gToR72Un2cFAxLp0oYMlHXV8JIxFpWJWAmwWSuNnZ2HahL3lQmjEwi1rIqwRSjmDYVpnE1 sRuZWtiZtYk7YWQSsZadCaZz78MHRlHtQ6iGXcRUxxlRg7gTFiyR798YZK1OcyTwpZgBHzl8 HEBl7HmmCk6yquCsgPUTmcSs1Q95Ql/KGYq0vmSfGEXITMmnUMF8gVTE3q8EqgoiM+usVWcS lmAWNxvmGNF4B30Ob9fP4S37ebxtM+6EIRN1DicRa1WVYC7M4+bDuzi9S5Nn8Xb8rCshaycy iVjLcoL53AJYCIsMU1sMpcyn8Ab7FN5kn8Yb7dMiYRkpYWQSsZZVCZbAUljG/dt8Am+dT2j/ NZ/EG+iTyoSRScRadiZYDivgM1hpGOR18zG8JT6Gt8XH8R78uDJhZBKxlpc5EqyC1bAG1sI6 eNl8GG92j+Cd9RG8uz6KhI+6EkYmEat9pSLB5/AFfAnr4TnzQbxfPqS9AC8inTvhYyET1ewU TiLWsjPBBtgIm+Ar+AaeMO/HO+H92tPmA3g/fIAnfNCWMDKJWMvrpQRf8wTfwvdGFL7DjsL3 nwbeSO/Bm+m92qPwuHkfEt7nShiZRKx2K0EUJfiRJ9gCW+Fn+AXuNu/U7jXvwvvaXXjLvJsS Pgz+hPeHTtQxnESsZV+CbbAdfoWdsBv2wn641bwNb423a7fBHeYd2l1IeI8jYWQSsdp/4Qn2 wAE4jD13DHJwPp2A0zjHr+L94hrev3SzuGaYJbQiZkntFqQsyROydgqW6D5KVIxqZ2NwFAny 0PsZ9H4Jz7m/kEAzb9VM9M6uCdlbh5fD6I3Vxeo7C+fhAnpivV3BW8vv8KdhXROqt0cfuDdI b3/prLerOGMXwhyYBZ9yM3HufuKyTJjJfcrNwvk8B+bjhFyIE3IRTsfFOJuW4FxaihNhKU6E pTgRlmI/LsWpsAR7klmMfbkYJ8Mi7M2FsAC7Yz751pgHc2A2zIJPYSa+9gl8DDNw/Qzc+yF8 gHbeJxuN6WQDmYb+pqFfZioyTEWWKWQdrDUmkzXGJGRlJiL3RJyrzATUwYxHTcw41MeMJcuM MdxojE0WN4obyY3ghsMwGApDuMG4dxAMhAFok+mPfvpBX/TbFxn6kFVGb2RjeiFrL2Tuhfw9 UUdP1NQTtfVEnZYNsBE2wVekF8apF8arF8bP8h3asvTBKcT0hSEwNKDvAhqCNn0GoZ8B6K8f +u2LDH2QpTdy9UbG3sjaG5l7I3tv1MD0QT19UBfTF3X2IysxDivRzmdkIAyCwTAEhnLDcM1w bgQ3Evczo9Aek4X2LWsxT8w6zNnn8AXm8EtYjzndiPndhLn+Cr7G3H+DtfAtmYz6pqD+qTAN zwtmOk7t9+ED+BBmwMfwCcyET2EWzIY5uJ6ZC/PQxnxYgDYXou1F5Bus/6+xF76CTdgbG2l/ LEOuZci3DDmXIe9y5F6O/MtRy3LUtYysgpXwGe5ZActhGdphlqJdZgn6sPZ46H8rJviJ8aVu /frOWK2atgsjIdtJpivtIO9LPuA+hI9wzcfwCXyKtmbBbDx55sBcnP/z8ASar+3DqO1DBfvh ACo6yB1ChYe5I3CUOwbHIRtyIBfX5kE+7s9HWyfQ5klhnnbqBpwm88kppQXkJPW1GP0uQYal yLIMuZYh33LkXY78y1HLMtS0DDUuRa1LUfMSjMNijMsiPIUX4Dk4H0/kuTAH7wazYCae0h/D DHgfP58GU/H1yTAR10/AfeNw/1iM42i0l4V2szB2o9DPSPQ5EmM2EmM1EjlGIs9IjNNIZBuJ jMwojNUoZM5CdmY0xooZg3rGcuNQ33iYwE3EWEziJsMUbio3zeYUx9bNblx3CA7DETgKx+A4 ZEMOmUxyySQhD/1aJnDj8fk4GMuNwX3MaLQ1Gm1mkWOo7yh3BA7DIe4gHCBZGC82bsxozA8z BmPJjEVuZhxqGM9NIDuRxzKJmyyZEtAuhd2Sgu1crTB71vfSr2Hl/InVa5mv/YEVZllIfseq 81uMzwJZIvwp+UtyVfI3WaqwjFx1+Av+5P7gfoffuCtwmbsEF+ECdx7OKZxFf07nyBLhvOSC 5KLNYvRpuYxxYq5g7CwLkG8BavpY+wcnm9sMhQ+VLmOlWUajL8tFrEbmAneeO6c0KizXHK4H lIWv2/3D/e1wVRit9JcwRriKHeU2jmjmdLzhT4Dx3Di8czNjJWMko10MkuUSJSnsUMhmVFCF uZLcbSFlKZWEElAcbiWj8V3NaK0Y6ipKxuI7nXHoc7rD+wF84PAhcjIz0O4CWAiL0A+zmBQn S5DDrWQAt4Vwu7A0gGW4zq+kQwlJce5W7hauGBTlinDREpMzuChJYUkhBd1mqcISpUIOhR2i JEZAi5E7kEWShbjWZwG5Fsa/yRX86fEHfaf4F77bHw/jYCw3hhst3C1kkbskd0rusBkVtgcc HgwqSzJaMhM+hVkwB+ZqD5nzYD4s0B4mC7VHMKLMoxjlx+BxeAKehKe4p+EZskh7Fp4jC7Xn 4QW08wLaZF5E+y+iH8scGM+Ng7HcGG407pFloT2/5yTPOjyDuoN5VvKqwmskSzKfWyBZqL3O vQFvcv9yWRSWN8limzccXidLyGvcq5JXsAN9XhaWkZdslpMXI24JLJIsdHkhgOdxvWUx5tTy LNpjniFLsc4sT6EG5knuCXgc/TOPwaPwCD57GB4iS7G+l2KvLNHuR7v3o5/70Od9mMd7Ma/3 Yl3eizV5rzkb+3cW7fGCnRZPFbK+Syyvbdaq4Tlj94FN1YA+1Kpw5cxPtLLce9i5lk+1MmQW KY30ljncXO1dMo+bj8+YBZKFpAxGxOc9shh9+ZWD8lwFqIhrmEpQGfczVdBeVbRvmYfa5sIc mM2x2qfCeMD3z9jlVbGzq2KHVSGj0M4otDkKfYxCX6PQbxb6H408Y5BtLIxD3gkwEfVMIu+Y k8nb5hTtLa6U0mTtf1wp3F8K7ZRClrfQ5tto+x308S76Ko0+y1C/rH+WYyTyjESukcg3AjlH IPMI5B+pVYcaZJRWE2rhvlpow28MNxbGabXRn2UuzIP5sAAWwiKtDlcXY+y3SKvnUJ8sFBrc tEWSxWiLWYI+mKXoeynyMMuQz1KLq8nVIEsxFswSWAyLMD7MQgW2TnwW2lQR2LpiFmPcmSVY b5YK6Kc8WYb5sZSF98hyzJ2lNPcuPmfegbfJUsw5s4SUQvuWRdxCrJEF+O98bh7MxbVzYDbu Z2ahPeZTtD0T/TCfoF+2Pz9Gno9Rw/tCVZvppJrLNIfQ/7Zh8FOoG72zrNNizH5cX+gDvSW9 hOakp9CMa+rQxKVHSE3N7i7NHJo7xAjdSKwkTuhK4gPqQhLCkOjSVTIP5sMCbiEskizWkgJI xipzSgnAEwYvWRrCMhtPGFIgGZK4REjg4iGOi4UYaA7NoCk0CaAxssiakCU2TblmkuYYN1mM sIhbyC3g5tMaL9iOGc1/dbesNkBrhd1i6SPpLemltXZog93g09ahHekltBd6S/pwfbl+XH/J ANKODLRp69BG0tqhlTlA0l/Sj2O1T+YmwURugk1LPM9kLSSZkgybcQGMJZmSFsIYtO/XShiN enyyUCszCvX7jBTaCSMURmJcnUbBAm4ht0iyWOvgskTrKOnEdXbogp3g1Bk7xqkTZEKGQzpZ qpSB9mWZkhaSlmSxTSuyiFvILaB1ULDdNYCeRxu0npg1y2iHLNIDukO3ALoKo0i3GzJS6K40 gvQQhiOTzzCtl81QrbcwhBus9SGDhL7YbX4DXPqRgQ6DYDiMcBhJ+nNDYKjCsJBGKWQFNFRh CNdf0o+MdhgDc2AezIeFuHYRGYDVNpAs0QaRxdpgyRBuKK71GYb7VYa7LBKGkcXCUPTlMwQ7 hhlMliGDZSA3AG+RTH/oR5Zh3pZhbi29cV9vtMP0Qtu90Fcv9N8Tu6Yn6u2Jt8eeqL8n3hjZ ui/YLjILsV2k6++j5U9xlvqNk4xVGOMwmsx0+AQzyHws+Ugyw2aUy0cOCxQWumSRBQrzHeaR 0cJcMkabQ8bCOG02xmM2nk2z8LyahWfXZHODNsncyG2SfGUz0fw6pAkO4yXjuLEOY4SvbEYj g2Ujt4GMMdcHNJZ8ScZx47kJ3EThC9Tl87k21VwBywNY5rCUW0KmYGUzozG+WRjnLIw3Mwrj z4zEvDAjAhgeUaOURnBTApgqZAlTFCZLJilMJKNtJtiMCWJsEOMCGO/C9n/BTpID/FepntPL a/eY57R7hfPCfS4XyP0uFwN6wLxEHjej9MdNQ3+CmJJo/UnJUzZF9Kclzyg8S4q6PCMUEx5R Kqo/rFSEPESiwQRDvwu13IW67iQXtDu42+E2jFFJKMEVFy6EcNHhEkTpxdGfxZREkxIOJbnb hCL67dwdCneixjuUiuEeu9skJUlR9GkpDrdyt3DFJEW5Ilw0Z4JBiulRksKSQjZFdV2pCCnk UFghSsHAWPmYNiZyygwuiisMB7Vo8wDs5/ZxezVTYpA9QhRXmCvkoJPdNoXMXTaFuSgwOBOi uSLcLdytXHGuBJTkboPbuTvgTsldcDfcA/fB/cjyADyIjA/Bw6jtEdT8KOp/FGPxGMbkMfMQ 9vsROArHIRtyIBdfy4N8XHsCTuLeU2jjNJxBe2fQ7lm0fxb9nEN/5+hsKo42i+NrxfG5Uwl8 3ed2uAPuxOd3wd1wD+67F+5DH8z96O8B9PsA+n8QOR5EngeR60FkfBBZHzSPwVE4wh3GtYe4 g7j/ALcf7TH70D6zF31Z7sa43MXdyd0Bt8NtXEmuhKQ47vXbx+3nDtA4RO7XOF5CLy+hV5+X Mat+u4RXyE7hVclrDq8Lu8gbwm5uj2Qvt4/bLzmA+2UH0b7dqw6vCAfIy8J+4SX0Y9lLXsbp /DJWjOUsnJGcxjVuL5JT5AXJ80GddHmBnCAvSl4S8pHB7xWsVOZVrFaf17Cr/LLJ6yHlkDeE wvobONEsBmdKosmbkn9J/o1T1Oc/LkVD+jc87/BcQEWE5yUvCNH6iw4vuZj6y8SQROlsLRRs d1UszHZXYe0lvaz2hlbevMb9I5Qjf2tluffMq6SM+Rf3p1aa/KG9S36H37R3yBW4DJfgInce zsFZXHcGTuPek3ACbeWj7Tz0k4s+c9F/jlYBKmENVIaqXDWuOtTA15maUAv31IY6XF20VY+r zzXmmgTQ1Cbf4YTkpE0TckpojJ/7NJI0lDQQTimchjNwFs7heuY8XICL3CXJZVzHXIHfuN9J fcyL5U+MBfMXqYt5ZOpgXn1qY75rcTXJNVKDqy6pxlXlqnCVuUrmdaGipIKkvKnpTDmHslie aoUcCtuUI1GkvKSCpCLUgtpQB3upLtTj6mOfNYCG2HeNSBG9MfZxY7zRNSG3wK1QHErCbXAH vn4nrr0L992N++9BO/eivfvQ/v3o5wG9pvmgXgOqmQ/pVaASVIQKUA6fl4X3oAyuLQ3v4r53 4G208RbaegttliJ3w11wB3c7dxt5C5l83jZLcMXRluVdZGdKo44y3HuoS1YW9fq8R4oIZTAm ZTA+peFdjJclCm0zhblCIejCu5LSgoY+NPTH1sF1jSlHrkln1DV8fgEuwWW4Ar/hmt/hD/gT 1/yFNXaVVMTaZiphTVfmqkBVqMZVx9drkKtY81exB/6CP7En/oDf4TfskStwGS7BBTgP5+As vn4GTsMp3HcSTqCdfMhDm3loP5dUg6pcFagMlbiKuK4CyUf+E3AStTCnUN9pOAPn4DzVXx7z VQ5zWBZz+h7mtwzmuzTmvjTWQmmsi9JYI6WxNktjzVjuxjX3wL24/l7cdx8ph7VWHipg7VWE SlAZqkBVqAbVoQat5fuxf9i6Zuv7PuwfttbZmmfY+r8L7oQ74HYoic9LwK247hbccwvuLYZ2 iqHNYjqroWDPsbH0q4yV9QS8MSXgbcmyF/Zwu7ldQjzZSeIUYkOICWlHmH51iQ0gTiGe/CIk OCQK27UkSbLws01KmDwBnXA4qeQVTgipWPVMGnZAOnZDBmTiyd4CWuJp3xraQFtoB+3xeQfo CJ1wbWfc1xn3d0FbXdB2V+yartg1XbE7u2LXdMWO6Yqd2xWnUFecVF1xanXDCWYxuWihu0MP oYjek+vlUjSIYrjH0oPrDt2gK9eFFNU7QyeuI3SA9tAO2kraBFVEaCtpJ2mPepw62Jjo38fg ouACxv08nIOzmIczcBpOYV5OwgnSDvPRluRh7vIwh3laK2jJtYBMyCD5mHc2/2wtMGx9nILT WDPMGTgL5+EC6LoHc2kpDFGc4WA6ROtehVShiJ4mSVfIwPj6pCukcTEKzZWK4Gt2sZI4Ek3i HRJQk58BUVxhKETnYmT+b+gAzIoln8vT+jv0dehjk3sDcnB/aP1wEjj1N48LA8xjwkDzqMMR bRA5LAw2D3EHuQNkSEgHJce5bG2owjDIkoxWynEZY5NrM1rICyjLYRgMVRiCufW7Dro+FKtp KFbVUKywYVhpw7DyhsMIbiQ3SjD1LG40MYQxQpTE0Mdy/q+bkmjc61ME7VpGYfcwI0kxZLEM 54ZxQ2EINxgG4XpLEX0g2mQGoJ8B6HcA8gzAzhmAugfgPXQA3jfZui/YLppHu+hXbTxaHI9R tVzTJgQwUbjOafpENDQJySYh4WQknYzEU5B8KqqYBu+jog/gQ5hBiugfwcfcJ7h2JjH1T4kB UfoszK6lEOigwXVtFvr/lPwDf2szyVXtE+5jvCV/RP7UZsCHeFv+AN7HG/N0mAZT8eY8hVzR JpPL2iRyCTVd5C7AedR9Ds7CGfz8NJyCk7j2BOTj3jy0k4c2c9F2LvrIQV9MNvrNRv/ZyJGN PNnIZvkEZnKf4tpZ3GxuDtrxy+NOwWnJGZfZNqfJLHIKTsIJ9JcPeeg7DzlykScX2XKQMQdZ c5A5l7zPTcd1zDSSjzqZE9xJ1M6cgtPcGXx+ljtHpmEcmenkAtq9gD4uoj/LDIz7R/Ax5uAT mIk5+RRmYY5mk99R3x9kLuZ0LuZ3HrkKf8M/cA00fR7WyjysmblYO3OxjuZgPc3GupqFNfYp 1ttMWnNFsfaKYh0Ww3oshrVZDOvUMh2mcVNhCkzGtcwkmAgT0IYlGvvGx9TZPirYjnyGvnO4 XV9nVNcs1WzWKlV1WQOrYRWsJNW0z7gV3HK077PMqCEsNWpytcgSo7akjrA4oNo2S41KAS0L S2Wl5aSKywqFbyXfOXxvUzmASuSHm/AjqYwf1w6gjsv3+FytFtQk32GuLNWFbzGvsm9IVe1r bgOsd6kmfKlU3SEV0rh03OeTQTYEsFFhU0iZYWjhsjGADdx6yZdCpvYF97nQAvvOby23RrJa YZVLprBS+rElQ1gtWeOw1ibdZh1J41Lp7IjMr2FsRUuWalxVSRWHytoWh8036KcbUiksm8Ow Rahos1Vhm00F8nMI20n5MFVwaOjyC2nk0NDlV9JA20Hqazthl1FP283tgb2wD/bDAe4grmMO 4T7mMNo5jD4sjbUjRhNoCs0hBryQCmlcuiRDOKpwzOE4dkVoLYRjkqPcEe4wd0hyEA5w+7l9 kr0kM6R9yOq0X+GAS7rNQYyXpRk5gHE9gPG1NIZGZD/mwGcf5oTZy+3BXO3mduHnzE7Omnvf WvCtlcZcE6ynptCM83KpXJpDOu5RyVD61WGHTSbZGYR1TQubzfCTTWaYMnCv3RaHrUK6QxqX Cl46EyP3t+GcxA7yORFUrEIcFw8JkAhJ5KSRDCng0U4hNXMaFTBnUA1zFtWdk5wnGdoF7iJ3 CS6TdO0K9xvu/52kan8IXpc/Q0oN6Q/qh/WZgb4zkScTuVogYwvkbYHsLVBLC9TUAvVlotZM 1J2BcWDStXzcn4d28tBfLsYjF2OTgzHKwZjlYOxyMJY5GONcnGi52Al52Bl52CH52C0nsHNO YhedgtPYYWfgLE7Jc3AeLsBF7hJ3Ga7gOuY30oD8ThqSP9C2pTH5E31amnLNJM0lMS5s7ZzC 187BebgAF0kz5GmGPH5XhKaSJpLGXCOuIblMGpBLqIm5yF3gznPnuLPcGcLGz6ch8vo0Qn6m saQJxp1pKmkWlpOkuRIbo8j9CeUvjL0Oe/DWGI69eEuzrDL2wwG8GfocxHdqskNkhXFYckRy VHLM5jPjuEM22vdbxa2WrMF1zFpuHdphPkf7liPcYdTLHOK174Lt8DO+to3binuZLWjLsgZW wyp8vpJsQ66fYTsy/8L9SpYbO8gybqmx02EHWSJZivuWoo2laG8Z2mWWo48V6Iv5DH2vpP5Z js3Isxm5LOvgc4PNq+VLsgXfKTBbhQ1oz+9nbjt3BI7CMe442UiyhU02x4WvXI7ZfB3ScYds 3Oe3ycgRNhq5ZINkveRLkkO+INlw3OVzWh/BHCfrJGvRls8atM2sJrlkFbdS8hm3QrJcsozk kKUkmztOlpBj+PFR7gh3GPcwh8hy7DufFdiTzGfYp8xKWIc9vI728e4w7OJ7w65gp1A9+g7t Wf0H7IIfsOotv0p+Udiufe/wXQDf2vxMvlP4nmwjPzj8iJ3i8xPZorQZu+xGbSFbuJ9hu+Rn m61kG9lGtpKfyRa81fr9gnaZX7kd3E5uF+zGdcweshVv4Mw2vJEzP8N2vKX/Ar/CDtgFRyRH AzjGHeeyhQMuOeSgw6GgcoM6yB3g9nP7uL3cHm437OJ2KuywyRF2KuyyyUbbge3B2Pgd447C LtiBa36FX9DOdvgZ7W9Dv9swn9swt9swz5afuW24Zhutke3cL1g3zK+wg9sJu+AId5Q7Jjke QLbSVpscss3hZ6Vcl22S7yTfKuUofefwvZBNfnA5LjnGHeV2FvCE68ffs6ppl/GG+Qu3nVzA bFm2kfPYgT7nyBa8dVrOwGnulOQk2Yo3Rks+2Ya3fuZnfBfAbCc56DsHq4HJxmrIRnXZWA3Z ON+z8RzIxvtPtrEP9sMBOIhrD8Fh3H8EjqLNYyQfo3WCZKP/bGTJRjbLGTjLnSPHUZPPMdTq cxTjwBzhDvPx+Rq+kmwSLrhsJOcdzoVtg3De4YLDRWO9yyWXL/GdRXBXwnIEjnLHHI4H9VsQ vwvHbP6wOerg/LrPcYXsgH5X+M0mB/ndLtvkYozDdzGgHIVsheNBXQjgPO71sfZADjkr5GKf +J2WnOJOwgnIhzzIxX1MDtrLRh/HyVHtGNbKMeydo9irR7Fnj2LvHsU+PoL9fBT7+ij2+FHs 9aPY88ew949hjx3HeZCNsyEH50Quzow8nCNMPpzA28FJOAWn4Qx3FtiZdJ67gPsu0H+3YCyc NnNfF/AEHUH/h/9r7WvzALeffGXuk+wVNjlsNPeQDdx6hy/Dstthl7DeYYPDRm4T9xX3teQb 7nvJD5IfuZ+4zdwWha2SbcJuhT24xm8Lt1nyE9lLfnT4AeNu2c8d4ArrP5hRYHAm+ZFECz85 bJZsEYroWx22hVRUaatkC2yGH+EH+B6+476Fb8xi+tfwFbcJNsIGWM99SYoGUMRlvWQDtxE1 MpskX9mY5GtiQBR3IELfee0xL2h7zPPabvMcd5Y743Ba2yXZKdkhnBJ+dTmJz+12khNkF7fb zCd7SJ62V8Dbu00O2W+T7XJAKcfhlM1BclI4hFzMYWRijpA87SjJ1Y6RHO04ZHM56CeXy4N8 OAEn8bVTcJrg7IezaOcc2jyHPs6jv/Po/wLG/ALm4wLm5oJ5EXTdUsihsCSKM8AULmIlOV0i Rchl7orDb0JRlytCMeEyXOIuwgU4z53DtWe5M3AaTsFJOAH5QeRJ8pHH6QR3UohG23aniSkx uCgoDIXgIubkPJzFHJ3GXJ3CnJ3E3J3APOZjTvMxt/mY53zMN3MC838Ca+EkOYzrD+E+5iDm 7yDaOYg5PIA2D2CfHUD7BzCHB9CXpTBESQyJKRy0iRYOSQ6jbp8jkqM2RQM6ItnB/RpSEZsd kp3cLmST7RZMzuCioDDOI6YQnUuR+Z2Bf5qa/qd5XbNcI38FcJVc5zT9Khr6G2n+Rrq/kfIf JL6G9NdRmRZdRNeji+qFIQoMUkQ3IZorEh2tFyWmXowYEKXfEl2YKwQ6aHBduyX6mlaM/AN/ a0XJVa0IFx39l2aCEf0niYr+QysMhaJ/13TQ4Lr5m3aNXNH+gb/Ny+SqeQkuchdQ73k4B2fh DJzG56fgJK4/Afm4Pw/t5KHNXLTN5KCfHPSXjX6z0X82cmQjUzayWYpAUa4Yrr2Fu5Urjnb8 8rhTcFpyxuVWm9PkFnIKTsIJ9JePfvNIEbQfDSb6NCAKCuPnTCHQSR5q8slHncwJcg3jYDkF p7kzcBZfZ84RLfo80ckFtH0BfVwkUWBEX0KGS8hyGZkuI9sV5LyCvL+RWzFnxTGHTAnMaQnM L1MS810S818Sa6Ek1kRJrJGSWCslsGZKYO2UwDoqjvV0K9bVLVhjxbDeitKaK4q1VxTrsBjW YzGsz2J6IdA5jbuOU/ka/IOd/Dd3Ff7C2mb+xDr3M/U/C/w7A32/4/0ezJQln9yN0Xe60+EO m9wbkEPuDClbu8vh7ujjwj3RxyRHtXttjmj3kcOSQ9r95CB3QHggqIOS41w2eVDhcckTSjkh 5AaQF9DjksfgIXhQ4QHMrd910PUHsXIfxMp9ECv3Iazch7ByH4ZHuEcljxFTf1zyBO7zeVKI khgKpvAE2vQrgjYtj2HHMI+SYshieZh7iHsQHuDuh/twPXMv2rgXbTL3oJ970O89yHMPdus9 qPse7N57sIvZuo/c39/wQvRe2CPZLdmlvWizU3tJ8rLDKw6v4h673eQ19OO3l9tHXo3eLzkg vEIOCi87vOTwIq6XvYD2/PZxe8mLOHdfjD6HHzNn4YzktM3zkufw3PB51uEZpZPkWYfnMKM+ z0teIPnkRSEP9TG5qNsnh7xCsl1eVcpxKKy/itVmMTiTvEaibV6XvEGK6G9K/mVTNKA3Jc9y z4RUxOVZyXPI4/O8wwuCyRnCi6idrYXIPKNKYfYs+Vyey38l/3HJvQE5Nv8NKJv8z+Y4svgc 094SjpK3hSPkHTyb/A6Rd7HjLAdcSisdlBznsoUyDhUdKrnkhJAbQJ5SRYcK8B6UkZQW8iXX QddLYzeVwWoqg1X1HlbZe1hxZaEcV15SgZikIlcJ98kqkyiJoWAKldCmT0XsCJ8K2D1MeVIM WSxlufe4MlAa3uXewfXM22jjbbTJvIV+3kK/byHPW3hGlULdpfCMKoVnVKkCP6N8/1pKTZyz NXF21sQ5WROtWvK1GkKeUN2hGlfVJleropTjUpWrA3UDylXIk+RzV7V6eA+vh9Gph1VSDyNV DyNWHyNXH6ulPkaxAUaTaYiRbcQ1xkg3gabQDJpzMfhaLBeHe+IhAW0wiWgvEe1adD0JfSWh zySMZRLGMgljySRiLC35kjwtwSFeEsfFok61nKA84LXJleRxhXQvarBE6amCoadxGUFkCiZ+ Hlq6EE3SJKkSL1a/j0coqqdIkkkxIcnlliBU16slkiJgcoZClMT6LMHGxLphorGGLLFok4kh RbHWLM3QH9OUawKNuUbQEBpAfVxbD+ri/jpoj6mNPmqjv1rIUQtzWxNrsibWZE2syZrYD2yP R+aZ2xar2ZLP5bm05lop5d6AHKXWLtlCG+E4svgc09oJR4X25Ah3WOsgHOIOah3JAaVOLgcl x7lsm86SHtDToZdNTgi5AeS59HTowXWWdLLJl1wHXe+E06ITVlhnrLTOWHFdsPK6QjdJd0kP XMP0FAy9l0uU3lswFEzSi0STnqQI6UGKoj9LN+wQpivXhevMdYKOXAdc354UgWi9HTHBgCi9 LXZSW9TdFjupLXZR2wI/c+Xfiz8k+pLNYJfLwiDhiuQ3+B3+wDV/wVX4G21dg+vaUKQeivTD UMVwzNwIEqWPRHWjIAuVMqNhDDcWIzCOGw8TYCJMwtcmwxTcN5VE6dPQ3nRSiLwv6AqFbD6Q WJ8VVppOfbF+iyBDUWQpilzFkK8Y8hZD/mKopRhqKoYai6LWIqg5Wh+Mewbh3oHIOQDt9EeG /hiTfng/6Icx6hv9J/wOV/DzS3BB64/vTfvje9MBOCsH4hk+CLM9BKt/KHbDMOyqEdhxIyEL RmN3joVxMB4mwER8PombjOunwFTcy0xDO9PQ3nRyEk5p75PTcAbOah+Qc3Ceu8BdlFwi73Ns 3QzFNaNhDIyF8dwEmIh2Jkkmo32fKejPcoY7DafwNeYknCCTkJ2ZiDomkFy0n4vaLWNhDIzm smAUNxLXj+CGow1mGNochvaHklOogTnNncEaPsudk5xXuGAzRGGoJNTOrdb2xSA7dwf9y7T5 +lojU18Nq2Cl0UL/DFbAclgGS2GJw2KXTJdFAWUUQDqkQSp4IQWSIQkS0W8CF68QF0BsADFc c0kz1N+UawKNoRHXEBpgvJj6XD2yzKjL1cG4MrXJCqMWxtuy0qhJVhk1yGpujVFdWMut4z4P 4guFL0NYfwM2cBsVNrnUCKBmALVuQO2gNmK8A9kQpvWkNsbI8gX3uWSdw1rJGlJHWB3AqpDq Yo2o1FOo/3+kgc1nQkNJI2EF9sgK7JUV2DOWZtCci3GwPv8sgJW4V2VVAKuFpi5rglgbwDqH zx2+UPiSWy80w5ryaS6JUYgl64P4kvsCPufWwVpujWS1ZJUQhzG0+8xhhcJyIV4hAWedLFGS xCVzKTgjPZyXS1VIC2pZEMsVVnArYRWshrXoZx18Dl8ix3olj80G4g0ilUvD9ZYv8Rz7Aj7H M022jltLMknBnvJ9oqz387baZn0rZobZRuIcYv9PbS2ALSQupM0u8TY/KSWQH29YokKSzU9Y 3YFsxtedtqANuwTUL4vXv8WK8PnmBn0dxFcBWF/PCOobrGSnb7HKme+w8pnviTcMnqC+w2kR WnJQ37qkkG9sPKhN5sV4qKTiLSNcXgePQ0pAXyGnz9fcN1gzdonkW8k3WDdq8QpxIcSGEEO+ Daq5zXdBfC/EOMTqPwhxDvE2PwpxSj8pxQqblWKwN5nm2JOWbXiaMz+TpsL2IH5R+BX32zV3 iJHESuKEX1CvXwL68klEJibJZltQycJWmxTU7+PBmDh58blPKq7328b97LBdyUt+UfhV8JAd QorLzpCSI0Ru0wupZAdJQ06fdNRgt90mA2Pits0mU9iqsMVhM8kgPwWUTn4MKI38EAHfK6UH 9J2QYfOti/8ZWbC3p830ayTZ+h6js81umy4RsSuAnUF1dugIHaAdtIFWaKMFZECazW6SquB1 8LjssvEKO21Sb4DzXidPGELv7l0uSWR3QIkue3CSqsULe0mcsA8ntF2MsJ80D6CZ0gHSVDiI 76/9Ggd1SGgU1GGXxkE0UWjq0MzmEGkeREwYYoWDJI6LlyRgjBIhiezHvO/HmtiPNbMPa2sf 1t8+7IV9OFn2kgzIlLTgWmJufVpxrSVtQmiNNnxacS0drL72od99yLEfufYj3wHkPIDMB5H9 EGrxOUwShCMOR5UShWM2ScJxkixJ0bOVPHqOQq5CHklRyr8hniC8YUhFn5ZcjC+Tw2UHcDwM x5RSyVEXLzkSlIccDpsXayKYVJuDyGdJ5zKwxjK5Flh3LaEV1xrrkWnDtYV2WKtMe66DsAfP IbdON6GzUsGe6q34n47/VUtkf/+W/htcwUgwlzESl+AiXMCInFc4R9JtznJnJKfRns8p9GHx ch5yEiva4hFO2KhXcZ60isPjvQEeB7brkskJkkROkkQuAeIhDnXFQnNohtqbQhNojDFpBA0x Tg2gHsatLsazDtTCWMtqChdJDXLJqE4uG9WEK9xvkt9Jda4GVxNqcbWhDlcX9zD1oD7XAG0y DaER+mEac02QgWlKLqLGi6iVuYAnEnMe9Z/HODDnMCbnMDY+Z5USw5AEyZCCdjzkPObqAlyU XOIuEw/y+/2Ge5nfHf4gHgVvWNgeYs5jLOyaIp9TE5uLpHEQjWwuYU78GjjUv0n1lC4LdQX2 +UVSH/kbSBqS88hoacw1IedQu1szSXNyVohRiOVicK2sOfpoTmNesJMxkf87coX1qjgbr+Kc k/1F0iVpNyDVwevgCelPl8Br0c8bhCdC5L2ULPxJkshf2MM+V7Hnmb+FePKPTZzNNSFWuG4T o2umU3NdD1MhSWGbmBtWyIx1KRxAlBAjGAomF01iSREhLixFzfgAErhEUoQkcckOKUK04HEx ibdADJIaligzjRQ200khkoG59dPMTOG6Ybkm+Yf728ba+1Goxy8FfcqSA0hSSBSiSIJQOIhC uDYQnSTZaCTZ5rrhk0KuYe9avFyqQxqu89MwvjrGmilEvMjmFeNiYoz90kNII9FCKtaUjxfr UOYRigkpwi02yQrOa9RuFTxh8LrcIqTaFAugKOoOpIhNOokOQB73gj3/DtHfT9FSqiQUTxDB Rls1S5ZbXZJuQqJePKQElxIu8QGV5Kyfx92A2IBKBnAbiQnodqE5ucPhTnyNuUuI1e++IXH6 PUrxwr0YL0sil8QlS1JwrY+H80pS0Vf47gkpjbN/fq/kPvTrdL/gIQ/YpLg8eNM8QXjDkKr0 gFKacL+Qjnr97sUJ4nSPSybG3u8umxZYZ3Z3SG4nmQ4ZknQuDdczqZwXPGiPSeGSHZJs7sAa dEsQble4Ddf4lCRJpATat0vBeXEjPEJ4TxeP4qmifrpYvAU8+afyXxNK1E5oj5mNdbtGCg0d GpDHhfrCEw5PmvWCqKs/5fC0wjMB1ZPU5xrYPI28do2Ep0hj4UmlJqgjuMddnGManHv3eoNw nlAqoU6tZJuHhCSXh10SbR4hCTaPCvEujwlxNo9LniDxGHtZgkIilyQ8hTosKQ4e4WkXL9YK 4wnp2SCeQz9OzwfkCcAbQCraY9LQVxqypJOn4SmHJ2/CEwqPo5/AUsljSt4weMijNikujwTx sOARHhK8Ad3ME7ZgJ+5k+n/rP+qv4pno84rDyw4vhSXzJmQEka6QFtDLGBk7r4IniJSAXrFJ DsvLQbyklCK8KHiEFwSvS7CdWnDB2g90cgQ6aZIDegEnZmCJGAOVBPJSQPHkZaU48ooQi70g i9FfU3hd8obkTSFWEsfFSxK4RNzHJDkkS1LI6zaeILw35Q3iuQFWrjddkvV/Sf6Nepj/oM7/ kgT9f1wpjIXsLZJg83ZAiTbvuCSFkKy/K6QoeEjpCCrjkiK8p5TM+X7u4bxCWfpvKtpg0tAP k47slncc3lZKI2/ZpAql0IfT/5BDLYX8N0z/ETwB/dvGa/MvpVTypk0aeUNIJ6+TDPKakIm9 79OigE/ba4Wt72+66321GmYHvbrZkVQzO+lVSWe9ClQ2u5BKUNHsSipw5SXlgigbwHth6SKU CUtnhU5cR+jAtUebTDtoizxMG+Rtg3paQyvU2Ar1tkTtLWwqYgbsMkgFIZ2UJ2kOqRIvKYcV VD6EcpKyxGvj332pLmUEbwCqU8B9GrhPBOskKMuVwwkmK48TL5AKJEEhHmOpEidUEmJJZTzd mCqkOdauTzOsZ1lTUt2hBmlCakpq4ftOn9oKdXBNcE0DaBZAc5vaCrVQoyUWGWOROY5UxxhV Iwmom0nEWMiSMEZOyVxKAJ4QvC5VhNQA0khVm3RSDT+uTlJRUyrq86JOD+r2YDxS9Lo2yUE4 r2U84IVUtJWKNtNILfRbk2SgT7/q2NdqLYQapKWklVATZ4hfG66tQjulGjbtw9QhpCq4TlYV 7fu1dWhjU4W0VmhlUzksrW0qKbWxqXjT2t60CgG1E8oL7YVyQocQOrqUDaqTTTnS2aY8VMDn TEWohPsqE2v+C/bm0Im+T1+je7D6A0n5P5CM3eeX4ZDukOaQGoI3AI9DikKyJEmSKEkIIF4S B7GolYmBZtAUmnCNoZGkoaQBxt2nPlePqyup41A7pJQbkBxEkkIiMjAJXLwkDnlVYoOqE0Rt hVpcTUkN9KNSncQrJDgkSpICSA5DCqlGPJyXS3VIc0iXZDhkBtCCVLdpGUGtwlKDqxmmWkHU DqmlpAWXSWphrGph/GoLaTekDu4Jpq6Q4VIviPoBNCDpLg0VGnGNkbMpNIdYrKM4SIAkrLEU Bc8N8IaQKkmTpEsyJJkR4RECP798CvakXMD/rP0y/SOtMypmOgmpQkchLYh0vQPJIO1RAdOO tNDb3oA2QbR2aEUyJRmSdC6N84aQSlqG5A3AE0CKUiuSfENa42ndGk/jNtgNbfAUbouncFvs kHZ4ArfDbmlPGik0JB2w4/zqk4429Vw6CXUD6owTQ6223sWmFulKapJupIbeneuBU9anJ6lG egVUXejt0EeowdWU1CK9bWpzdRzqon2mHlcfmRpwDZG1EemO8e+OuWC6YV66Yn6YLjjBumC+ OguxNp1InE1HzLNdAuYrkETMbzBJLu2CSpakcB7OK0lVSAtLe5JKOqCtDmi7I0mBZIxBEpco dEatPl0kXTE+3UiCQqLQHe1Zkh1ShB4KPW+ax6UXPvfpHWF9QvJIvDa9MQ/h6KWURnpKeki6 O3STdHXogvYC85LOATW16YJ9GFhjoWtQjVy6kYYKDWy6k/oO9UgPm7oOdRRq/3/THf3Z1UU9 PvVIV1Jf6IJa1RpiLkJppNSJNA6iCemIubY0Ix1w3lpiHGJvUAza82mOvnyakc7EvuYK9lY2 gv/OrmJ6Ka0v3l7c0kgfpVQF3+5mPBLfqZEcUB+clG6JDgmkr0u8QpzezyXWpr9LDBlAmusD JYMw+oEMDmCIwlDJsACGoz+7GEmszTDUpRZPhpIE9M0kksEkCdn9BmIOwjEA83hzPAF4lQYq pQqDFAbDEBiKa5lhMJx49BEBpegjwzAqbB7O6zIS2ZxGCGnIaRlG0slQIQO12Q12GCQZqDAg DP0l/SS+M2Ew1tYghYEkXhhAEhwSwzbQJUEYFFC8MNglLmyR/JOCYzB2stEkXZJ2A1IdvA6e kLIcwlun3iA8ESLvtWSbLJxPzGisA58xmG9mrBBPxtnE2YwXYoUJNjH6RJfm+qQwTZZMsYm5 IZNJrNKUAKaSGGGawnTJ+7ie+UCIC1M8+dAlgUvE132SuGSHFPK+jcdmuuC9adOE1LBMxR5j pmBfMpNJBubWb6KZKUzgxnPjJGNtrL0/FfX4pZBpQnIASQqJwlSSQKYEMZkkBjSJJNlMJMk2 E4QUMh61WLxcqkMarvObSFLRfir6ZbzI5xXjMh3j5JceQhp5X0jFuvLxkg8FjzBDSLH5SEhW SLkhH6P90Lw2H9mk2sxQ+JCkBfSBTTp5X8EaS/+4R+ZPCn7kqigQeUacgo2yapb8PrZJugmJ +ichJSjNtIkPU9wNiA3q0wBm4eQPZLbQXJgjmYuvMfOEWH3+DYkjC1zihYUYL0sil8QlS1Jw rY+H8wrzsSsiZQFJ41JtFtp49UUOiwUPWWKTorT0pniC8IYh1WZJUGnCYiEd9fotxAnitMAl E+PrN08y12zhMkcym2Q6ZEjSuTRcz6RyXvCQuRg3S7JDkjCHJCokkNkBzMI1Pp+SJDIT7dul 4Ky4ER4S3pPF/oRxn7mpCgX9k4L7otjJn1loHVoKZS16DGYNSQtotU26sEphJckgn0lWKKW7 LFdKs1lBUpWWB+QNwRO2ZYKXOHd48F0diDcA52kWivq0s596ycIykkSWC4nCCqUE8plNvLBS iLNZFcDqINYI8SEkSBLJapLEJXMpEg/6t1tt41VwXuO2xmEt+gpknU2y8DlJEr4gicKXJMFm vRBPNgQVp29UitU3BfGVwtdBxTnEcwmSRPKVUlIQyWQj9k84NgXlRVuhfY35dPqGpAjfCskR kHITPC7fuXhdviWp5BshDTWmofZ0solkYDx9MrGWfFpg3fm0xJpkWglfmK0d2mBt+7TFumfa ce2xP5gOwhrSUVhNOgmrzM42K80uNp+RrsIKyfIglil1CaKzzXLSSaEjWRGWDsgcSnuykrQT VmFcQ1lN2oTQGuPOtMJ8MC0xT0wLzJ9TpiRD+ALrxy/N5UusOTWvgycMKf+nvnD4HH2qWe9h BXvjG0K/A3qTvh0thc8TRAr5BacM8ytOVGYHTl1mJ05mn104sZndJI7sIbH6XhKj7yPN9f1w gDTTDwpN9UOSwwpHFI4qNQuiuc0RIYYcdolFHr+DqEnlAIlX2o/xCU8ixufG7A0oyWYP5k+2 G/MazC7Mv5tXabfgEfa4pCCHLBn5/fYjo9MBkmhzkCQIhySHSTw54pJwAxJtjgaUhK/LkoNI wfUqHuGYwnFJNq5XyXHxhOB1ycYJKjuOk9bnmJCOnG5HIuywwiGSZnNQSFXwch5yQEgJwbpu f0Besi8C9iKnbA9q8dktpNvsEjLITocdNplB/RoBv5AMsl1I59IKIPUm+Z9tkfl7P07iXcXp hCQ/gLyAMm9CRhDpJN8mLYhUBy/qcPIEkRKm5BuWH0IeSXHJRS4n1SkXWKrrBLxx3iA8AahP 9GzU6ZPjkuSSKyS65JEEpXwhXukEibM5ibcgn1Mkxua0wxnJWZtY/ZwQx8WTsySBS+SShDMk WZKi4HE5LXhdzoTN3a7PWZcUl3MkmZwXkvQLJFG/CJdQN3OZxOtXXBLIb0H8ThJDSHL5wyZZ kiL8KXgK5K8wXEU/gfxNkjnfzz2c1+Yq9ijzF85A5k+ck8wf3O8B/CakuVxBe35ectnGI1yy SXG5GBYPuRDCefQdzDmSanOWpNmcQd0+p/GskZ3Cc8nnZIH/TNKt/M8krdWralp0ps5cN+2u OfzD/S1kSNK5NC6V8+KeG+dcTf+/XJVW7o3xhslzE9Q78B+cGMw1IZFct0kgWrQsnug2cUIh pVi9sFKMHuXSXDccTNIsqOiAmroUuQFFbZoE0JgUExpJGjo00G8R6kvqkVuj60IdUjy6NtTS S0TX5GroJYXq+m2S211qkDtITXI72vKrzdVxqCvcRupJ6ruURB12DblGpATGw66JTXGMq10z h+YYC58YLpaL4+IhARIhCZJxXwopASWjPZCCvJbbJXfg2huXcpM8/we8Ybs9OpXcFp2G8UjD 2FiKw62SW0gqKSYpijb8PJIU7JVAkoNIconG5yom2nLzEMPGS6KEVFKYpAmFSLqNHp1hoxHr +WZibaklkGghXihC4oKIjaAY+m+0xEQfPgayWBIwHj6JGIskUghjXAhjqhMP51UqRDy4LwVt pKDNZBqLgr1VvMX/NrGi+v/r7U63oziuOIC7T+xw8sVvEBDaEhswKN4AG2zHcQAJtO+z9PTe 0yMhFtuxwIAdbywGbGwjCbCTR8iT5C3yEvmUf92uqamqru7pGcnhnJ9G50x3Vd3bVfeOODrw /XMH9m1YHRet/cI6t5ajZZDkaBaIu4j6EFq//78IStmPJ9fNAcHrwi3gGDTAhpo1gMo+gMo/ gO5wEJ3jILrKQXSe1LRiAB1LNUkOZFwwOE8GFBPkYMa4NWgwVMKwZoQbJRPWH7iXMP/LWNch OIw1H0Y8RxDjK4j7KJm1jiEXx9BVx5CXMXTTMeRoDF1zDJ0xVYEq1MgxnHTmKHLLvII8M0eQ 88PExXwu5vUwf+qPxMeaUqPcCPYIM8wNcYOKUBNpYk0TuU0NkoRrKYbodQ3Wce1FMkA2CKsL RxB3R0Wzyq3AMuJeggXEPo/Y5xD3LGKeQbzMNBlVTCF21XCBoRKy902TETJDRslsjjnNvGaB W8RYS7AMK2QYuciq/AqqGUPYl0PYkykbGuDg2brCUIZHhvE9MwKjxMGzcvDsmAaeY+pljMsc Eup43rIaOSKk+2Zvfl/7T9j55QRkzMjHe3m8Qq8q3D441mtdNYxeV9gl1XtQK/RGjjfxdPMc FyrCCclJvMe8JdSst3tSJ6cybOE08pVyOJfzJD6ubQu4UHgbFXavnCIxFylOK0LrHc27QkDe U/hGf+5LUCAsIVK8VygW3hWaiLfjNDqX7lRGC/nteEtyEh1Od0JynLQ0iaTJxbieibgQAnIS eUt5Glc4QRyDBjme401c0/YGccnrGF/lo1b0IiCv9iQk2ZobGezVb++U23VtRbu3vcM9633i Wn+BD5DVVMP6q2BbZ7izqCpt51B5mHFULGYClew8dwH9npkkK2RKM62ZyTGrWC1QITMZVYyf NYW1yyYRk+yCwlacFxq5JhROKeOluMI54glnia84kxEYhLnOkiDjnOCTccEjE4KLfJg4yKVq ErmSTUmmkW+TGbxXnlOSq/EK+IpZIciY08wLvrVQStBFaBAJ8yQmc5JZVPW2mT003cWUEAuT iijjAmJKBRq/0Hlck2eChHtmHOtsO0diclbRFM4oEtTcjg+MWqjXv573hQQ9Qtbk4l2I+tTp bbvrpqv0c9QhaxGnt8gSTr5uOcMRVkiDrEIF1YmpooMwNaij0zA2qWY0MirEMXA1nsbvqtpF TVLHmIyNuWzMb2NdDYWN+NvqxCU1roqcyirENwhyhD2I+hQLVU1NUtfYBg2MJ3M4F+tr8xAX 4wu+FRh5Jan3hT0JehBmBIitzUf8HueiYjAOSZCLlE1ayF+qxlW5CrfKrXDLJMF5ZJqKRcyn iiRhT0wdtD9lu3ubp2C1aHcV79/088N/rCYy1kRWEqwqQWQJnmSCGRPM0MIJbeHU7oWEuEIT 4zMx5mqLMHek7SZ5B5mFOYICeScqe7LCDJdEGQ5iaJAmKmGCypigSrZQNddQWVOrZJ2sKNYk LUkiaUriHkR9CI2WSZBriVsUwn0LuSJNzDU1iaalWStp3eBijg3FvOISmdPMksvCjOJKD64a zRaYK2m+pIVdWJQsSZYlK0ZXDC6XstpFBc9GV9XUJHWyQWyuwTmci33S5kl8SSAJuagnGzku CaHiMgmMrih8xdVSvFI+VPg5Ak0oXBUixRUSd3U5o9nVpR5soGdexCcOZn3fGlkj66SF75lE aJEmSbrau//zeRMnT7VIPlEskE1hXjNnXdNcF2YzPhVmhBuamyXcwhhtNzFXal6zoLiBeFRL mD/rurCccS3HpqDntJi+i68qO1wXlFDulH6Y4ZKPCjnkY0WD/C3Dxr7JUyebkmuS67im7VPS MHA4V+JxvuIG8mJyk4RcYHSrwGcKX/i8qyBHmCMin6Fa3SJNrK2JGJqIr5zrJVxTxIpNRVQg FD7JFRj42DPFPjb4CPdmhUrH6MbUTWR787dHf8fONPlCcBVfGjnkK6Fhfc19g5Nym9StO9xd fF5h7pGq8G2O+/jsY/JA81DzXSnVLmqSOsZlbMxnYw021tfQOIil4y7yw9wRPORC5yNPuiBH 2IOoZ7dJbHRHcldzT/OtEAn3JQ+wPuYhCZDbju8Rv5lX6JHg70LQg9AgwlpS3yF+5iE8QPVi 7pME+UjdIy1yl7vD3ea+4b7mvuK+xL3MFxhTFWsinOm2sE/p/Z/3rUwH8jFHW7Ym7d2/Pv8D spQVC48yIgP5qXd2hWm3PspwDRzFD6gmZnbGj6hKWTXhJ6Oq9VioWFvcNlk12inwRPNU88zg Z1LRVCU1TR33mdjkKWmQJ8ghs0Ncsi14iLUMH7npR5AjzNjKFZFtgx3uCTzFtcwz+JkE1i85 /oG1FflnzwIuNIgwZtYvJMY6O57h/DFPhQSxqXY025otg8dd/CT5UdKuCTvYW8y2ZovYisfY cyqntK2MBtkuZJMdo3ppeVX1d3j9L2om+zMyuP+5QVFZX8Dr6G9fxFdWeQ88b+HrUetfL8gj sRF+Q/f+Dx66mtC2CwAARABkAAAAAAAAAAIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8CQ3N+gD6AMAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA8ABPAwAAAAsgQK8AgAAAACBAAAAAoAACMAC/AM AAAABEECAAAA/wEAAAgAAAAQ8AQAAAABAADAMgAH8DILAAADBCCEcD2X4NzTAFXMFsv60qD/ AA4LAAABAAAAY2kAAAAA0ABgIRvwBgsAACCEcD2X4NzTAFXMFsv60qBsNQAAAAAAAAAAAAAB AAAAAQAAAECgWwCg9IgA1AoAAAD+eJztW02MI1cRfp4ft92edXu6pz07EwRvA6yy0qw1s+sA WSGyP0nIKtESkUWR4AA97We72Xa3090ezwQJEXFHuQyJEBJnBBJCRBESiAtIERy4c+LAkSxC SJw4QFW9ans8u+vsLjs7TjRtefy6Xr2/qnpf1fuZgigLMf/euhCL4o8CnwX4zhdK8C5EZQ4p mFqaK4jC1Dyd+n7lV8Y4F/mLhYJw4Pc/c3/9r0UtvFXAv4aYe/Ilb1uF8mthJq/e1NznIa9G 3DXgwOe3VFNhbu7JV/fSTPVEpPkKI/78/UFamaP+lke9bBRO0+8c1LMEvxfMs8AxD6mtiw2o 2RGS6dcLTG9O0t/P6U9P0p+fY/rnJum3c/rnJ+mX55n+hUn633P6MzndJPqVhUWBw/DOIVXT PljUtO1zLtB0+XcMXf7CZl7+oBz/CRJZYfktj+X3D5Df1ZcHftDy5DUvHXiheO/NXIKTehi/ 3189Of/8FE38hjXRFLuQki/GQ9kKWnIvHsiu8hLpbceDTGbdIJX9JO4kXq+n5Dcf9WOI08IV 62BLK6ICXwOk54o6/LrChvQyUVaIZkHagl+TUi7krcBnmeQtgRtz7/ap3YM+Pe/hSk3PswgH LpjfAb28CalHLs4HfY58xI9Xvg/e2r6hNfLnE43MSGv7xs/ZFzRFhMj0nEr9JNhWCE0JYlFb pWkQR14ogyhTiUqzVHpRC7BKyWGc3IKElxGQteKNUU4a+wEU8bte1FGpxrm4r2QWS8/3414/ DNKurAIW2dCLZfiYgC62qBLK1OG9CphTg2+VOCzCqzr5hSp8EZ9s4LJ5dFVCMuRGzMJ61giz HKKg77CYp041uxAtnIL3+kQZi8qY3EqN2qtTvw6WrhNC5vxVwk3sqYSvCf20qHdrJNcMfCl6 raybxINOl6SK+TWqC0dU5BGvHPJi83d4o6PzTl/kvv5NfBptgNT6VBDJKM5kL04U6jiSF57e xKxWeq4B6J/LtwhjNcmHoCwteJeUoz2ESxLEvFX6XWNPou3xZxxvNEUP230NLanr7Si5rVRE dtTzvh0nYHntcKAiHywpG/H4cZSBpQ4y1UKzInulnmsbDKJbQdSRz8qnrh8eyBYMBLQiSb8W pPDXhs8S6dWG9yW2CeRyyPaWIY3jPAVvLvFo69Och+tZZh9agzIuW6tLvPhX2yrWuE5W7hAN bUDXZrKla0oNvlWyuyWW8RLJuEYtWWylSyxj7DVK9V9geRh35hpb5/lkUYlfc0TXFDs064PU H6SpjCMlQd7ZMJa31J4M0nSQy7ydqNdBB1m4J1VPJR0lPQACRIjtUPVARXdFBKzNA7l7gAiD xIfa2zJTESKKLEGfTOhTjSVVIknZHG2UgLYO4y+RTB34NclqkKPGsQlKvUQz1eaydbJG5LYp Slmm0lhHjWglqtulmYocJZJyiestjaz6YP163peoVN43h9osUUs1Rqxl7nuV6rNJ3rn2f0fy jiFSfgNSLCzAwd4gCrIAZDwM0GTlsBv4hBI8CaVqdBoQKrbbAL00AYJoJw530LR9D1YRG9IP vTTdkB0VtVSyIRMVBh0Q74ZM1S4AAGggALV5GdFMjuhwtCbNxDM0DzTVJIs2SS+5HeJbnXjr JFmXfnM5aTS2KadMo0XKKcZmjQMoBZNadJkX7dqk8hZJqkxvJr3X6M0hXbpUT5k0bxO2OizR nGYTwpg8Q022AIdGofkscYlk/yOQ/ZOQUpnfOLch70C3rRzdGtojYckyoNkktp2hduyRfbh3 YJtLc3yXV0ZN8dKEV+1C4I/aVbt95XPA78PMSMk1jiFthGgTHrildqCd3GfWaNQ2927tQDSv 5WLTfDkYxS8z7lgjdDbYE1kkPZd6P87Lccq4py82GDGPz3ddZkn/e+EsajeM+z0w97u4r62x +7J5rJLtxWAfVmQ9GyN8zfWMeRpdjQkktcQvea3bFK+jpm8m4JtCmfrdOPSStBv0UwLAMOgF 4Kka8pVQeaDtIGoFvgeKHnYVYEFCVuFDN3tKZVr18RBgQleH5hKlCMUxubd2EvfkK4NIoSde ZZSzSR8WzVSX5pDGVpPH5JDlFmm2SLIIm+KgIs1GmzGtCLkH56dNll0nzddpPuYRi0EcLknL pvzcApHHJdwoUn/GvcstU3vEGuVrS8M+FwnLUS8GtVAnfr1m+OH8yZphNlrbN37K+zhNEaLN s0l3gh1Ffi3yemCq6OkhjkgUui4FHoqCC7J1mo9k4wpWAvEe+q1hN6aJciuKh6FqdZQHcQXv i4xiu4YxslVtmRib2aN5atMMdsgea2SDVbKwdUY6mxBM+40aWf444rDY2xxE9rE124QIFbJ8 XdYg+145MK+0Da9T/zSfwx7PIKvPd1XGqLrOOyqW+AXvgH1G9FGi8oZ3FPs/93oqNMcd8G42 yeujYIUPknd83ukTrNc/Fat3YNe0kbyvMW9hUXwPUl9JOl4UvEEx3OOzitEj1ylSdDgOHEdX x2Erx2F9WhsfsDautFoJhGTHoAj9rNL+g1591lgHsyWvo83T8cCVxZN4YDZa2zd+Qhp5GzSi IHVTharfRW9/P1NEvuDtfhiffP58zwvCg2ziNEWU9mgfzRaViTOJ/2f8RTpXuh9fOD1Pn7NI WimZh05MxuWOzzttst4Wik9Mn0kPaT1/0Li5eFZ89xiimsnn4x7jTMvR/utq8SSaOPoa7zea eLt4Ek3Mgnbe0vtHoI1vHG008RGV47Hv7BW/tXj2vjXzKOXIqGnoefpYopopz8cn3nk4bfxA 6Ls/TfH1A3tO/STeCVpKetEe7y0FUTtOetq5jQ6i/DhKgS3B0xG14+H+MG4Oq11fqRaepYz3 hg/vMOm9Xn3ukO/yOLxjlJ9F6XNBRFF5yJ/pM6Txzny+226OdptqrFeHePL9en3aYPM5ij45 0e3iaUNxtAetd/j1iui2cbIimo3W9o13NXaUFkV6PBqZQakcRd5x7+xdLT3ozp6eq++UTubq bLSW30m7faKRGWkt18i18olGZqO1fePHGrVAI/7j0cgMSuFh8o7PPzVZY39Z/OSHauxRjvDw CApT797PH5LE/D0lcfd6ckksTJGEPls9bS7S2eo1vHyq8NKg1++HeAcDVwq4Zkhl2o0HYQsW CZ7fpZPsdhyG8RAXCB5v0wBvnMht1cZ7JTfiHdXbhmXFxc0NeWFzc0s+p7xWGER0oSsMgU9i LH+Gzo5xreBwJF8nSn5fqcI30qoU90uB58s14snvYOGdplW+g6VXFWXiNqnsOtep/+obUKgr k2twOe1wCw7d6nL5vydc4i7T/ZYy17HKN78crrcy4nqC1nYVSOm1zWc1VoN0UWNplgQ+3hH0 WrAYo5uZDW01FbqxZPIaps6l9e1Qi8bf0hYLNX0J19tXvvrqi9c3ZPMZ+eU4bMuXg+hWClKO WvKFMI6TDXlDDUHeYTeQ5+XW1qbc3Ly4Ia9HrcBryNM0BkeswYjLo1XTGktZ33jRPSiP+mOI /F5Qfr5vw2iL8HVYCwZ98/teWk5lurWipbRKt8baNI7fwziehZRe5F+SGd0GuryTRmHDj3sS n9fUdhpk6pIcDocNfV0vyPaCKM2CbJCpRpx0eEVdZ5nr1WFN6DtdnyKdYKpMa0QJPPpjgM05 fAPRImvB8eCnTFao9Vqh3BW+T615V5lf28zk7F6g/7sR4n8zZ1G5AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAxAFQAYQBiAGwAZQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADgACAAEAAAADAAAA/////wAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACkAAAC0CAAAAAAAAAUAUwB1AG0AbQBhAHIAeQBJAG4A ZgBvAHIAbQBhAHQAaQBvAG4AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAoAAIBAgAAABoA AAD/////AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAGgAAAJQBAAAAAAAA BQBEAG8AYwB1AG0AZQBuAHQAUwB1AG0AbQBhAHIAeQBJAG4AZgBvAHIAbQBhAHQAaQBvAG4A AAAAAAAAAAAAADgAAgH///////////////8AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAhAAAAxAEAAAAAAAABAEMAbwBtAHAATwBiAGoAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEgACAP///////////////wAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAEwAAABqAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADAAAAAwAAAAMA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAD+/wAA BAACAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACAAAAAtXN1ZwuGxCTlwgAKyz5rkQAAAAF1c3VnC4bEJOX CAArLPmuLAEAAOgAAAAMAAAAAQAAAGgAAAAPAAAAcAAAAAUAAAB8AAAABgAAAIQAAAARAAAA jAAAABcAAACUAAAACwAAAJwAAAAQAAAApAAAABMAAACsAAAAFgAAALQAAAANAAAAvAAAAAwA AADJAAAAAgAAAOQEAAAeAAAAAgAAACAAAAADAAAAAQAAAAMAAAABAAAAAwAAAAMAAAADAAAA sw0IAAsAAAAAAAAACwAAAAAAAAALAAAAAAAAAAsAAAAAAAAAHhAAAAEAAAABAAAAAAwQAAAC AAAAHgAAAAYAAABUaXRsZQADAAAAAQAAAACYAAAAAwAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAQAAADYAAAACAAAA PgAAAAEAAAACAAAACgAAAF9QSURfR1VJRAACAAAA5AQAAEEAAABOAAAAewAzADYARQBCADIA RQA0ADAALQBEAEYANQBFAC0AMQAxAEQANQAtAEEAQwA0AEYALQAwADAAMAAyADQANAAxADIA NQA2ADAAOQB9AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABIADwAKAAEAWwAPAAIAAAAAAAAAMAAAQPH/AgAwAAwA BgBOAG8AcgBtAGEAbAAAAAIAAAAQAF9IAQRtSAkEc0gJBHRICQQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAA8AEFA8v+hADwADAAWAEQAZQBmAGEAdQBsAHQAIABQAGEAcgBhAGcAcgBhAHAAaAAgAEYA bwBuAHQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACIAAABEAAAARQAAAEsAAAABAAAAAAAAAAAA/////wIE AAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAP////8FBAAAAAAAAP////8AAAAAAQD/////AAAAAAAAAAACAAAA AQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACIAAABEAAAARQAAAEgAAAAAAAAAAAgBAAAAAAgCAAAA AAj//wAAAAAAAAAASwAAAAYAAAwAAAAA/////wAEAABLBAAAAwAAAAAEAABLBAAABAAAAAAE AABKBAAABQAAAAAAAAAdAAAAHwAAACIAAAA/AAAAQQAAAEgAAAATOpT/lYwTOpT/lYAPAADw 8AAAAAAABvAYAAAAAggAAAIAAAAGAAAAAQAAAAEAAAAHAAAATwAB8LAAAAAyAAfwJAAAAAME VxsPP4GnmyyAlFPRf2/eR/8Ad2gAAAEAAAAeDAAAAAAAADIAB/AkAAAAAwQfvSAWhzSWBqKW y3iS8CHV/wAUCwAAAAAAAP////8AAAAAMgAH8CQAAAADBMaGMHgrz9DiSgK7E2JjImf/ABEL AAAAAAAA/////wAAAAAyAAfwJAAAAAMEIIRwPZfg3NMAVcwWy/rSoP8ADgsAAAEAAACVdAAA AAAAAEAAHvEQAAAA//8AAAAA/wCAgIAA9wAAEAAPAALwWgEAABAACPAIAAAAAwAAAAYEAAAP AAPw+AAAAA8ABPAoAAAAAQAJ8BAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAK8AgAAAAABAAABQAA AA8ABPBcAAAAsgQK8AgAAAACBAAAEAoAAFMAC/AeAAAAigACBAAABEEBAAAACwEAAAEAPwEA AAEA/wEAAAgAAAAQ8AQAAAAAAAAAAAAR8AQAAAAEAAAAEwAi8QYAAAC/AwAAAIAPAATwXAAA ALIECvAIAAAABQQAABAKAABTAAvwHgAAAIoABQQAAARBBAAAAAsBAAACAD8BAAABAP8BAAAI AAAAEPAEAAAAAQAAAAAAEfAEAAAAAgAAABMAIvEGAAAAvwMAAACADwAE8EIAAAASAArwCAAA AAEEAAAADgAAUwAL8B4AAAC/AQAAEADLAQAAAAD/AQAACAAEAwkAAAA/AwEAAQAAABHwBAAA AAEAAAAAAAAAAgAAAEsAAAACBAAA/v7//4D8//8SJQAAQDgAADQAAQAAAAUEAAAAAAAAAAAA APAkAAA3NwAANAABAAAAAAAAAAQAAABMAAAABwAHAAAAAAAEAAAATAAAAAcABwD//wgAAAAF AGIAaQBuAGQAdQAjAEQAOgBcAGQAYQB0AGEAXABkAGEAdABhAFwAUwBIAEkAVgBBAFwAUwBl AHgAdQBhAGwAaQB0AHkAQQBwAHAALgBkAG8AYwAEAEMAUgBFAEEAEwBBADoAXABTAGUAeAB1 AGEAbABpAHQAeQBBAHAAcAAuAGQAbwBjAAQAYwByAGUAYQATAEEAOgBcAFMAZQB4AHUAYQBs AGkAdAB5AEEAcABwAC4AZABvAGMABABDAHIAZQBhADwAQwA6AFwATQB5ACAARABvAGMAdQBt AGUAbgB0AHMAXABEAGUAZQBrAHMAaABhAFwAUwBlAHgAdQBhAGwAaQB0AHkAIABJAG4AcwB0 AGkAdAB1AHQAZQBcAFMAZQB4AHUAYQBsAGkAdAB5AEEAcABwAC4AZABvAGMA/0ADgAEAAAAA AAAAAADEbGQAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACEAAAAAAAAABLAAAAYAAACABAAAADAAAA RxaQAQAAAgIGAwUEBQIDBAMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAAAAAAAFQAaQBtAGUAcwAgAE4A ZQB3ACAAUgBvAG0AYQBuAAAANRaQAQIABQUBAgEHBgIFBwAAAAAAAAAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAACA AAAAAFMAeQBtAGIAbwBsAAAAMyaQAQAAAgsGBAICAgICBAMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABAAAA AAAAAEEAcgBpAGEAbAAAACIABADxCIgYAPDQAgAAaAEAAAAA5bNbhuWzW4b0wlpmAgABAAAA AAAAAAMAAAABAAEAAAAEAAMQAQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQABAAAAAQAAAAAAAAApIgDwEAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAClBsAHtAC0AIAAcjAAABAA GQBkAAAAGQAAAAMAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAgAAAAAA//8SAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABQBiAGkA bgBkAHUABABDAHIAZQBhAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAQD+/wMK AAD/////BgkCAAAAAADAAAAAAAAARhgAAABNaWNyb3NvZnQgV29yZCBEb2N1bWVudAAKAAAA TVNXb3JkRG9jABAAAABXb3JkLkRvY3VtZW50LjgA9DmycQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA== --------------23BBFC97B19C293D36E2AAAC-- --__--__-- _______________________________________________ Announcements mailing list Announcements at mail.sarai.net https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/announcements End of Announcements Digest From sagnik_chakravartty at yahoo.com Wed Dec 12 18:42:33 2001 From: sagnik_chakravartty at yahoo.com (Sagnik Chakravartty) Date: Wed, 12 Dec 2001 05:12:33 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Reader-list] Fwd: Plight of Bangladeshi Christians Message-ID: <20011212131233.66111.qmail@web20307.mail.yahoo.com> Original Message -----=0D From: "Shilpi Mondol" <>=0D =0D Sent: Saturday, December 08, 2001 3:06 PM=0D Subject: Bangla Islamists to Christians "Give us Money or Give us your=0D Daughter"=0D =0D =0D > The Daily Janakantha (Bangladeshi daily Newspaper)=0D >=0D > "Give us money or give us your daughter"=0D > BANGLADESHI CHRISTIAN FAMILIES SPEND NIGHTS IN=0D > TERROR=0D >=0D > December 7,2001=0D > --------------------------------------------------=0D > Natore, Bangladesh:=0D > From our news representatives:=0D >=0D > In the Boraigram subdistrict of Natore district in=0D > Bangladesh Christian families with adoloscent=0D > daughters spend each night under the threat of losing=0D > their honor. Upon hearing the sound of a motorcycle=0D > at night these girls start shivering and look for=0D > places where they can hide themselves from the=0D > hoodlums. They try to blend in the bamboo stacks that=0D > make up their humble dwellings. Chatiangacha village=0D > of above mentioned Boraigram is the home to 50=0D > Christian families. Their ripened rice crops have=0D > been forcibly taken after the October 1st national=0D > elections. Now the (Islamic) terrorists' attention=0D > has shifted to the juvenile female members of the=0D > Christian community. Every night, announcing their=0D > arrival with the sounds of their motorcycles, the=0D > ruling BNP's activists and terrrorists enter the=0D > locality. They call out the name of the father of the=0D > girl whom they want to vivtimize that night. When the=0D > said girl's father comes in front of these hoodlums, a=0D > 'donation' of Taka 10,000 - 20,000 ( $200 - $400 U.S.)=0D > is demanded. They are given a time limit of 7-10 days=0D > and if at that time the money is not paid, the girl=0D > would have to stay the night with the fanatics.=0D >=0D > Jimmy Koraiya is a resident of Chatiangacha. His=0D > original home was in Dhaka. He still speaks in the=0D > Dhaka accent. He sadly questions "What kind of=0D > country is? If I can't give money, I have to give=0D > them my daughter? " The fanatics have come three times=0D > on their motorbikes to pick up Jimmy Koraiya's=0D > daughter, High School student Suphala Koraiya for a=0D > night. The local residents have complained that=0D > Boraigram's Jubodol's (rightwing extremist Islamic=0D > group) General Secretary, Sanaullah Noorbabu and his=0D > assistants Taj, Mojammel, Hakim, Ikbal, Babul Bashar=0D > and Belal have created mass terror in the area via=0D > extortion and terrorist activities. If someone fails=0D > to pay the 'donation' amount within the said time and=0D > place, drummed up charges are brought up and a=0D > 'summons' notice is sent. In the Bonparha Market=0D > area, a section of the BNP (Bangladesh's extremist=0D > ruling Islamic colaition) office is walled up and a=0D > torture chamber has been built there. When the said=0D > 'accused' is brought in, he is placed inside the=0D > chamber and is forced to make a confession in support=0D > of the accusation charges. Then they are forced to=0D > pay the extortion amount under the guise of a fine.=0D > Joseph Gomes of Harowa village has also received a=0D > summons signed by Sanaullah Noorbabu.=0D >=0D > ----------------------------------------------------=0D > Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities=0D > (HRCBM, www.hrcbm.org) is an International Forum=0D > espousing the cause for the minorities of Bangladesh.=0D >=0D =0D ----- Original Message ----- From: "Shilpi Mondol" <> Sent: Saturday, December 08, 2001 3:06 PM Subject: Bangla Islamists to Christians "Give us Money or Give us your Daughter" > The Daily Janakantha (Bangladeshi daily Newspaper) > > "Give us money or give us your daughter" > BANGLADESHI CHRISTIAN FAMILIES SPEND NIGHTS IN > TERROR > > December 7,2001 > -------------------------------------------------- > Natore, Bangladesh: > From our news representatives: > > In the Boraigram subdistrict of Natore district in > Bangladesh Christian families with adoloscent > daughters spend each night under the threat of losing > their honor. Upon hearing the sound of a motorcycle > at night these girls start shivering and look for > places where they can hide themselves from the > hoodlums. They try to blend in the bamboo stacks that > make up their humble dwellings. Chatiangacha village > of above mentioned Boraigram is the home to 50 > Christian families. Their ripened rice crops have > been forcibly taken after the October 1st national > elections. Now the (Islamic) terrorists' attention > has shifted to the juvenile female members of the > Christian community. Every night, announcing their > arrival with the sounds of their motorcycles, the > ruling BNP's activists and terrrorists enter the > locality. They call out the name of the father of the > girl whom they want to vivtimize that night. When the > said girl's father comes in front of these hoodlums, a > 'donation' of Taka 10,000 - 20,000 ( $200 - $400 U.S.) > is demanded. They are given a time limit of 7-10 days > and if at that time the money is not paid, the girl > would have to stay the night with the fanatics. > > Jimmy Koraiya is a resident of Chatiangacha. His > original home was in Dhaka. He still speaks in the > Dhaka accent. He sadly questions "What kind of > country is? If I can't give money, I have to give > them my daughter? " The fanatics have come three times > on their motorbikes to pick up Jimmy Koraiya's > daughter, High School student Suphala Koraiya for a > night. The local residents have complained that > Boraigram's Jubodol's (rightwing extremist Islamic > group) General Secretary, Sanaullah Noorbabu and his > assistants Taj, Mojammel, Hakim, Ikbal, Babul Bashar > and Belal have created mass terror in the area via > extortion and terrorist activities. If someone fails > to pay the 'donation' amount within the said time and > place, drummed up charges are brought up and a > 'summons' notice is sent. In the Bonparha Market > area, a section of the BNP (Bangladesh's extremist > ruling Islamic colaition) office is walled up and a > torture chamber has been built there. When the said > 'accused' is brought in, he is placed inside the > chamber and is forced to make a confession in support > of the accusation charges. Then they are forced to > pay the extortion amount under the guise of a fine. > Joseph Gomes of Harowa village has also received a > summons signed by Sanaullah Noorbabu. > > ---------------------------------------------------- > Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities > (HRCBM, www.hrcbm.org) is an International Forum > espousing the cause for the minorities of Bangladesh. > To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: christiancouncil-unsubscribe at egroups.com __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Check out Yahoo! Shopping and Yahoo! Auctions for all of your unique holiday gifts! Buy at http://shopping.yahoo.com or bid at http://auctions.yahoo.com From aiindex at mnet.fr Wed Dec 12 22:37:57 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Wed, 12 Dec 2001 18:07:57 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Kashmir - Guerrillas in the Mist Message-ID: Fortune December 10, 2001 SECTION: FIRST/DISPATCH FROM KASHMIR; Pg. 54 Guerrillas in the Mist by Will Bourne As the war in Afghanistan enters its mopping-up phase, the U.S. faces a tricky task of regional diplomacy. No tinderbox has more deadly potential than the valley of Kashmir, where Pakistan and India have fought for half a century. Now, with nuclear arms on both sides and Islamic fundamentalists waging holy war in the middle, the U.S. finds itself thrust into a new relationship with Pakistan. Our man writes: They say it's been a dry year in Srinagar, but it looks to have been far longer than that. Despite a steady rain during my six days in Kashmir, the rivers stayed flat and slow. Fingers of water lying about the town--which must once have been sweet, circulating extensions of the fabled Dal Lake--are now just bogs, enameled with millweed, studded with trash and scuppered boats. The polo ground is threadbare. A thousand houseboats, tethered to the floating garden just off the shorefront, are empty, overtaken by lotus. The lake has shrunk to half its size of just 50 years ago; the money intended for dredging rarely finds its way to the water itself. The valley of Kashmir, with Srinagar at its emotional heart, is 85 miles long, slung between two lowish ridgelines in the Himalayas; it is divided into irregular parts by the so-called Line of Control, the boundary set in 1949 by the U.N. after India and Pakistan fought an undeclared but bloody war over the "disputed territory" following partition in 1947. The valley has seen periodic warfare--and ceaseless tension--since that time. But a rigged election touched off a popular uprising on the Indian side in 1989 that continues to this day, grinding on as low-grade guerrilla war. As many as 40,000 lives have since been lost, some by the Indian army and paramilitary forces keeping a chokehold on the almost exclusively Muslim valley, many more by the amorphous militants who are fighting for various, often conflicting causes: independence, accession to Pakistan, or just the right to the political voice denied them, they say, since partition. Death barely makes the papers here. I arrived a few weeks after suicide bombers had killed 38 people at the assembly building in Srinagar. Dozens of others fell during my stay--mostly unidentified militants, which has proved an endlessly useful category for the disposing of the dead. A place of legendary culture and beauty, this city of 725,000 is now a burnt-out case, a swamp of spies and counterspies. Indian troops are everywhere, some emplacements so ancient that the very sandbags are being reclaimed by the soil. Homemade-looking black SWAT vans are forever swinging around corners, carrying black-suited guys with machine guns. The gorgeous bottomland of the valley to the west, full of maples and poplars, apple orchards and silkworm farms, is a veritable garrison; even the most inconsequential bridge is guarded by eight or ten soldiers. Stop-and-search is constant. It seems a miserable life. Everyone is used to it. In a wretched squall my driver and I retrieved the man who would guide us to Abdul Majid Dar, one of the senior-most figures of Hizbul Mujahideen, the largest of Kashmir's many militant groups. The three of us navigated the lanes of a neighborhood north of the town center and stopped at an eight-foot iron gate. In a low room furnished with a sheet of industrial carpet and a few pillows, I was confronted by a man who looked nothing like my mental image of a mujahid: Sitting against a powder-blue wall, poncho tucked tidily around his bare feet, he wore no skullcap but had a neat beard gone largely gray. His eyes were big, melancholic, like a Guernsey cow's. He looked tired beyond words. Until two weeks ago Dar was Hizbul Mujahideen's "operations chief"; now, he said opaquely, he is awaiting a "new assignment." I wanted to talk with him about Pakistan--our ally in the war against terror--and its supposed role in the valley's unending terror. Many have charged that Kashmiri militancy is being perpetuated not by the exhausted and demoralized locals, but by a steady supply of men and money coming in over the Line of Control from Pakistan. It is a charge Pakistan denies: "We do not work with these groups, and we have got nothing to do with them," a Pakistani general told the New York Times recently, referring to Kashmiri militant organizations. But most Kashmiris say otherwise. "Pakistan is part of the conflict. Who can deny it?" Dar says over cups of cardamom tea served in little fluted cups. He himself spent "five, six years in Pakistan," he says, but is quick to insist that the country does not have a "dominant role" here. But then Dar's reticence is not surprising. The Islamic tradition in Kashmir is predominantly Sufi, an ecstatic, inward, nondogmatic movement that has never been much interested in pan-Islamic jihad. Independence is an infinitely more popular cause, however improbable, than acceding to Pakistan. Liyaqat Ali Khan was more forthcoming. I met the fresh-scrubbed president of the Jammu Kashmir People's Conference, one of many homespun political groups trying to solve this conundrum, in yet another cold cube of cement--this one guarded by the Indian army. With his chubby, guileless face, Khan makes a pretty unlikely warrior. Yet he said that in 1990 or 1991, he "went across to Pakistan-controlled Kashmir, and then to one of the hundreds of training camps in Afghanistan." There he mastered the use of Kalashnikovs, rocket-propelled grenades, and other small arms. His expenses, he said, were paid by the "ISI guys" [Pakistan's intelligence service] training him. And then he was sent back to Kashmir and over the Line of Control to the Indian side, where he glumly acknowledged having been "involved in three or four encounters." Khan spent five years in the militant movement; he says he lost his faith when it became clear that the campaign was doing little more than pitting one Kashmiri militia against another. Next stop: the end of a long, moldering hallway in a government building in Srinagar, defended by a Kalashnikov propped against the wall of the antechamber. There, a senior functionary well schooled in India's counterinsurgency efforts told me he is up against "a hostile country. Obviously Pakistan. They are trained, they are equipped, all sorts of logistical support are given to them. We have seized not less than 20,000 AK-47s in the last ten years. Along with other equipment and explosives, that's enough to arm five infantry divisions of any regular army." He claimed that Pakistan's direct sponsorship of terrorism in Kashmir is not a question, citing "confessional statements, foreign dead, Pakistan army and ISI documents, and the recovery of arms and ammo bearing Pakistani and Chinese markings." It would be easier to discount this as Indian propaganda (of which there is no shortage) were not just about everyone in Srinagar saying the same thing. Even a Kashmiri ideologue like Azam Inquillabi, a wispy mandarin who gave up militancy for politics years ago (and who congratulates himself on his "visionary view of the world"), allows that Pakistani money has corrupted the liberation movement he helped begin. Asked about the integrity of the All Parties Hurriyat (Freedom) Conference, a powerful umbrella group for Kashmiri political organizations (and unofficially for the militants as well), he replied with typical indirection, "Ask yourself, Why are we--the people who founded this party--having to remove ourselves from it now?" Money is clearly a big part of the game here. One senior Kashmiri journalist described a system of payoffs to the families of militants who fall to Indian forces: "For every Kashmiri killed, 100,000 rupees come from Hurriyat. On average, until two years ago, there were maybe ten killed per day." That made for about $ 20,000 daily flowing in from "Kashmiri groups based in the U.S. and Europe, Saudi Arabia, militants crossing from Pakistan-controlled Kashmir, even the Pakistan High Commission in Delhi." Ostensibly that cash was for the families of slain mujahideen, but no one I spoke to had heard of any of it making it that far down the food chain. The hotels strung out along the edge of Dal Lake are packed not with tourists, as they once were, but with some 1,500 or more local militants who have surrendered to Indian forces. These boys and men are given shelter, a meager allowance, and, most important, protection against reprisals, in exchange for their not going more than a stone's throw from where they're warehoused. In one of the degenerate buildings--a sandbagged gunner on the balcony, its front yard a midden of garbage and cats--I met a legless man of perhaps 60, apparently condemned to wallow on the room's only bed, cared for by an indeterminate number of roommates who make tea on a gas ring on the floor. I was just beginning to interview him when security forces barged in and demanded to know what was going on. It was a quick discussion. It is certainly no secret that the Indians have resorted to appalling tactics in Kashmir. "I won't say there have not been excesses," said the senior functionary when I asked about a story I'd heard of a militant commander being captured by the Special Task Force, his body later recovered with a bullet in his head and one hand missing. "But when we are fighting a war, or a situation like war, definitely some niceties have to be given the go-by." As for Dar, even he is now "open to a political settlement," ready to see it all end. As I got up to leave him, I asked the "big fighter," as he's known in the town, whether he'd ever killed anyone. "No, no," he replied with an involuntary smile. "That is not my job. Thanks be to God." He gave me a little hug and was gone. GRAPHIC: B/W PHOTO: PHOTOGRAPHS BY GARY KNIGHT--VII, Indian soldiers, belonging to the Special Boat Security Force, patrol on Dal Lake in the war-torn province.; B/W PHOTO: PHOTOGRAPHS BY GARY KNIGHT--VII, The Srinagar Mosque rises from the banks of Dal Lake. Copyright 2001 Time Inc. From aiindex at mnet.fr Wed Dec 12 23:02:02 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Wed, 12 Dec 2001 18:32:02 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Destruction by e-mail Message-ID: The Hindu Sunday, Dec 09, 2001 Magazine Destruction by e-mail C. RAMMANOHAR REDDY THERE is no dearth of weighty subjects to discuss this week - Prevention Of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO), Enron or even the Mike Denness affair. However, I prefer to write on a subject that seems better suited for a Sunday morning: e-mail. But make no mistake - e-mail could well become a life or death issue. It is already ruling, I am sure, the lives of millions of people around the world. And this is the story of the oppression of one man's life by the "killer application" of the late 20th Century. I know all the arguments about the power of e-mail. It is instantaneous, it is inexpensive, it makes the world smaller and, as a colleague somewhat enthusiastically said, it is an instrument of democracy as well. Personally, my work requires me to collect information quickly. What better tool than e-mail? I am supposed to keep abreast of things happening around the world. What better tool for this as well? And there is the bonus of keeping in touch with family, with friends from half way across the world, not to mention being informed by electronic newsletters about what is new in films, books and everything that can be digitised. You can add a hundred more advantages to e-mail. Yet ... Some months ago I realised that days would pass without my putting pen to paper. I was too busy hitting the keyboard. I found that in the process my handwriting had become unrecognisable. Last week I found I had gone one step further down the road of "destruction by e-mail". At the end of the day I realised I had not, barring the morning's papers, read print on paper all day. My conversion to some kind of electronic zombie was complete. E-mail has become both an addiction and a terror. Every morning I look forward with a great deal of anticipation to that thin blue strip of incoming mail (I am a Eudora man, which besides being my protest against Microsoft, is also my protection against all those viruses written for Outlook.) But once the messages descend I remain overwhelmed by the avalanche of letters, information, bulletins and, of course, junk email. Petrified is the best description. My attempt at e-mail management has failed. I have half-a-dozen addresses, which I juggle, to keep work separate from friends, friends from interests and interests from cranks. But one inevitably overlaps another. Innumerable messages are stored to be read another day (never); many more are trashed; groups, which I don't want to be members of, put me on their lists and all of them copy their correspondence to me as well. (One e-mail address is for readers of this column who would like to write in. But besides the interesting writers there are also the cranks. I have been sent a quotation for cement machinery another for a consignment of chocolates. And I have been put on the distribution list of a group of "international rationalists". I can only count myself lucky that the mailers of jokes and pornography sites have spared me the blushes.) I have tried to apply a single test to the utility of e-mail. With that mountain of up to date information that it delivers, has the quality of my work improved? An honest answer comparing B.E. with S.E. will be "not really". Or rather, it has not been worth the effort wading through all those reams of bits and bytes. Yet, I remain an addict. If I do not access my e-mail for even a day, my fingers start itching for the keyboard. And like an addict I cannot imagine a life without e-mail. I recently read a piece by a U.S. editor of no less a publication than a technology weekly announcing that he was pulling the plug on all his e-mail addresses. I wish I could "de-toxify" myself from e-mail in a similar manner. Instead, I have unfortunately now started discovering the wonders of Short Messaging Service (SMS). E-mail the writer at crr100 at india.com -- From aiindex at mnet.fr Wed Dec 12 22:41:14 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Wed, 12 Dec 2001 18:11:14 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] THE PASHTUN CODE Message-ID: The New Yorker December 3, 2001 SECTION: LETTER FROM PAKISTAN; Pg. 59 THE PASHTUN CODE; How a long-ungovernable tribe may determine the future of Afghanistan. by ISABEL HILTON I arrived in Pakistan on a warm afternoon in October, and several days later I set out by car, heading northwest, from the capital, Islamabad, toward the borderlands with Afghanistan and the land of the Pashtun. The American bombing raids had begun a few days before, and from Afghanistan came murky television images, along with messages of fear and despair from civilians and of defiance from the leaders of the Taliban, who were, unbeknownst to most of us at the time, entering a violent endgame. Here, along the border, another drama was being played out, in the passions and politics of the Pashtun people, men and women whose tortured loyalties reflected a mystical attachment to a land that they believed was theirs. Not every Pashtun is an Afghani-a citizen of Afghanistan-but every Pashtun considers himself an Afghan, and the Pashtun have always regarded themselves as the country's natural rulers. Not only were they prepared to die in support of their claim but many were prepared to do so in the name of a brutal and repressive regime, that of the Taliban. About sixty miles from Islamabad, I found myself on a bridge, on the Grand Trunk Road to Peshawar. Downstream was the Attock Fort, a spectacular structure with crenellated ochre walls, built in 1581 by the Moghuls, India's Muslim dynasty, to fortify the Afghan frontier. Upstream was a confluence of two great rivers: the Kabul, which had travelled some two hundred and fifty miles from its source, in the mountains west of the Afghan capital; and the Indus, one of the legendary rivers of Asia, which begins high in the Tibetan Himalayas. The two rivers grudgingly accommodated each other. The Kabul was a sludgy burnt-sugar color, the Indus a brilliant blue-green, like a child's painting of a mountain stream. Below the confluence, the two colors remained clearly visible, one river with two distinct streams, as though geography as well as history wished to make a point about this place and the boundary that it marks-between the land of the Pashtun and the Punjab, the heartland of Pakistan. The Pashtun have never taken kindly to boundaries, and even less to boundaries imposed by others. Today, there are thought to be at least twenty million Pashtun, and their territory straddles the borders that the British drew, in the eighteen-nineties, through some of the wildest and least governable terrain on earth. For the British, this area-sometimes referred to as Pashtunistan-represented the extreme edge of the Raj, their greatest colonial territory. Beyond was the kingdom of Afghanistan, a mosaic of ethnic groups which, since 1747, had been ruled by Pashtun kings. As the British expanded their empire into northwest India, they clashed with, but never subjugated, the tribal Pashtun. Twice, they invaded Afghanistan, in 1839 and 1878. Both excursions ended in defeat. By 1893, the British had finally come to see that although they would never conquer the region, it could be made to serve as a convenient buffer between the Raj and the Russian empire. The job of delineating a border was entrusted to Sir Mortimer Durand, the foreign secretary of the colonial government of India. Durand wrestled with the difficulties of marshalling the unconquerable and disorderly Pashtun on an orderly imperial map. His solution was to cut through their territories, dividing them between the Raj and the kingdom of Afghanistan, in the hope that the Pashtun on his side of the line would go along with the division and allow themselves to be absorbed into the Raj. They did not. In 1901, several uprisings later, the British again admitted defeat. Their next solution was to treat the Pashtun lands as a second, inner frontier. If they could not be conquered, they could at least be a prickly hedge against intruders. The British sliced off a new province from the settled plains of the Punjab-which they named the North-West Frontier Province-and left the Pashtun tribal belt largely unaccounted for, a loosely administered territory where, all sides acknowledged, the colonial rulers would not attempt to impose their law. The tribal belt exists to this day and remains an ungoverned land. Formally part of Pakistan, in reality it is a spongy no-go area between Pakistan and Afghanistan, a land of fierce and complicated tribal loyalties and equally ferocious tribal feuds, of gunrunning, drug dealing, and smuggling, where a nighttime traveller must move in armed convoy and where the only law that prevails is Pashtunwali-the code of the Pashtun. Although history, and outsiders, have tried to divide the Pashtun, they have failed to break the emotional, cultural, and social ties that bind Pashtun communities across this troubled frontier. Roughly half in Pakistan, half in Afghanistan, the Pashtun are as troublesome today to anyone in search of a neat political order as they were when the British contended with this last unsubdued corner of the empire. Their loyalties have never been more in doubt or more important. Are the Pashtun loyal to the Taliban? (The majority of the Taliban are Pashtun.) Are they loyal to Pakistan? Or are they loyal only to themselves? As the battle for Afghanistan makes its way into Pashtun territories, the Pashtun have begun to demand what they see as their historic role-the right to rule Afghanistan. How that demand is answered will help to determine not just the future of the country but the stability of the entire region. Peshawar, until 1893 the winter capital of Afghanistan, is now a frontier outpost in Pakistan. No longer the small town that served for centuries as a gateway between Afghanistan and Southeast Asia, today it is a noisy, choking, overcrowded city of more than a million people. In its public face, it's a city of men, heavily bearded and dressed in the loose overshirt and baggy trousers of the traditional shalwar kameez. Variations in color-pale blue, pale green, white, and occasionally light brown-do nothing to dispel the sense of uniformity. Men throng the potholed streets and lounge in doorways while boys hurry alongside the traffic, delivering glasses of green tea on brass trays. Bicycles and donkeys compete for space with tightly packed minibuses, whose last-minute passengers spill onto the roof or hang recklessly off the back. Women are anonymous to the point of invisibility-blue-robed ghosts, threading their way through the bazaar or crouched by the roadside, their children in their laps. The Pashtun tribal lands around Peshawar are now out of bounds to foreigners. Getting into them has always required a permit, and none are being issued. "It is not safe," a courteous but implacable Peshawar official told me. "And if we catch you trying to get in," he added with a friendly smile, "you will be arrested." The ban had been imposed in the name of security, when the bombing began: tribal emotions were running high, and a foreigner might be attacked on sight. But the controls to the south of Peshawar, I had heard, were not too effective, and I wanted to visit the village of Darra Adam Khel, which is notorious for the small workshops where, since the eighties, tribal gunsmiths have been turning out perfect copies of anything from an M16 to a rocket launcher. Getting there was going to require a little subterfuge. I bought a woman's version of the shalwar kameez and wound the wide scarf that comes with it around my head and shoulders, hiding my hair and the lower part of my face. The effect was to render me as anonymous as the women I passed on the street. With a driver and a guide, I set off south. A few miles out of town, some trucks were stopped at a police post. "Keep your head covered," the guide said, "and don't look out of the window." The police waved us through. We drove along a wide, barren valley, through a landscape dotted with square windowless forts-brick structures with defensive walls more than twenty feet high. They looked medieval, like ancient military towers, but they were family homes-a contemporary architecture of tribal violence. There were slogans painted on the walls. "Jihad is an obligation, like prayer," one read. "Victory or martyrdom," another said. "Telephone now for military training." A number was provided. At first sight, Darra Adam Khel seemed an unremarkable village-a string of ramshackle single-story houses and one-room shops on a main street. We drove along slowly, not stopping, for fear of my being detected. I scanned the shopwindows, and my guide pointed to small plastic bags containing a blackish substance. "Opium paste," he said. Crammed into other storefronts was an astonishing range of military hardware-automatic weapons, rifles, shotguns, land mines, even a few rocket launchers. I counted thirty gun shops before my guide warned that I was attracting attention. We pulled up beside an imposing fortified house-a watchtower was built in one corner-where we saw a young man sitting under a tree, chatting with an elder. My guide exchanged a few words with the man. I kept my face covered. Pashtun hospitality prevailed. He smiled and nodded and approached the car. Like many Pashtun, he had blue eyes and light-brown hair. His name was Wazir Afridi-a name that identified him as a member of the Afridi, one of the most powerful of the Pashtun tribes. He said he was "about thirty." He was happy to talk about the skills of the local gunsmiths. "In the bazaar, you can get copies of the most sophisticated weapons," he said. "You can get copies of a Kalashnikov here-a gun that costs eighty thousand rupees-for twenty thousand," or a little more than three hundred dollars. But the gunsmiths had stopped making really heavy weapons, he told me. "Five years ago, we decided not to make any more rocket launchers. Now there's a five-hundred-thousand-rupee fine if anyone disobeys." Even before the present crisis, Pakistan's President, General Pervez Musharraf, had been trying to rid the country of one of the dangerous legacies of the last Afghan war: the staggering quantities of military hardware left over in the tribal belt. The arrival of modern weaponry in the nineteen-eighties, when there was an abundance of American support for the jihad against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, had had an alarming effect on traditional Pashtun tribal feuds. Instead of attacking their local rivals with clubs or flintlock rifles, the Pashtun fought one another with automatic weapons. Carrying automatic weapons was now banned in Peshawar (although I saw dozens, mostly slung over the shoulders of bodyguards), and a strict practice of licensing had been implemented to discourage the manufacture of new ones. As a result, the gun trade in Darra Adam Khel was depressed. "This is our business," Wazir Afridi said. "No government has had any say here since 1901. This is a tribal area. We have our own traditions and laws. The business was flourishing until Musharraf imposed his ban." Wasn't it dangerous, I asked, to have so many weapons? Wazir Afridi shook his head. "We have the lowest rate of gun-related deaths here. Now we negotiate disputes in the jirga"-the ad-hoc Pashtun tribal council that operates on every social level, from the village to the nation. In Peshawar, I had met a Pashtun tribal leader named Lateef Afridi, who told me that his father, two of his brothers, and two of his cousins had been killed in tribal disputes. "When the Pashtun have a family feud, they now blast each other with land mines," Lateef Afridi said. (After his father died, Afridi discovered that he'd inherited some missiles-"Apparently, my father had bought them, but I've never bothered to pick them up.") These disputes are part of Pashtun life, but they disappear in the face of an external threat. The Pashtun have a saying: "Me against my brother, my brother and me against our cousins, we and our cousins against the enemy." It was a common enemy, I was told repeatedly, that accounted, in part, for the Pashtun support of the Taliban. The Pashtun had fought the Soviet Union when it occupied Afghanistan. They had fought for control among themselves and with warlords of other ethnic groups after the Soviet troops left. When the Taliban came to power, in the mid-nineties, the Pashtun acknowledged them as tribal brothers. And, now that the United States had attacked them, the Pashtun were rallying to their defense. I saw evidence of this everywhere in Peshawar: there were Pashtun roadside stalls for collecting money and blood for the Taliban, and I was regularly harangued in the street by Pashtun men who proclaimed themselves ready to join the jihad against the United States. According to Wazir Afridi, fifty thousand men from his district had said they were willing to fight. The whole area, he told me, is backing the Taliban, "their Pashtun and Muslim brothers." At the time-the bombing was in its seventh day-no one I spoke to in Peshawar could imagine that the Taliban would lose. The United States was seen as just another foreign aggressor, and, like the Soviet Union, it, too, would be chased off. Now, with the Taliban in collapse, tribal interests are again paramount. The Pashtun are determined to reestablish their rule-in whatever form it may take. Violence in Pashtun society, the American anthropologist Cherry Lindholm has argued, is learned in infancy. Lindholm spent nine months living in the female quarters of a Pashtun household in Swat, in northern Pakistan. Hers is a rare study of life behind a family compound's walls, and her descriptions of the domestic culture, published in the collection "Frontier Perspectives," are hair-raising. Pashtun family members, she writes, are engaged in a permanent and often violent struggle for power in which only two human types are recognized-the weak and the strong. "The strong survive, take power, and gain prestige," Lindholm writes, because they learn from their earliest years the value of "aggression, egotism, pride, and fearlessness," and must be "adept at the art of manipulation and intrigue, and above all trust no one." Domestic violence is regarded as the main entertainment of village life, and women routinely display bruises and scars they have received at the hands of their husbands. (The term for a husband who does not beat his wife is "a man with no penis.") Adam Nayyar, a fifty-two-year-old former nuclear chemical engineer, who abandoned his career when Pakistan began trying to build the bomb, in the mid-seventies, is now an ethnomusicologist and an expert on Pashtun culture. I spoke with him at his apartment in Islamabad. "Pashto is the only language I know in which the word for 'cousin' is the same as the word for 'enemy,' " he said. I had asked him to explain Pashtunwali-the code that has regulated Pashtun society for centuries and which, I had been told, was one of the components of the Taliban philosophy. Pashtunwali, Nayyar said, is based on the absolute obligations of hospitality, sanctuary, and revenge. The Pashtun draw their identity from Islam-they believe they are direct descendants of Qais, a companion of Muhammad- but their interpretation of Islamic law arises out of their own tribal code. "Under Muslim law, for instance, girls can inherit," Nayyar said. "But women never get anything from the Pashtun." In tribal Pashtun society, he told me, three things are essential. "They all begin with 'z' in Pashto: zan, zar, and zamin-women, gold, and land. Possessing them is essential to Pashtunness-to doing Pashtun as opposed to being Pashtun. And if you lose them-if you lose your land, or your women are dishonored-you're out. There is no caste system, so there is no reentry further down the social scale. You are just out. You end up as a night watchman in Karachi or something." Nayyar recalled witnessing a marital dispute being settled by a local jirga in the early seventies. A soldier had discovered that his wife was having an affair with a tailor and had called for a tribal council to impose punishment for the injury to his honor. The jirga ordered that the tailor and the errant wife be tied to a tree and shot. Everyone went to watch. "I remarked afterward to a Pashtun friend that it had been horrible," Nayyar recalled. "He agreed. It was a shame for the tree, he said." The Taliban took Pashtunwali to extremes far beyond the tribal norm. Culturally, they were Pashtun, but their ideology was more fundamentalist: they were uncompromising in their aim to return society to the purity of the seventh century, the era of Muhammad. Their approach to women was fanatically severe. Purdah was the traditional Pashtun practice, but the Taliban policy of publicly beating women who were deemed to walk too noisily was not. Islam is, of course, fundamental to Pakistan's identity. The Muslim faith was the reason that Pakistan came into being as a country, separate from India, with its Hindu majority, when the British left in 1947. Partition-the painful separation from India of its former province of Sind, along with the Muslim districts of Punjab and Bengal, the North-West Frontier Province, and Baluchistan-precipitated savage communal violence on both sides of what was to become the border; millions of Muslims poured into Pakistan as Hindus fled in the other direction. It was a chaotic and unpromising beginning for a state that was already riven with social and ethnic divisions. Pakistan was not a state that most of the Pashtun wanted to join. Like the Baluchis and the Sindhis, they were fearful of losing their identity in this new country dominated by the Punjabis, who made up more than half the population. The Pashtun resisted, as they had resisted the British. The story of that resistance is one that successive Pakistani governments have tried to erase, but which, I discovered, has lived on in the Pashtun nationalism of the region. Badsha Khan was a Pashtun leader in the twenties who promoted Pashtun nationalism. He doesn't feature in many history books. I learned of him from photographs I saw in offices and homes around Peshawar. He founded a political movement, the Khudai Khidmatgars, to fight for independence from the British. The movement's popular name-the Red Shirts-came from the members' uniforms, which were dyed with red brick dust. Like Mahatma Gandhi, Badsha Khan believed that nonviolence was the most effective weapon against colonial rule, and although he was a devout Muslim, he mistrusted the political influence of the maulanas, or Islamic scholars. The reforms he promoted-education, sanitation, road building-were secular. Despite the Pashtun propensity for violence, Badsha Khan's message took hold. Thousands of followers joined his nonviolent movement, campaigning to get rid of the British and win autonomy for Pashtunistan within the Indian state. But, when the British left, an independent Pashtunistan was not on offer. In 1947, a referendum proposed a choice only between India and Pakistan. Badsha Khan called for a boycott, and just seven per cent of the population of the North-West Frontier Province voted. Nevertheless, the Pakistan option was deemed to have been approved. The Red Shirts were branded traitors, the movement was banned, and their long fight against the colonizers was all but eradicated from the public record. One evening, I went to uncover the traces of the Red Shirts' movement. In a mansion two hours' drive from Peshawar, I sat on a deep veranda, as servants offered tea and cakes, and chatted with Begum Nasim Wali Khan, Badsha Khan's daughter-in-law. Badsha Khan and his son, Abdul Wali Khan, she told me, had paid a price for their resistance: they had spent many years in prison. But this did little to persuade them to abandon their Pashtun identity. As Wali Khan once put it, "I have been a Pashtun for six thousand years, a Muslim for thirteen hundred years, and a Pakistani for twenty-five." When Badsha Khan died, in 1988, hostilities between the Soviets and the mujahideen in southern Afghanistan ceased for a day so that his funeral cortege could travel safely to Jalalabad. In the mid-eighties, Wali Khan had founded a political party, the Awami National Party, which campaigned for a secular democracy. Now he was an old man, too sick on the evening I called to meet with visitors. He was not too sick, though, to have enraged local religious leaders and their Pashtun warrior faithful by declaring his support for the United States' war against the Taliban. The people of the tribal belt, his wife told me, were sympathetic to their fellow-Afghans-their Pashtun brothers. But that did not necessarily mean that they supported the Taliban. There was, not surprisingly, a division within the Pashtun. There were those who, stirred by a small group of religious parties that were promoting hard-line Islamism, wished to fight alongside the Taliban and had denounced her husband as a traitor. And there were those who, like Wali Kahn, argued for the separation of politics and religion. It had been the same in the eighties, she said, when the Awami National Party had criticized the holy war against the Russians. The Party followers had seen it as a war between superpowers-between the Soviets and the Americans-and not as an Islamic cause. "We were called kafirs," she said. "Nonbelievers. Indian agents, Russian agents." She shrugged. "But this is the way we think." The military has ruled Pakistan for twenty-six of its fifty-four years, alternating power with a series of corrupt and inept civilian governments. It ruled the country during the war against the Soviets, in the rather sinister person of General Zia ul-Haq. And it rules the country now, in the person of General Musharraf. On a mundane level, Pakistan does not look like a militarized society: except when demonstrations are anticipated, you do not see soldiers on every corner. Nevertheless, the country is shaped and dominated by military concerns. Chief among these concerns is a preoccupation with Kashmir. Pakistanis believe that Kashmir, a majority Muslim state, should have become part of their country at Partition. Pakistan and India have fought two inconclusive wars over Kashmir since then, and in the last decade, Pakistan claims, seventy thousand Kashmiris have died in rebellion against what they describe as an Indian occupation. It is an open secret that Pakistan's powerful military intelligence wing-the Inter-Services Intelligence (I.S.I.)-has sponsored armed groups in Kashmir to support the long-running popular resistance. It is also well established that the I.S.I. was a backer of the holy war against the Soviets in Afghanistan. For Musharraf-who, after September 11th, aligned himself with the United States against the Taliban-the unwanted repercussions of the I.S.I.'s involvement in both regions derive directly from policies pursued by General Zia ul-Haq. General Zia seized power in 1977 and soon thereafter the man he had overthrown, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, was hanged. In April, 1979, during the Carter Presidency, the United States suspended economic and military aid to Pakistan and introduced a number of sanctions. Eight months later, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, in an attempt to save its tottering Communist regime. Zia now saw enemies on all sides: to the west, a militant Shiite revolution in Iran; to the south and east, India; and now, next door, in Afghanistan, India's ally the Soviet Union. Pakistan needed to have a friendly government in Afghanistan, Zia decided. Islam was the flag he raised to rally resistance against the Soviets. Suddenly, Zia's fortunes were transformed. Ronald Reagan was now in office, and the sanctions fell away. The Reagan Administration provided $3.2 billion in cash and arms, despite Zia's nuclear program and human-rights abuses, and Peshawar became the hub of the anti-Soviet jihad, awash with money, spies, refugees, and arms. In the recruiting grounds for the jihad-the Afghan refugee camps, which were rapidly spreading around Peshawar-young men whose tribal links had been ruptured became ready targets for a fundamentalist message. In that decade of easy money, hundreds of madrasahs-the all-male religious schools that teach a particularly severe and absolutist version of Islam-were set up in the North-West Frontier Province, offering Afghan refugees and Pakistani militants free education, food, and military training. The jihad also attracted thousands of international recruits-including young Saudi fighters such as Osama bin Laden-who moved to Peshawar and brought with them more men, more money, and an even more militant form of Islam, Wahabbism. Asfundiyar Khan, the grandson of the Pashtun leader Badsha Khan, whom I met in Islamabad ten days after the United States began bombing, described to me what the time of the anti-Soviet jihad was like. Asfundiyar, who is fifty, is the president of the Awami National Party. He was first arrested at a political meeting when he was thirteen, and has been in and out of prison ever since. "The Afghans have never accepted foreign domination," Asfundiyar told me. "But their resistance had always been in the cause of nationalism. Zia changed that. Backed by the United States and its millions of dollars and its Stinger missiles, Zia based a war against Soviet intervention on religion." There had been, until then, an acknowledged division between mosque and state, between the maulanas and political power. Civilian politicians paid homage to religious ideas, but there were so many versions of Islam that any attempt to elevate a single dogma to a prime political position led to conflict with rival followers of the Prophet. Politicians had learned to tread carefully. But, when Zia seized power, that changed. "Every Afghan refugee fleeing the war had to go to one of the fundamentalist groups for tents, food, weapons," Asfundiyar said. "People were pushed into the arms of the fundamentalists." The Awami National Party, he pointed out, is secular, liberal, and democratic. "You can't imagine what we went through, trying to keep it going, as the United States was funding the jihad. I remember sitting with a cousin in a bank when a man came in to cash a check for twelve and a half million dollars. This was the kind of man you would never have shaken hands with. How could I fight that kind of money?" He recalled how marginal figures were changed overnight into powerful politicians. "Like Gulbuddin Hekmatyar," he said. Hekmatyar was a radical Afghan Islamist who was picked by Zia's I.S.I. agents, and the C.I.A., to help lead the new holy war. "When Hekmatyar was made a leader, he had scarcely one bicycle and one bedroom to his name," Asfundiyar said. He mentioned Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, another mujahideen patronized by the I.S.I. "Sayyaf used to sell socks out of a basket in the bazaar. Suddenly, he and all these other leaders had Land Cruisers and Pajeros. None of them had a political organization inside Afghanistan. They had private armies, built in Peshawar with American dollars." Asfundiyar's recollections reminded me of a question posed by Zbigniew Brzezinski, the former national-security adviser. "What was more important in the world view of history?" he asked. "The Taliban or the fall of the Soviet Empire? A few stirred-up Muslims or the liberation of Central Europe and the end of the Cold War?" "We used to be a moderate Muslim society," Sarfraz Khan, a Pashtun professor of Central Asian history, whom I met at the University of Peshawar, told me. "In 1978, when there were moves in Afghanistan toward land reform, literacy campaigns, the emancipation of women, some of the Pashtun here in Peshawar, in the intelligentsia, thought it a good thing. But others-who mattered-were afraid it might happen here, too." He recalled a time when Afghani girls went to school, when women were seen without the veil, when television was a normal part of life. "Then the fundamentalists were promoted in every sphere. There was persecution-careers were blighted, businesses ruined, people were killed." Many liberal Afghan exiles who opposed the jihad were murdered in Peshawar. He grimaced. "I was pushed out of my job in 1984," he said. "People like me-who criticized the jihad, hundreds, thousands of us-were persecuted. You had to go into hiding. Our state was doing it, and you, the West, were pumping money in." Zia had hoped that his holy war would lead to a government in Afghanistan that was friendly to Pakistan. But he never saw the outcome: he died in a mysterious plane crash, on August 17, 1988. Six months later, the Russians conceded defeat and withdrew, and the Americans lost interest. The money stopped. And, with the Russian enemy gone, the mujahideen fought among themselves. By the following year, twenty-five thousand Afghanis had died, and the country sank into a civil war that lasted six years. The Taliban movement came to prominence in the southern city of Kandahar, in 1994, when its members-former madrasah students-gained control of an important trade route that had been subject to interference from local bandits, warlords, and fighting tribes. A grateful Benazir Bhutto, then Prime Minister of Pakistan, abandoned the former mujahideen and rewarded the Taliban with her support. The Taliban went on to conquer most of the country. Only in the north did the resistance prevail, under the leadership of a Tajik commander, Ahmed Shah Massoud. By 1996, most of the warlords were in exile. By then, Pakistan, too, was harboring its own radical Islamic movement-one that had flowered in the hothouse of the Afghan war. Lieutenant General Hamid Gul was the most influential figure in the I.S.I. in the eighties, and for a time its director. He was responsible for the military doctrine that reinforced Zia's policy toward Afghanistan. Called "strategic depth," the theory was that, in the event of an invasion by India, Pakistan would need Afghanistan as a military hinterland, a place of retreat and continued resistance. This doctrine may have been, as a former colleague of Gul's put it, "hoax and humbug," but that didn't much matter: for Gul, it was enough to justify a decade's worth of meddling and military intervention. I met General Gul, who is now retired, in his house in a military district of Rawalpindi, near Islamabad, where he lives in spacious comfort. I was shown into a reception room, and I sat on a sofa waiting for the General to appear. Beside me, on a low table, a piece of the Berlin Wall was on display-a gift, it seemed, from the West German foreign-intelligence service. The engraving read, "With deepest respect to Lt. General Hamid Gul who helped deliver the first blow." General Gul, I'd been told, believed that he had set in motion the events that destroyed the Soviet Union. He was, it appeared, not entirely alone in that view. He was a key proponent of the policy of fighting the Soviet invasion as a holy war, rather than as a national struggle. He had boasted of how he recruited radicals from all over the Muslim world-an Islamic international brigade, as he saw it-and had financed and encouraged the powerful Islamic militants who were now on the streets crying for Musharraf's downfall. The General bustled into the room. He is a small man with a neat gray mustache, and was dressed in a shalwar kameez. He spoke rapidly, in long rhetorical bursts, and was eager to describe his strategic vision. He appeared to have no regrets, or doubts, about the legacy of his encouragement of Islamist extremists. If things had recently taken a dangerous turn, he argued, it was because the United States had made a critical mistake by neglecting the Taliban in the nineties and by attacking them now. "The nation that gifted you your superpower status today-that nation is being ravaged and destroyed once again," he said. "I am very much a supporter of the Taliban, because they have brought to Afghanistan what it needed most-central authority, law and order, elimination of poppy cultivation, de-weaponization, all those things. It was like a miracle. I never thought they could do it in such a short time, but I saw it with my own eyes. Now you have destabilized a society that had stabilized. It's a great tragedy. A great cruelty, I would say. A great inhuman act." The Taliban, he told me, had been pushed into a corner. If the United States had tried a different approach, things would have been different. "And you could have got everything you wanted from the Taliban," he said, with the exasperated manner of a schoolmaster explaining an obvious point to a particularly obtuse pupil. "They would have been eating out of your hands. But you never talked to them, because you thought that they were not honorable. You thought you could pick up bin Laden like you picked up Noriega from Panama. But Afghanistan is not Panama." General Gul resented the United States' relationship with India and its lack of support for Pakistan over Kashmir. He resented, too, the military sanctions that were imposed after Pakistan exploded six nuclear devices, in 1998. For him, the United States' decision to attack the Taliban and Al Qaeda was the beginning of the apocalypse. "The jihad call has been given," he told me. "It will bring the Muslim masses out of their slumber. You cannot say that it's not a war against Islam, that it's a war against terrorism, nameless, faceless terrorism. Who are the terrorists? All the people who took part in this great tragedy are still hiding in America. I can't believe that it's just those nineteen people and they all got killed and that's that. There must be a very elaborate command-and-communications system, a logistics system, people who provided the safe haven as well as the training. And it is simply not possible that someone got six months' training flying the aircraft. You can't fly a jumbo jet like that. It's all bunkum. There had to be somebody manipulating the air traffic-control, somebody who switched off the warning system for the Pentagon. Somebody who asked the Air Force not to scramble for seventy-four minutes. Those people are still inside America." The September 11th attack was, he said, part of a much bigger conspiracy, an attempted coup against the White House. I asked him who was behind it, anticipating as I put the question the answer that would come. "Ariel Sharon," he replied. The Israeli Prime Minister, he said, had been enraged by George W. Bush's being in the White House. Al Gore was the man who would have done Israel's bidding. General Gul then listed what he claimed were Israel's demands: the destruction of Pakistan's nuclear program, the disarming of its Arab neighbors, the recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's "headquarters," and a definitive "no" to a Palestinian state. These, he concluded, were the real objectives of the September 11th attacks. "No wonder that Henry Kissinger and Shimon Peres and Netanyahu-all of them!-are saying, 'America, you have the might! Do it now! Destroy them! Finish them off!' It's a crusade against the Cross and the Crescent, both. And the inspiration? The same people who inspired the medieval crusades. The Jews." The people of Pakistan, General Gul insisted, shared his view, except, he admitted, for what he called "a handful of intellectuals who occupy Islamabad. But what's Islamabad?" he went on. "Only an island in the sea called Pakistan. And a storm rising out of Pakistan will submerge Islamabad. General Musharraf seems to think that this storm is a small thing, that we are a tiny minority. He says that it's no more than ten or fifteen per cent of the people, without realizing that, even going by his figures-though they are not correct-ten per cent means fourteen million activists and fifteen per cent means twenty-one million. And these activists are the ready-to-die types. If they rise against the government, the government will not be able to stand up to them." He added, "The Army has been known to join the people." General Gul's version of events was widely shared. I encountered it among government officials and intellectuals, in newspapers, and, every Friday, in demonstrations in Islamabad and Peshawar. The demonstrations followed the Friday-afternoon prayers. As a woman, I was barred from the mosques, but I listened to the speeches of the maulanas relayed on tinny loudspeakers to the streets outside, and the religious leaders I spoke to reiterated the same themes. On the day following my meeting with General Gul-a Friday, he predicted, that would see tens of thousands on the streets-I went to see what was expected to be a large rally near some government offices in Islamabad. Many of the demonstrators were young madrasah students who repeated the line they had been taught by the maulanas-the same one that General Gul had laid out for me. From a loudspeaker truck, a group of bearded maulanas was haranguing the crowd. Bored members of television crews were foraging for action, and there was a momentary lifting of their spirits when a group burned an American flag. A blow-up plastic alien dangled from a tree. "It's President Bush," a demonstrator explained. But the demonstrators numbered barely a thousand-fewer, it seemed, than the riot police who were lined up with shields and batons. I had by then attended several demonstrations and found that most of them were small, lacklustre affairs. General Gul had articulated a vision of steadily growing protests that could tear Pakistan apart, but, despite the efforts of the maulanas, there was little sign of that yet. This seemed to bear out what I had been told about the true position of the radical religious parties in Pakistan. The Pakistani people showed them a certain respect but did not seem to want them in power. They had never succeeded in elections and would have remained on the political fringes had they not secured the patronage of the I.S.I. The influence of Islamic extremists was felt more in the armed forces and in key appointments in the civil service, which many of them now occupied-again, thanks in part to General Gul's efforts. Musharraf was trying to dislodge these people. Several religious leaders had been put under house arrest, and Musharraf had reshuffled his Army command and the top echelon of the I.S.I. in order to rid them of fundamentalists who could form a covert opposition to his policies. Even so, there was a widespread feeling that the purge had not gone far enough. And it was possible that the maulanas preaching an inflammatory message in the mosques would eventually have a greater effect on their captive audience. When the bombing began, Pakistan tried to close the border: thousands of Pashtun tribesmen had reportedly crossed into Afghanistan to fight for the Taliban, and, in the other direction, thousands of refugees, destitute already after two years of drought, were fleeing the war. The government ruled that no refugees would be admitted, and that any who entered illegally would, if discovered, be arrested and deported. In fact, refugees did come, bribing their way across the border or crossing at night along wilder, more dangerous routes. Then they vanished. Those who had relatives stayed with them. Others were forced to find a place in existing camps. None of them could declare their presence without risk of deportation. Officially, there were, therefore, no refugees. When the war began, there were forty-eight camps in the North-West Frontier Province, providing a temporary home to some two million people. According to Lateef Afridi, the Pashtun leader, there have been two million refugees in this part of the world for twenty-two years, and now the problem will only worsen. "Two million people without an education, without homes, the agonizing victims of war," he said. "For these people, human rights and bloodshed have no meaning. Most of them are uneducated and addicted to fundamentalist ideas. Iran, Pakistan, the West-the world deserted them. They need a development package, infrastructure, they need a government." A visit to one of these camps entails a bureaucratic obstacle course: one requires stamped letters of permission and, depending on the state of tension, an armed escort. The most notorious camp, Jalozai, a squalid plastic city just outside Peshawar where only the most destitute go, remains off limits. Others, like Kacha Gari, one of the largest camps in the Peshawar area, can be visited if one secures permission. Kacha Gari is a bleak place, built on a strip of desert on the outskirts of the city in 1980. Before September 11th, it housed around seventy thousand people; the numbers have increased since then. To get there, you bounce along a dirt road through a moonscape created by the excavation of clay soil to make bricks. As I drove by, bricks were stacked in the sun to dry, and tall chimneys belched foul black smoke, from old tires being burned as fuel. When I appeared on the edge of the camp, I was surrounded by children with open sores on their arms. A man on crutches tugged my sleeve and led me along a rough sandy track to his house, a single mud-brick room, where a group of relations had gathered-an uncle and his five children, newly arrived from Afghanistan. They had been farmers, the uncle explained. Fifteen days ago, they sold their last cow to raise the money to come here. Their possessions were stacked in plastic bags in the corner. "I have lost everything," the old man said. "Here I am, a refugee." Zahir Khan, the welfare officer for this section of the camp, gestured hopelessly at the miserable accommodation: "These were people who had a good life in our own country." Every day, he said, there are deaths, among the old and the children. Finally, on November 7th, the Pakistani government agreed to open eleven new camps in the tribal areas. By then, according to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, the newest group of refugees numbered about a hundred and thirty-five thousand. In Islamabad, I met Sahar Shaba, a twenty-eight-year-old Afghan Pashtun, who is a member of the clandestine Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA). A small woman, she was wearing a shalwar kameez, her scarf draped across her shoulders, and short dark hair loose around her face. Shaba was born near Jalalabad, and, following Pashtun tradition, lived in an extended family of some thirty members. Had she stayed there, she said, she would have become a conventional Pashtun wife after an arranged marriage at fifteen. But her family fled to Pakistan as refugees from the Soviet Army. The camps, she confirmed, were dominated by fundamentalists. They banned music and television, as well as secondary education for girls, so when she heard of an underground girls' school in Quetta she begged her father to send her there. The school was run by RAWA. The organization, which is dedicated to the liberation of Afghan women, has a number of schools for girls. (It was founded by a young Afghan called Meena, who was murdered in 1987, at the age of thirty. The assassins, her followers believe, were members of the Afghan secret service.) Shaba arranged for me to visit a camp near Peshawar where RAWA operates. The name of the camp, she insisted, must be kept secret. At an appointed time, a young Afghan man appeared at my hotel. I noticed with a jolt that he was wearing jeans and a shirt. I had grown used to a country in which the women were all but invisible and the men were uniformly dressed in shalwar kameez. His name, he said, was Nazeem and he was seventeen. We climbed into an ambulance and set off. "When I was young," he said, "my father used to tell me that one day there would be peace and freedom. Now he is dead, and I am seventeen and there is still no peace. Gulbuddin Hekmatyar murdered my father because he was broad-minded, because he wanted democracy. I wish I had been born in any other poor miserable country except Afghanistan." The camp we were going to, he told me, held some six thousand people and had been set up in the eighties by a liberal Pashtun leader. The camp was, he felt, the way Afghanistan used to be. "We have jirgas," he said, "and we all live together-Tajiks, Pashtun, Uzbeks. And you can wear what you like. In other camps, people throw stones at you if you dress like this." We were driving through a landscape of neat sugarcane fields. About twenty miles outside Peshawar, we turned onto a dirt road in another desert of brick fields. On the other side rose a mud-brick settlement. We stopped in front of a door, and I stepped into a courtyard shaded by young trees. I spent the evening and the night in the camp. This was the first time, in more than two weeks in Peshawar, that I had been in the company of unveiled Afghan women. Night fell, and, as I was led to small houses set in secluded courtyards, I felt as though I were visiting a peaceful rural village. Sitting cross-legged on thin rugs laid out on hard earth floors, the women told me their stories. Under the Russians, they said, women had been forced to abandon the veil. Under the jihadis, they had been forced to wear it again. Under the Taliban, they had been forced to wear the burka and were confined to their homes. And, even now, with the Taliban gone, most women had not abandoned their bur-kas. They were afraid of what was next. Fatima, a tall, attractive woman from Kandahar, had fled to Pakistan with her four children three days earlier, after her husband was seized by the Taliban. He had once been a doctor and she a teacher, but under the Taliban she stayed at home and he sold vegetables. She glared at me. "What will you do for us?" she asked. "The Americans are killing people. I have no food for my children, and I at least am lucky that I crossed the border. I hate the Taliban," she continued. "I don't hate them for obeying the laws of Islam. I hate them because of the poverty, the fact that there are no jobs, the fact that if a woman is sick she can't go to the doctor." Her youngest son, a fierce two-year-old, sat on the floor and began to eat a flower that was crushed in his fist. He grimaced and spat it out. His mother began to cry. Another mother, surrounded by her six children, described how her husband, too, had been taken by the Taliban. A former teacher, he had run a shoe shop where he secretly taught his youngest son. Six days earlier, the child had come running home, the keys to the shop clutched in his hand. His father had been taken away. The woman fled with her children. "I have very little hope that my husband is alive," she said. "People in Afghanistan have no tears left. We have seen our sons grow up and be shot." She told me stories of the Taliban's cruelty-the cutting off of hands and feet and the slitting of throats. That night, I joined a group of RAWA activists for a meal of eggplant and meat served with rice. Two RAWA teachers talked about the children in their classes- the little girl haunted by the murder of twelve members of her family, the boy who wept when the bombing began, convinced that his remaining relatives would be killed. One day, they told me, there will be another Afghanistan, another government. "Then we can return to teach in our own country." Women like Sahar Shaba and her fellow-refugees are consumed by another battle raging in Pashtun society, a battle between tribal tradition and modernity. For them, a future Afghanistan must have a place for women outside the confines of purdah, free of the restrictions of both fundamentalism and Pashtun custom. The next morning, I left the camp just after dawn and drove back to Peshawar, a city where the maulanas were preaching the message of holy war and the women were invisible under their blue burkas. At a traffic light, a woman with a baby in her arms came to the van's window to beg. The camp, with its hopes of education for girls, of democracy and peace, its faded memories of a time in Afghanistan when teachers taught in schools and doctors attended to their patients, seemed like a dream. Nazeem shook my hand as we parted. "When we go back to Afghanistan," he said, "I will invite you to the public hanging of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar." In Peshawar, I witnessed the first attempt to rally broad support for convening a Loya Jirga in Afghanistan-the highest form of jirga, it would be a temporary national council that could decide on the country's new political structure without resorting to violence. It was organized by Pir Sayeed Ahmed Gailani, a Pashtun religious leader who was being backed, I was told, by the Pakistani government-an affiliation that had probably doomed the meeting before it began. It was held in a modern conference center and attended by a thousand men from all the tribal areas and from Afghanistan, as well as by a number of familiar Peshawar faces. Pir Gailani swept onto a platform, a magisterial figure in black robes and a white turban. He seemed to be already auditioning for the office of Afghan Prime Minister. Local reporters scanned the rows of bearded faces, looking for figures of authority who would indicate how serious this attempt at organizing a viable alternative to the Taliban would be. They were disappointed. As speaker after speaker called for the return of the king, Muhammad Zahir Shah, to convene the Loya Jirga, it was finally noted that the King had sent no representative. Nor was there any senior figure from the Northern Alliance. Many of the Pashtun's rivals in Afghanistan feel that a Loya Jirga would be simply a device to restore the Pashtun to power-an aim that traditional Pashtun certainly hope to achieve. Even among the Pashtun, though, authority has been eroded by twenty years of war and the rise of radical Islamism, which has become the focus for many in the refugee generations. Some convoys have set off from the refugee camps, returning ragged families to what remains of their Afghan homes. But most refugees are holding back. They remember, Sahar Shaba, the RAWA activist told me, the last time that the Northern Alliance held power. "We would be deceiving ourselves," she said, "if we thought this was a real peace." What she sees, from her vantage point, is another version of a familiar story-warlords, in different guises, jockeying for positions of power. "The situation is getting worse day by day," an aide to Pir Gailani told me, "and there is no sign either of the Loya Jirga or of the broad-based government we proposed a month ago. If the United Nations does not act, the warlords will simply seize territory." On November 15th, exiled mujahideen crossed the border from Peshawar and swept into Jalalabad to haggle with rival commanders for control of the city. In Kabul, Burhanuddin Rabbani, the Tajik leader of the Northern Alliance, who was President of Afghanistan before the Taliban took power, also returned, on November 17th, apparently, with the intention of resuming his old job. And in the Pashtun heartland many local figures have emerged, positioning themselves to claim their historic right to rule Afghanistan. But their ethnic solidarity does not disguise their lack of a united leadership or their conflicting positions. Some are willing to strike a deal with the deserting Taliban commanders. Others see them as an obstacle to the greater purpose: the reunion of the Pashtun under the tenuous authority of Afghanistan's former king-a figure who carries no weight with the Northern Alliance. The political leadership of the Pashtun has been systematically undermined by the likes of Zia and General Gul, the I.S.I.'s veteran holy warrior, by the refugee camps and the madrasahs, by the maulanas in the mosques, and by Pakistan's calculated effort to strip the Pashtun of their political identity. For many Pashtun, radical Islam is their new allegiance: that's what this generation knows. This allegiance was at the front of General Gul's mind. "I asked myself why the Taliban waited so long to retreat," he told me when I spoke to him several days after the Taliban had abandoned Kabul. "But now I understand. They held on to give themselves time to evacuate their Scud missiles and their anti-aircraft guns before they took to the hills. Withdrawal is the most difficult military operation. It requires command and control and meticulous planning. This they have achieved. Ask your intelligence where the Scud missiles are. They had two hundred and fifty of them." There is now, the General said, a Russian-backed government in Kabul. "Putin has played a very clever card. But the Pashtun will resist, of course. And who will lead that resistance? The Taliban." And their foot soldiers, he insisted, would be the Pashtun tribesmen. "They don't like bombing," General Gul added. "But a long-drawn-out conflict in the mountains-that's the thing they enjoy the most." I found the General's predictions dubious, and yet there was no denying that few parties are eagerly inviting the Pashtun to form a government. Once again, Afghanistan's neighbors-India, Russia, and Iran-are entertaining alternatives. The Pashtun are not in a good position to bargain. For now, the only hope they have is to win, with force, enough territory to make them too strong to ignore, to become a power without which no peace can come to Afghanistan. If nothing comes of negotiation, they will fight. (c) Copyright 2001 The Conde Nast Publications, Inc. From aiindex at mnet.fr Thu Dec 13 03:37:53 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Wed, 12 Dec 2001 23:07:53 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] BBC: Changing face of Silicon Valley Message-ID: BBC News Tuesday, 11 December, 2001, 11:09 GMT Changing face of Silicon Valley Christine Finn: Silicon Valley "was very bruised" By BBC News Online's Alfred Hermida The impact of the dot.com boom and bust of 2000 on the hi-tech heart of the US, Silicon Valley, has been captured in a new book. In Artifacts: An Archaeologist's Year In Silicon Valley, Christine Finn of the University of Oxford, UK, provides a snapshot of this turbulent period during which people's fortunes could change overnight. In her book, Dr Finn combined her journalistic background with traditional archaeological training, to try to capture the fast pace of change in Silicon Valley's material culture. She first arrived in January 2000, at a time of optimism and multi-million dollar deals. By the time she left Silicon Valley in December, the atmosphere had changed completely, with companies and people living with the aftershocks of the dot.com crash. "There was an emperor's new clothes thing going on," said Dr Finn. "No one wanted to believe the whole thing could crash. But it surely did." There's a healing process going on Christine Finn "When I went back in April earlier this year, I wanted to hug everyone," she said. "I got the impression it was a place that was very bruised. "What you're seeing now is a microcosm of a society that really stretched itself to the edge and is now recovering. There's a healing process going on." Holding onto the past Silicon Valley, the stretch of land running south from San Francisco, is one of the most intensely innovative enterprise zones in the world. Computer hardware has a fast turnover Including places like Palo Alto, Menlo Park, Stanford University and San Jose, it has been at the forefront of the communications revolution. By the end of her year there, Dr Finn felt there was a sense of what was being lost and a realisation of the need to hold on to the past. "In the last few years, there was a sense of getting rid of stuff, of just keeping moving," she said. "So the orchards disappear and everyone turns round and asks, where are the orchards? You now have a heritage orchard, whereas before it was an industry." Material lost This has led some in the Valley to set up their own small-scale museums, to try to keep track of the fast-changing nature of the computer industry. About 80% of the material that I recovered last year I couldn't get now Christine Finn In an area where most of the time is spent thinking about the future, Dr Finn encountered several people who have started collecting pieces of the past so that future generations can look back and trace the origins of the computer and follow its development. Even during her work on the book, she found it sometimes hard to keep up with the transient nature of Silicon Valley. "Suddenly I realised a lot of things were disappearing in front of me," she said. "About 80% of the material that I recovered last year, I couldn't get now. When I was in the Valley trying to contact people I had interviewed in the book to let them know it was out, I was getting e-mails bouncing back. Their e-mails didn't exist because their company didn't exist anymore." As an archaeologist herself, Dr Finn believes Silicon Valley could present a challenge for the archaeologists of the future. "They'd find a lot of confusing things," she explained. "You wouldn't be able to say everyone drove a particular type of car or lived in a particular type of house, which is how we tend to interpret ancient cultures." In fact, future students of the Silicon Valley of 2000 may completely misinterpret the piles of computer chips found in this corner of the world. "An archaeologist in 500 years' time, if they didn't have any other records to go on, would wonder what on Earth was going on. "Perhaps they would make something into a ritual site which wasn't a ritual site, where people go and leave things to appease the gods of venture capital." Artifacts: An Archaeologist's Year In Silicon Valley is published by MIT press -- From shuddha at sarai.net Sat Dec 8 01:22:34 2001 From: shuddha at sarai.net (Shuddhabrata Sengupta) Date: Sat, 8 Dec 2001 01:22:34 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Attack on Indian Parliament Message-ID: <01120801223400.01293@sweety.sarai.kit> Many people on the reader list might have heard by now that the Parliament Building in New Delhi has been attacked. News reports from the television here say that five people wearing military uniforms entered the Parliament House complex and opened indiscriminate fire.Are Four security guards, and four of the assialants are reported dead, one of the assailants is missing and there are also reports of injuries to one of the journalists present on the scene. The interior minister L.K. Advani has described the incident as a "fedayeen" or suicide attack by terrorists. There are no reports of anyone having claimed responsibility for the incident as of now. Incidentally the Parliament which is in session, is due to discuss the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO) which has been tabled by the government in the wake of the events of September 11 and their aftermath. POTO which civil liberties groups here have described as one of the most draconian pieces of legislation ever drafted has met with stiff resistance even from parties in opposition (the Congress, among them) - which have themselves during their tenure in power ruled with the help of very draconian previous legislations - such as the TADA or Terrorist and Disturbed Areas Act . POTO is viewed as being even more of an attack on civil liberties than TADA. POTO bans a number of organisations that it declares to be terrorist. These are mainly separatist militant groups in Kashmir and in the North Eastern States of India, Islamist student groups and more recently two Maoist groups - The Peoples War Group and the Maoist Communist Centre. What is particularly salient as a feature of POTO is that anyone can be detained in preventive custody on the suspicion of belonging to such groups, or of their "front organisations" or of aiding and abetting the aims of these groups of their members. Suspects can be held in custody without trial for a period of 30 days in police remand and upti six moinths in judicial custody , without being charged. Confessions made beofre police officers during this period of detention are admissable as evidence,. Leaving ample scope for the use of torture (especially of non invasive forms of torture) to extract confessions or information. The mere withholding of information to the law enforcement agencies is deemed an offence, although the provision that journalists have to disclose their sources is being amended under political pressure from the opposition. However, a suspect is required to furnish information, including biological samples, (blood, urine, etc. samples) and refusal to do so, or obstruction in the process of obtaining samples is deemed as being prejudical to the trial prospects of the suspect. Further, POTO also makes provision for a wide variety of instruments by which surveillance, of all communications (telephonic, electronic, internet, postal) is made possible. A police officer of a certain rank may under POTO intercept communications in order to furnish grounds for the interecption of communication. All these, and other provisions have made POTO extremely unpalatable, and difficult to defend, even for politicals otherwise accustomed to defending repressive measures as being necessary in the interests of national security in India However, in the wake of today's attack on Parliament, it is unlikely that POTO will not go through. The opposition will find it difficult to sustain their protests against the attack on civil liberties that POTO represents. The attack on Parliament itself is too "spectacular" to ignore. In other words, we might as well realise that in all likelihood that the ordinance, will become an act. The attacks on the world trade centre came at the right time, to allow for a massive deployment of military force, and the deployment of a new regime of security apparatuses all over the world. Similarly, the attack on the Indian Parliament may be seen, in the long run as being perfect in terms of timing. Now POTO will become POTA, the ordincance will be an act, and massive state repression will be given democratic sanction. One might say that the designs of the state and what we are accustomed to hear being described as acts of terrorism are well suited to each others purposes. From boud_roukema at camk.edu.pl Thu Dec 13 18:23:51 2001 From: boud_roukema at camk.edu.pl (Boud) Date: Thu, 13 Dec 2001 13:53:51 +0100 (CET) Subject: [Reader-list] Attack on Indian Parliament In-Reply-To: <01120801223400.01293@sweety.sarai.kit> Message-ID: Words: It seems to me that the international mainstream press have suddenly discovered that India is the world's largest democracy: http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/south_asia/newsid_1707000/1707865.stm http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/nm/20011213/wl/india_parliament_dc.html Why? In order to claim that an attack on the symbol of democracy justifies replacing the democracy by authoritarianism? They don't seem to have noticed that this world's largest democracy is about to introduce draconian legislation undermining the human rights requirements for a democracy to be worth its name. How "ironical". In the Reuters article: > No ministers or legislators were hurt in the > attack, which began about 11:45 a.m. (1:15 a.m. > EDT), soon after both houses of parliament > adjourned. It was very considerate (to parliamentarians, not to security officers) of the attackers to choose a time when parliament had adjourned. I guess they didn't want to risk killing any members of parliament. Hmmm... Is this a burning of the Reichstag? It would be natural to minimise the risks if B.J. Moonje's friends' tactic was repeated... (Wasn't B.J. Moonje the RSS fellow who visited Mussolini and said that fascism was great?) Maybe some history reminders are needed. From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Thu Dec 13 22:37:16 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 13 Dec 2001 17:07:16 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] Madness in their methods... Message-ID: <20011213170716.9046.qmail@mailFA3.rediffmail.com> Madness in their methods Vladimir Bukovsky was first arrested in 1963 for possession of anti-Soviet literature and interned in a special psychiatric hospital for 14 months. He spent years in and out of mental institutions and labour camps for his persistent opposition to the regime until his release and exile in 1976. Interview by Irena Maryniak. Q: You were twice subjected to compulsory psychiatric treatment in the 1960s, first in Leningrad's Special Psychiatric Hospital and then in 'ordinary' psychiatric clinics. What were the conditions of your internment and how did it affect you? Bukovsky: I was young and curious so I wasn't seriously intimidated, even though the chances of never getting out of hospital were high. But I didn't know that then. The special hospital was an overtly penal institution. The orderlies were criminals who had been designated to do time there. As far as they were concerned there were no rules, anything went. They could steal, beat or kill. The authorities never punished them, they put everything down to the patient's condition. If an orderly killed a patient, it was the patient who was to blame. Unofficial forms of punishment included injections and 'roll-ups'. I never had a 'roll-up', but it was an ugly thing to watch. They'd wrap wet canvas strips around the patient which shrank when they dried so that the victim lost consciousness. Then a nurse would come and loosen them. This could go on for any length of time. They called it 'restraint'; in fact it was torture. Some people suffocated and died. A young political I knew, Tolik Belyaev, was given this treatment because he had been reading after lights out. The punishment drug aminazine was widely used - in the early 1960s they had little else. They also gave sulfazine which was a solution of sulphur in peach oil, injected into muscle. It caused an abscess, high temperature and intense pain. In one section they gave insulin shocks, but we were spared those. Electric shocks were introduced later. They didn't have technology then. Subsequently, the range of available equipment grew much wider. They also administered the drug haloperidol. The idea was that it lowered the severity of the psychotic state by affecting neurotransmitters. An excess of dopamine induces a severe psychotic state and a low level of dopamine causes Parkinson's disease. They gave high doses of haloperidol to lower the dopamine level, and people got symptoms of Parkinson's. All this made everything that came after seem much easier. When I was imprisoned, I found it quite simple to tolerate punishments like solitary confinement, cold or hunger. They didn't touch me. In prison you had colleagues, cell mates and limited rights. We used what we had. We went on hunger strike . . . In psychiatric hospitals there was nothing. Q: What about friendship? Bukovsky: We had that, but in those conditions there wasn't much we could do for one another. It was like a mischievous trick. You'd been diagnosed mentally ill. You were no longer responsible for yourself. You had no rights, even theoretically. I was fortunate in that our doctor was well over 70 and very experienced. If an orderly said that a patient had woken up and attacked him, he'd say: 'I've been working here 40 years and I've never seen a patient get aggressive. What did you do to him? You must have done something . . .' So in his section they never touched anyone. There was also a woman doctor who secretly helped us. She still lives in St Petersburg. She was an 'ascetic' in the Russian Orthodox sense of the word. She worked in mental hospitals to help people. She wouldn't let them punish us and helped to get us discharged. I kept in touch with her quietly after my release. She went on giving help, and was eventually caught and sacked. I lost sight of her after that. In 1991, I found her again, destitute, penniless, with no teeth. She was in a horrifying state. Her former patients now send her money from abroad. Q: What was the relationship between real patients and politica er half of the patients in our section were healthy - it was considered a 'soft' section. In 'hard' sections the number of sane patients was very small. About 10% of all patients in Soviet psychiatric hospitals were politicals. A hospital might have 1,000 patients, of whom 100 would be mentally sound. Many of the others were multiple murderers; they might have killed in desperate circumstances. Q: How did ordinary and special hospitals differ? Bukovsky: People were sent to special hospitals following a court decision. There'd be a trial and if the investigation found you mentally irresponsible you'd be sent for compulsory treatment. But you could end up in an ordinary hospital on the basis of complaints from neighbours or relatives. People turned up fortuitously. Some had tried to commit suicide, others were merely thought to have attempted suicide. This was categorised as 'dangerous'. A potential suicide was dangerous to himself. Anyone who attempted suicide and survived had to submit to psychiatric treatment. You weren't supposed to commit suicide - it was seen as deviancy. In ordinary hospitals the percentage of people who were genuinely ill was high and most came of their own accord, through a doctor. The different sections were graded. There was a ward for the chronically ill who had been there for decades. There were also wards for alcoholics and drug addicts. Q: In To Build a Castle you describe how it felt to leave hospital and go back into what we think of as 'normal' life... Bukovsky: It was a reaction many people experience after release from imprisonment of any kind. The process of reintegration is intensely difficult. Getting used to prison is far easier. In extreme conditions you discover a greater capacity to adapt and react quickly. When you're freed you expect normality and there's no such thing. In prison you idealise life and freedom, it's like nostalgia for an imagined world. The mind embellishes what it wants. When you're released you perceive that things are quite dif nt. It's a passage from one universe into another. You need time - and when you're set free you don't get that. There's a life to live, there's work, and people don't realise what's happening to you. It's as if you'd changed your skin. You walk around bare-skinned, highly sensitised. As a prisoner you're subjected to sensory deprivation. I remember the first thing that struck me when I came out of prison was colour. You're out of the habit of seeing colour - nothing coloured is permitted in prison. Even the strength of colour is painful and demands reintegration. It's also a time of rejection. You want solitude but you're in work, there's family, friends keep dropping in. You don't want that. If you're just out of psychiatric hospital it's twice as bad because of the psychological tension there. You're constantly wondering if you're normal. Even though you know you were diagnosed for political reasons you still watch yourself. Perhaps I am mad? Those big nobs in white coats with diplomas and professorial status decided I was. There must be something wrong. You keep analysing yourself, comparing yourself with others. It's an additional burden. Q: You must have thought a lot about mental illness and what it is. Bukovsky: I saw too much of it. I had the feeling it was like a technical fault, an engine running after something's seized up, or one of those old gramophone records that goes into permanent replay. No one has really understood schizophrenia yet. Q: It's ironic that Professor Andrei Snezhnevsky of Moscow's Serbsky Institute apparently thought he did. Bukovsky: The story of the struggle between the two Soviet schools of psychiatry, 'Moscow' and 'Leningrad', is well known. How different were they? Snezhnevsky dreamed up a new form of schizophrenia: 'sluggish' or 'creeping' schizophrenia. The idea was that schizophrenia can begin in early childhood as a result of psychological shock that evolves into clear symptoms only years later. The problem with this was that there were no objective iteria. Living in the Soviet system it was virtually impossible not to be traumatised. Snezhnevsky saw potential schizophrenia from early childhood in everyone. You could show him anybody and he'd say 'schizophrenic'. I knew him quite well and I think part of him really believed it. But it was very convenient for the KGB. In any other country his views would have raised a laugh or prompted debate; he would never have dominated his field. Here he was useful without realising it. I don't think he understood it for a very long time, only towards the end. If they wanted someone diagnosed as mentally ill he'd do it. It was as simple as that. The Leningrad school was more traditional. They weren't intellectual giants, they were professional psychiatrists and didn't hold with all this nonsense. So if you were diagnosed with schizophrenia in Moscow and taken to Leningrad, they'd often say you were fine. 'And as to the future - who knows? We don't have a crystal ball.' Sluchevsky - the leading Leningrad psychiatrist - was an old, highly intelligent and educated man. He regarded Snezhnevsky's theory as absurd. In the 1960s, he was very influential in Leningrad, so if they brought him a patient from Snezhnevsky he'd delete him from the list without a second look. This discrepancy explains a whole series of cases. The dissident Marxist-Leninist Pyotr Grigorenko was diagnosed twice as healthy and then taken to Moscow and diagnosed as mentally ill. It was a time of covert attack and counter-attack between these two schools of thought. But it ended soon enough because, with the support of the authorities, the Moscow school prevailed and became obligatory. Q: In the 1970s you collaborated with Semyon Gulman on A Manual on Psychiatry for Political Dissidents, which gave advice on how to deal with internment in psychiatric hospitals. Did you follow your own recommendation. Bukovsky: Not always. Some of it came from experience, some was put in because Slava (Semyon) felt, as a psychiatrist, that it was necessa Some of it was intentionally malicious. A sort of joke to demonstrate the paradoxes of the situation. But it was useful; the advice is sound. People like us were quite unprepared. Q: You suggested that people should, if they had to, retract their beliefs. Bukovsky: We had to explain that there would be a dilemma. I can't advise anyone to deny their own views. I didn't do it myself. But people needed to know that there might be a moment when they would have to choose. They needed to be ready. After that, it was up to them. I was lucky. The doctor said to me: 'I expect you're pretending. I can't see any symptoms. How did you get in here?' 'You'd better ask them,' I said. He kept demonstrating that I was mentally sound, which wasn't what the authorities wanted to hear. So, in the end, they compromised: they said my condition had 'improved' and retired the doctor. I thought about what I might do, of course. You didn't usually get discharged from psychiatric hospitals unless you admitted your 'mistakes'. In the event, it proved simpler for them to let me out. But many others had to do it. If you had a family you were very vulnerable. But I had comparatively few Achilles heels and never had to make the choice. Q: What is happening in Russian psychiatry now? Bukovsky: Systematic abuse is over. The authorities have no interest in it, there's no demand. But occasional abuses occur, even in St Petersburg, and religious groups are sometimes still exposed. I recently received reports about regional authorities persecuting religious communes. The Moscow Patriarchate is often involved because it doesn't want competition, or needs a new church building, whatever. Sectarians are diagnosed as psychiatrically ill. It's convenient. They're taken away and there's more room for manoeuvre. These are localised cases. It doesn't happen in Moscow. There it's simpler and cheaper to kill people than to imprison or hospitalise them. Moscow is indifferent. This isn't the age of Andropov. Psychiatric diagnosis nd the system. Today there are voluntary groups of psychiatrists who monitor what's happening. So incidents are publicised and a system can't be built up. You get isolated cases, but not a system. I suppose that can be considered a success. Q: What do you make of the Russian Psychiatric Society's estimate in April that, today, a third of Russians suffer psychological disorders? Bukovsky: Russia was traumatised by 73 years of communism followed by a sudden transition to capitalism. It's hard to find anyone who hasn't been personally traumatised. The new generation may be normal - time will tell. Many older people are psychologically broken. The experience of totalitarianism was immensely hard: total dependence and uncertainty, the arbitrary abuse of power. You had no idea what the authorities would do with you tomorrow. Even the existence of two conflicting channels of information was a trauma. I say that as a neurophysiologist. Radio, television, the press said one thing; life showed you something very different. It's a classic way of inducing trauma or neurosis. The way Russians escaped this discrepancy was to get drunk or tell jokes. There was a well-known anecdote in which a man goes into a hospital and demands to see an ear-eye specialist. They say to him: 'There's no such thing. There are ear, nose and throat specialists and eye specialists. What do you need an ear-eye specialist for?' 'I've got this problem, I don't see what I hear and I can't hear what I see.' Thousands of anecdotes were told in response to the lies people were fed, and to the internal, psychological conflicts this provoked. And then there was the hopelessness, the impossibility of getting out. It was deeply damaging for all those who lived through it. Today people are still highly suspicious of one another. No one believes what they hear. There's always something behind it, and something beyond that - layer after layer like a matrioshka doll. That's how life was arranged. No one will ever do anything simply. You reating 'market relations'. You won't get 'market relations' in Russia so long as people don't have a direct relationship with things, let alone with each other. Q: Shortly before your arrest, Nikita Khrushchev declared that everyone was happy with the communist system and that those who expressed dissatisfaction had to be mentally ill. Do you think the view that if you're in conflict with society you must be mad still carries weight in Russia? Bukovsky: Today's generation, the people we call 'Generation X', believe in total conformism. It's all they have: a reaction against the excessive idealism of their fathers and grandfathers. We were too idealistic and our children are conformists. There are similarities in Britain, especially now. It's even worse in the US. American society has a mob psychology. Ask for salt and you're an enemy of the people. In the West people don't know what historical experience has taught us in Russia: that conformism is dangerous. It's the foundation of totalitarianism. It was the same in Nazi Germany. Brecht writes a lot about conformism. There are always small groups of fanatics, but if a society is healthy enough it won't let them impose their madness on the rest. But a society predisposed to conformism will succumb. From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Thu Dec 13 22:51:31 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 13 Dec 2001 17:21:31 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] Attack on Indian Parliament Message-ID: <20011213172131.19625.qmail@mailFA3.rediffmail.com> Articles 3(8) and 14 of the "antiterrorist" bill specify that every person, particularly journalists, must transmit full information concerning "terrorist activities" to the authorities or risk imprisonment. On Thu, 13 Dec 2001 Boud wrote : > Words: It seems to me that the international mainstream > press > have suddenly discovered that India is the world's > largest democracy: > > http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/south_asia/newsid- > _1707000/1707865.stm > > http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/nm/20011213/wl/india_parlia- > ment_dc.html > > Why? In order to claim that an attack on the symbol of > democracy > justifies replacing the democracy by authoritarianism? > > They don't seem to have noticed that this world's > largest democracy > is about to introduce draconian legislation undermining > the human rights > requirements for a democracy to be worth its name. > > How "ironical". > > In the Reuters article: > > > No ministers or legislators were hurt in the > > attack, which began about 11:45 a.m. (1:15 a.m. > > EDT), soon after both houses of parliament > > adjourned. > > > It was very considerate (to parliamentarians, not to > security > officers) of the attackers to choose a time when > parliament had > adjourned. I guess they didn't want to risk killing any > members of > parliament. Hmmm... > > Is this a burning of the Reichstag? It would be natural > to minimise > the risks if B.J. Moonje's friends' tactic was > repeated... (Wasn't > B.J. Moonje the RSS fellow who visited Mussolini and > said that fascism > was great?) > > Maybe some history reminders are needed. > > _______________________________________________ > Reader-list mailing list > Reader-list at sarai.net > http://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Thu Dec 13 22:57:27 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 13 Dec 2001 17:27:27 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] Attack on Indian Parliament Message-ID: <20011213172727.6871.qmail@mailFA2.rediffmail.com> Articles 3(8) and 14 of the "antiterrorist" bill specify that every person, particularly journalists, must transmit full information concerning "terrorist activities" to the authorities or risk imprisonment. On Thu, 13 Dec 2001 Boud wrote : > Words: It seems to me that the international mainstream > press > have suddenly discovered that India is the world's > largest democracy: > > http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/south_asia/newsid- > _1707000/1707865.stm > > http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/nm/20011213/wl/india_parlia- > ment_dc.html > > Why? In order to claim that an attack on the symbol of > democracy > justifies replacing the democracy by authoritarianism? > > They don't seem to have noticed that this world's > largest democracy > is about to introduce draconian legislation undermining > the human rights > requirements for a democracy to be worth its name. > > How "ironical". > > In the Reuters article: > > > No ministers or legislators were hurt in the > > attack, which began about 11:45 a.m. (1:15 a.m. > > EDT), soon after both houses of parliament > > adjourned. > > > It was very considerate (to parliamentarians, not to > security > officers) of the attackers to choose a time when > parliament had > adjourned. I guess they didn't want to risk killing any > members of > parliament. Hmmm... > > Is this a burning of the Reichstag? It would be natural > to minimise > the risks if B.J. Moonje's friends' tactic was > repeated... (Wasn't > B.J. Moonje the RSS fellow who visited Mussolini and > said that fascism > was great?) > > Maybe some history reminders are needed. > > _______________________________________________ > Reader-list mailing list > Reader-list at sarai.net > http://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list From aiindex at mnet.fr Fri Dec 14 00:13:38 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Thu, 13 Dec 2001 19:43:38 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Institute for Applied Autonomy and iSee Message-ID: Institute for Applied Autonomy and iSee http://www.appliedautonomy.com/isee/ -- From fatimazehrarizvi at hotmail.com Tue Dec 11 00:42:29 2001 From: fatimazehrarizvi at hotmail.com (zehra rizvi) Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 14:12:29 -0500 Subject: [Reader-list] Update on R. Fisk Message-ID: robert fisk was beaten up by afghan refugees. his report on the ordeal. what's really interesting is what he's thinking about as he is attacked. z.rizvi. ----------------- >The Independent (U.K.) >Monday, December 10, 2001 > >My beating by refugees is a symbol of the hatred and fury of this filthy >war > >Report by Robert Fisk >in Kila Abdullah after Afghan border ordeal > >They started by shaking hands. We said "Salaam aleikum" – peace be upon >you – then the first pebbles flew past my face. A small boy tried to >grab my bag. Then another. Then someone punched me in the back. Then >young men broke my glasses, began smashing stones into my face and head. >I couldn't see for the blood pouring down my forehead and swamping my >eyes. And even then, I understood. I couldn't blame them for what they >were doing. In fact, if I were the Afghan refugees of Kila Abdullah, >close to the Afghan-Pakistan border, I would have done just the same to >Robert Fisk. Or any other Westerner I could find. > >So why record my few minutes of terror and self-disgust under assault >near the Afghan border, bleeding and crying like an animal, when >hundreds – let us be frank and say thousands – of innocent civilians >are >dying under American air strikes in Afghanistan, when the "War of >Civilisation" is burning and maiming the Pashtuns of Kandahar and >destroying their homes because "good" must triumph over "evil"? >Some of the Afghans in the little village had been there for years, >others had arrived – desperate and angry and mourning their slaughtered >loved ones – over the past two weeks. It was a bad place for a car to >break down. A bad time, just before the Iftar, the end of the daily fast >of Ramadan. But what happened to us was symbolic of the hatred and fury >and hypocrisy of this filthy war, a growing band of destitute Afghan >men, young and old, who saw foreigners – enemies – in their midst and >tried to destroy at least one of them. > >Many of these Afghans, so we were to learn, were outraged by what they >had seen on television of the Mazar-i-Sharif massacres, of the prisoners >killed with their hands tied behind their backs. A villager later told >one of our drivers that they had seen the videotape of CIA officers >"Mike" and "Dave" threatening death to a kneeling prisoner at Mazar. >They were uneducated – I doubt if many could read – but you don't have >to have a schooling to respond to the death of loved ones under a B-52's >bombs. At one point a screaming teenager had turned to my driver and >asked, in all sincerity: "Is that Mr Bush?" > >It must have been about 4.30pm that we reached Kila Abdullah, halfway >between the Pakistani city of Quetta and the border town of Chaman; >Amanullah, our driver, Fayyaz Ahmed, our translator, Justin Huggler of >The Independent – fresh from covering the Mazar massacre – and myself. > >The first we knew that something was wrong was when the car stopped in >the middle of the narrow, crowded street. A film of white steam was >rising from the bonnet of our jeep, a constant shriek of car horns and >buses and trucks and rickshaws protesting at the road-block we had >created. All four of us got out of the car and pushed it to the side of >the road. I muttered something to Justin about this being "a bad place >to break down". Kila Abdulla was home to thousands of Afghan refugees, >the poor and huddled masses that the war has produced in Pakistan. > >Amanullah went off to find another car – there is only one thing worse >than a crowd of angry men and that's a crowd of angry men after dark – >and Justin and I smiled at the initially friendly crowd that had already >gathered round our steaming vehicle. I shook a lot of hands – perhaps I >should have thought of Mr Bush – and uttered a lot of "Salaam aleikums". >I knew what could happen if the smiling stopped. >The crowd grew larger and I suggested to Justin that we move away from >the jeep, walk into the open road. A child had flicked his finger hard >against my wrist and I persuaded myself that it was an accident, a >childish moment of contempt. Then a pebble whisked past my head and >bounced off Justin's shoulder. Justin turned round. His eyes spoke of >concern and I remember how I breathed in. Please, I thought, it was just >a prank. Then another kid tried to grab my bag. It contained my >passport, credit cards, money, diary, contacts book, mobile phone. I >yanked it back and put the strap round my shoulder. Justin and I crossed >the road and someone punched me in the back. > >How do you walk out of a dream when the characters suddenly turn >hostile? I saw one of the men who had been all smiles when we shook >hands. He wasn't smiling now. Some of the smaller boys were still >laughing but their grins were transforming into something else. The >respected foreigner – the man who had been all "salaam aleikum" a few >minutes ago – was upset, frightened, on the run. The West was being >brought low. Justin was being pushed around and, in the middle of the >road, we noticed a bus driver waving us to his vehicle. Fayyaz, still by >the car, unable to understand why we had walked away, could no longer >see us. Justin reached the bus and climbed aboard. As I put my foot on >the step three men grabbed the strap of my bag and wrenched me back on >to the road. Justin's hand shot out. "Hold on," he shouted. I did. > >That's when the first mighty crack descended on my head. I almost fell >down under the blow, my ears singing with the impact. I had expected >this, though not so painful or hard, not so immediate. Its message was >awful. Someone hated me enough to hurt me. There were two more blows, >one on the back of my shoulder, a powerful fist that sent me crashing >against the side of the bus while still clutching Justin's hand. The >passengers were looking out at me and then at Justin. But they did not >move. No one wanted to help. > >I cried out "Help me Justin", and Justin – who was doing more than any >human could >do by clinging to my ever loosening grip asked me – over the screams of >the crowd – what I wanted him to do. Then I realised. I could only just >hear him. Yes, they were shouting. Did I catch the word "kaffir" – >infidel? Perhaps I was was wrong. That's when I was dragged away from >Justin. > >There were two more cracks on my head, one on each side and for some odd >reason, part of my memory – some small crack in my brain – registered a >moment at school, at a primary school called the Cedars in Maidstone >more than 50 years ago when a tall boy building sandcastles in the >playground had hit me on the head. I had a memory of the blow smelling, >as if it had affected my nose. The next blow came from a man I saw >carrying a big stone in his right hand. He brought it down on my >forehead with tremendous force and something hot and liquid splashed >down my face and lips and chin. I was kicked. On the back, on the shins, >on my right thigh. Another teenager grabbed my bag yet again and I was >left clinging to the strap, looking up suddenly and realising there must >have been 60 men in front of me, howling. Oddly, it wasn't fear I felt >but a kind of wonderment. So this is how it happens. I knew that I had >to respond. Or, so I reasoned in my stunned state, I had to die. > >The only thing that shocked me was my own physical sense of collapse, my >growing awareness of the liquid beginning to cover me. I don't think >I've ever seen so much blood before. For a second, I caught a glimpse of >something terrible, a nightmare face – my own – reflected in the window >of the bus, streaked in blood, my hands drenched in the stuff like Lady >Macbeth, slopping down my pullover and the collar of my shirt until my >back was wet and my bag dripping with crimson and vague splashes >suddenly appearing on my trousers. > >The more I bled, the more the crowd gathered and beat me with their >fists. Pebbles and small stones began to bounce off my head and >shoulders. How long, I remembered thinking, could this go on? My head >was suddenly struck by stones on both sides at the same time – not >thrown stones but stones in the palms of men who were using them to try >and crack my skull. Then a fist punched me in the face, splintering my >glasses on my nose, another hand grabbed at the spare pair of spectacles >round my neck and ripped the leather container from the cord. >I guess at this point I should thank Lebanon. For 25 years, I have >covered Lebanon's wars and the Lebanese used to teach me, over and over >again, how to stay alive: take a decision – any decision – but don't do >nothing. > >So I wrenched the bag back from the hands of the young man who was >holding it. He stepped back. Then I turned on the man on my right, the >one holding the bloody stone in his hand and I bashed my fist into his >mouth. I couldn't see very much – my eyes were not only short-sighted >without my glasses but were misting over with a red haze – but I saw the >man sort of cough and a tooth fall from his lip and then he fell back on >the road. For a second the crowd stopped. Then I went for the other man, >clutching my bag under my arm and banging my fist into his nose. He >roared in anger and it suddenly turned all red. I missed another man >with a punch, hit one more in the face, and ran. > >I was back in the middle of the road but could not see. I brought my >hands to my eyes and they were full of blood and with my fingers I tried >to scrape the gooey stuff out. It made a kind of sucking sound but I >began to see again and realised that I was crying and weeping and that >the tears were cleaning my eyes of blood. What had I done, I kept asking >myself? I had been punching and attacking Afghan refugees, the very >people I had been writing about for so long, the very dispossessed, >mutilated people whom my own country –among others – was killing along, >with the Taliban, just across the border. God spare me, I thought. I >think I actually said it. The men whose families our bombers were >killing were now my enemies too. > >Then something quite remarkable happened. A man walked up to me, very >calmly, and took me by the arm. I couldn't see him very well for all the >blood that was running into my eyes but he was dressed in a kind of robe >and wore a turban and had a white-grey beard. And he led me away from >the crowd. I looked over my shoulder. There were now a hundred men >behind me and a few stones skittered along the road, but they were not >aimed at me –presumably to avoid hitting the stranger. He was like an >Old Testament figure or some Bible story, the Good Samaritan, a Muslim >man – perhaps a mullah in the village – who was trying to save my life. > >He pushed me into the back of a police truck. But the policemen didn't >move. They were terrified. "Help me," I kept shouting through the tiny >window at the back of their cab, my hands leaving streams of blood down >the glass. They drove a few metres and stopped until the tall man spoke >to them again. Then they drove another 300 metres. > >And there, beside the road, was a Red Cross-Red Crescent convoy. The >crowd was still behind us. But two of the medical attendants pulled me >behind one of their vehicles, poured water over my hands and face and >began pushing bandages on to my head and face and the back of my head. >"Lie down and we'll cover you with a blanket so they can't see you," one >of them said. They were both Muslims, Bangladeshis and their names >should be recorded because they were good men and true: Mohamed Abdul >Halim and Sikder Mokaddes Ahmed. I lay on the floor, groaning, aware >that I might live. > >Within minutes, Justin arrived. He had been protected by a massive >soldier from the Baluchistan Levies – true ghost of the British Empire >who, with a single rifle, kept the crowds away from the car in which >Justin was now sitting. I fumbled with my bag. They never got the bag, I >kept saying to myself, as if my passport and my credit cards were a kind >of Holy Grail. But they had seized my final pair of spare glasses – I >was blind without all three – and my mobile telephone was missing and so >was my contacts book, containing 25 years of telephone numbers >throughout the Middle East. What was I supposed to do? Ask everyone who >ever knew me to re-send their telephone numbers? > >Goddamit, I said and tried to bang my fist on my side until I realised >it was bleeding from a big gash on the wrist – the mark of the tooth I >had just knocked out of a man's jaw, a man who was truly innocent of any >crime except that of being the victim of the world. > >I had spent more than two and a half decades reporting the humiliation >and misery of the Muslim world and now their anger had embraced me too. >Or had it? There were Mohamed and Sikder of the Red Crescent and Fayyaz >who came panting back to the car incandescent at our treatment and >Amanullah who invited us to his home for medical treatment. And there >was the Muslim saint who had taken me by the arm. >And – I realised – there were all the Afghan men and boys who had >attacked me who should never have done so but whose brutality was >entirely the product of others, of us – of we who had armed their >struggle against the Russians and ignored their pain and laughed at >their civil war and then armed and paid them again for the "War for >Civilisation" just a few miles away and then bombed their homes and >ripped up their families and called them "collateral damage". > >So I thought I should write about what happened to us in this fearful, >silly, bloody, tiny incident. I feared other versions would produce a >different narrative, of how a British journalist was "beaten up by a mob >of Afghan refugees". > >And of course, that's the point. The people who were assaulted were the >Afghans, the scars inflicted by us – by B-52s, not by them. And I'll say >it again. If I was an Afghan refugee in Kila Abdullah, I would have done >just what they did. I would have attacked Robert Fisk. Or any other >Westerner I could find. >  > _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp From aiindex at mnet.fr Fri Dec 14 06:17:57 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Fri, 14 Dec 2001 01:47:57 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Transcript of Osama bin Laden videotape Message-ID: Source: CNN URL: http://www.cnn.com/2001/US/12/13/tape.transcript/ Transcript of Osama bin Laden videotape December 13, 2001 Posted: 2:25 PM EST (1925 GMT) The following transcript of a videotape of Osama bin Laden talking with others, translated from Arabic into English, was issued by the U.S. Department of Defense. CNN spells the al Qaeda leader's name Osama bin Laden, but the Defense Department spelling -- Usama bin Laden -- is retained. He is identified as UBL in the transcript. (Transcript and annotations independently prepared by George Michael, translator, Diplomatic Language Services; and Dr. Kassem M. Wahba, Arabic language program coordinator, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. They collaborated on their translation and compared it with translations done by the U.S. government for consistency. There were no inconsistencies in the translations.) In mid-November, Usama Bin Laden spoke to a room of supporters, possibly in Qandahar, Afghanistan. These comments were videotaped with the knowledge of bin Laden and all present. Note: The tape is approximately one hour long and contains three different segments: an original taping of a visit by some people to the site of the downed U.S. helicopter in Ghazni province (approximately 12 minutes long); and two segments documenting a courtesy visit by bin Laden and his lieutenants to an unidentified Shaykh, who appears crippled from the waist down. The visit apparently takes place at a guesthouse in Qandahar. The sequence of the events is reversed on the tape -- the end of his visit is in the beginning of the tape with the helicopter site visit in the middle and the start of the Usama bin Laden visit beginning approximately 39 minutes into the tape. The tape is transcribed below according to the proper sequence of events. Due to the quality of the original tape, it is NOT a verbatim transcript of every word spoken during the meeting, but does convey the messages and information flow. EDITOR'S NOTE: 39 minutes into tape, first segment of the bin Laden meeting, begins after footage of helicopter site visit Shaykh: (...inaudible...) You have given us weapons, you have given us hope and we thank Allah for you. We don't want to take much of your time, but this is the arrangement of the brothers. People now are supporting us more, even those ones who did not support us in the past, support us more now. I did not want to take that much of your time. We praise Allah, we praise Allah. We came from Kabul. We were very pleased to visit. May Allah bless you both at home and the camp. We asked the driver to take us, it was a night with a full moon, thanks be to Allah. Believe me it is not in the country side. The elderly...everybody praises what you did, the great action you did, which was first and foremost by the grace of Allah. This is the guidance of Allah and the blessed fruit of jihad. UBL: Thanks to Allah. What is the stand of the Mosques there (in Saudi Arabia)? Shaykh: Honestly, they are very positive. Shaykh Al-Bahrani (phonetic) gave a good sermon in his class after the sunset prayers. It was videotaped and I was supposed to carry it with me, but unfortunately, I had to leave immediately. UBL: The day of the events? Shaykh: At the exact time of the attack on America, precisely at the time. He (Bahrani) gave a very impressive sermon. Thanks be to Allah for his blessings. He (Bahrani) was the first one to write at war time. I visited him twice in Al-Qasim. UBL: Thanks be to Allah. Shaykh: This is what I asked from Allah. He (Bahrani) told the youth: "You are asking for martyrdom and wonder where you should go (for martyrdom)?" Allah was inciting them to go. I asked Allah to grant me to witness the truth in front of the unjust ruler. We ask Allah to protect him and give him the martyrdom, after he issued the first fatwa. He was detained for interrogation, as you know. When he was called in and asked to sign, he told them, "don't waste my time, I have another fatwa. If you want me, I can sign both at the same time." UBL: Thanks be to Allah. Shaykh: His position is really very encouraging. When I paid him the first visit about a year and half ago, he asked me, "How is Shaykh Bin-Ladin?" He sends you his special regards. As far as Shaykh Sulayman 'Ulwan is concerned, he gave a beautiful fatwa, may Allah bless him. Miraculously, I heard it on the Quran radio station. It was strange because he ('Ulwan) sacrificed his position, which is equivalent to a director. It was transcribed word-by-word. The brothers listened to it in detail. I briefly heard it before the noon prayers. He ('Ulwan) said this was jihad and those people were not innocent people (World Trade Center and Pentagon victims). He swore to Allah. This was transmitted to Shaykh Sulayman Al (('Umar)) Allah bless him. UBL: What about Shaykh Al-((Rayan))? Shaykh: Honestly, I did not meet with him. My movements were truly limited. UBL: Allah bless you. You are welcome. Shaykh: (Describing the trip to the meeting) They smuggled us and then I thought that we would be in different caves inside the mountains so I was surprised at the guest house and that it is very clean and comfortable. Thanks be to Allah, we also learned that this location is safe, by Allah's blessings. The place is clean and we are very comfortable. UBL: (...Inaudible...) when people see a strong horse and a weak horse, by nature, they will like the strong horse. This is only one goal; those who want people to worship the lord of the people, without following that doctrine, will be following the doctrine of Muhammad, peace be upon him. (UBL quotes several short and incomplete Hadith verses, as follows): "I was ordered to fight the people until they say there is no god but Allah, and his prophet Muhammad." "Some people may ask: why do you want to fight us?" "There is an association between those who say: I believe in one god and Muhammad is his prophet, and those who don't (...inaudible...) "Those who do not follow the true fiqh. The fiqh of Muhammad, the real fiqh. They are just accepting what is being said at face value." UBL: Those youth who conducted the operations did not accept any fiqh in the popular terms, but they accepted the fiqh that the prophet Muhammad brought. Those young men (...inaudible...) said in deeds, in New York and Washington, speeches that overshadowed all other speeches made everywhere else in the world. The speeches are understood by both Arabs and non-Arabs-even by Chinese. It is above all the media said. Some of them said that in Holland, at one of the centers, the number of people who accepted Islam during the days that followed the operations were more than the people who accepted Islam in the last eleven years. I heard someone on Islamic radio who owns a school in America say: "We don't have time to keep up with the demands of those who are asking about Islamic books to learn about Islam." This event made people think (about true Islam) which benefited Islam greatly. Shaykh: Hundreds of people used to doubt you and few only would follow you until this huge event happened. Now hundreds of people are coming out to join you. I remember a vision by Shaykh Salih Al-((Shuaybi)). He said: "There will be a great hit and people will go out by hundreds to Afghanistan." I asked him (Salih): "To Afghanistan?" He replied, "Yes." According to him, the only ones who stay behind will be the mentally impotent and the liars (hypocrites). I remembered his saying that hundreds of people will go out to Afghanistan. He had this vision a year ago. This event discriminated between the different types of followers. UBL: (...Inaudible...) we calculated in advance the number of casualties from the enemy, who would be killed based on the position of the tower. We calculated that the floors that would be hit would be three or four floors. I was the most optimistic of them all. (...Inaudible...) due to my experience in this field, I was thinking that the fire from the gas in the plane would melt the iron structure of the building and collapse the area where the plane hit and all the floors above it only. This is all that we had hoped for. Shaykh: Allah be praised. UBL: We were at (...inaudible...) when the event took place. We had notification since the previous Thursday that the event would take place that day. We had finished our work that day and had the radio on. It was 5:30 p.m. our time. I was sitting with Dr. Ahmad Abu-al-((Khair)). Immediately, we heard the news that a plane had hit the World Trade Center. We turned the radio station to the news from Washington. The news continued and no mention of the attack until the end. At the end of the newscast, they reported that a plane just hit the World Trade Center. Shaykh: Allah be praised. UBL: After a little while, they announced that another plane had hit the World Trade Center. The brothers who heard the news were overjoyed by it. Shaykh: I listened to the news and I was sitting. We didn't...we were not thinking about anything, and all of a sudden, Allah willing, we were talking about how come we didn't have anything, and all of a sudden the news came and everyone was overjoyed and everyone until the next day, in the morning, was talking about what was happening and we stayed until four o'clock, listening to the news every time a little bit different, everyone was very joyous and saying "Allah is great," "Allah is great," "We are thankful to Allah," "Praise Allah." And I was happy for the happiness of my brothers. That day the congratulations were coming on the phone non-stop. The mother was receiving phone calls continuously. Thank Allah. Allah is great, praise be to Allah. (Quoting the verse from the Quran) Shaykh: "Fight them, Allah will torture them, with your hands, he will torture them. He will deceive them and he will give you victory. Allah will forgive the believers, he is knowledgeable about everything." Shaykh: No doubt it is a clear victory. Allah has bestowed on us...honor on us...and he will give us blessing and more victory during this holy month of Ramadan. And this is what everyone is hoping for. Thank Allah America came out of its caves. We hit her the first hit and the next one will hit her with the hands of the believers, the good believers, the strong believers. By Allah it is a great work. Allah prepares for you a great reward for this work. I'm sorry to speak in your presence, but it is just thoughts, just thoughts. By Allah, who there is no god but him. I live in happiness, happiness...I have not experienced, or felt, in a long time. I remember, the words of Al-Rabbani, he said they made a coalition against us in the winter with the infidels like the Turks, and others, and some other Arabs. And they surrounded us like the days...in the days of the prophet Muhammad. Exactly like what's happening right now. But he comforted his followers and said, "This is going to turn and hit them back." And it is a mercy for us. And a blessing to us. And it will bring people back. Look how wise he was. And Allah will give him blessing. And the day will come when the symbols of Islam will rise up and it will be similar to the early days of Al-Mujahedeen and Al-Ansar (similar to the early years of Islam). And victory to those who follow Allah. Finally said, if it is the same, like the old days, such as Abu Bakr and Othman and Ali and others. In these days, in our times, that it will be the greatest jihad in the history of Islam and the resistance of the wicked people. Shaykh: By Allah my Shaykh. We congratulate you for the great work. Thank Allah. Tape ends here Second segment of Bin Laden's visit, shows up at the front of the tape UBL: Abdallah Azzam, Allah bless his soul, told me not to record anything (...inaudible...) so I thought that was a good omen, and Allah will bless us (...inaudible...). Abu-Al-Hasan Al-((Masri)), who appeared on Al-Jazeera TV a couple of days ago and addressed the Americans saying: "If you are true men, come down here and face us." (...inaudible...) He told me a year ago: "I saw in a dream, we were playing a soccer game against the Americans. When our team showed up in the field, they were all pilots!" He said: "So I wondered if that was a soccer game or a pilot game? Our players were pilots." He (Abu-Al-Hasan) didn't know anything about the operation until he heard it on the radio. He said the game went on and we defeated them. That was a good omen for us. Shaykh: May Allah be blessed. Unidentified Man Off Camera: Abd Al Rahman Al-(Ghamri) said he saw a vision, before the operation, a plane crashed into a tall building. He knew nothing about it. Shaykh: May Allah be blessed! Sulayman ((Abu Guaith)): I was sitting with the Shaykh in a room, then I left to go to another room where there was a TV set. The TV broadcasted the big event. The scene was showing an Egyptian family sitting in their living room, they exploded with joy. Do you know when there is a soccer game and your team wins, it was the same expression of joy. There was a subtitle that read: "In revenge for the children of Al Aqsa', Usama Bin Ladin executes an operation against America." So I went back to the Shaykh (meaning UBL) who was sitting in a room with 50 to 60 people. I tried to tell him about what I saw, but he made gesture with his hands, meaning: "I know, I knowŠ" UBL: He did not know about the operation. Not everybody knew (...inaudible...). Muhammad ((Atta)) from the Egyptian family (meaning the Al Qa'ida Egyptian group), was in charge of the group. Shaykh: A plane crashing into a tall building was out of anyone's imagination. This was a great job. He was one of the pious men in the organization. He became a martyr. Allah bless his soul. Shaykh (Referring to dreams and visions): The plane that he saw crashing into the building was seen before by more than one person. One of the good religious people has left everything and come here. He told me, "I saw a vision, I was in a huge plane, long and wide. I was carrying it on my shoulders and I walked from the road to the desert for half a kilometer. I was dragging the plane." I listened to him and I prayed to Allah to help him. Another person told me that last year he saw, but I didn't understand and I told him I don't understand. He said, "I saw people who left for jihad...and they found themselves in New York...in Washington and New York." I said, "What is this?" He told me the plane hit the building. That was last year. We haven't thought much about it. But, when the incidents happened he came to me and said, "Did you see...this is strange." I have another man...my god...he said and swore by Allah that his wife had seen the incident a week earlier. She saw the plane crashing into a building...that was unbelievable, my god. UBL: The brothers, who conducted the operation, all they knew was that they have a martyrdom operation and we asked each of them to go to America but they didn't know anything about the operation, not even one letter. But they were trained and we did not reveal the operation to them until they are there and just before they boarded the planes. UBL: (...inaudible...) then he said: Those who were trained to fly didn't know the others. One group of people did not know the other group. (...inaudible...) (Someone in the crowd asks UBL to tell the Shaykh about the dream of ((Abu-Da'ud)). UBL: We were at a camp of one of the brother's guards in Qandahar. This brother belonged to the majority of the group. He came close and told me that he saw, in a dream, a tall building in America, and in the same dream he saw Mukhtar teaching them how to play karate. At that point, I was worried that maybe the secret would be revealed if everyone starts seeing it in their dream. So I closed the subject. I told him if he sees another dream, not to tell anybody, because people will be upset with him. (Another person's voice can be heard recounting his dream about two planes hitting a big building). UBL: They were overjoyed when the first plane hit the building, so I said to them: be patient. UBL: The difference between the first and the second plane hitting the towers was twenty minutes. And the difference between the first plane and the plane that hit the Pentagon was one hour. Shaykh: They (the Americans) were terrified thinking there was a coup. [Note: Ayman Al-Zawahri says first he commended UBL's awareness of what the media is saying. Then he says it was the first time for them (Americans) to feel danger coming at them.] UBL (reciting a poem): I witness that against the sharp blade They always faced difficulties and stood together... When the darkness comes upon us and we are bit by a Sharp tooth, I say... "Our homes are flooded with blood and the tyrant Is freely wandering in our homes"... And from the battlefield vanished The brightness of swords and the horses... And over weeping sounds now We hear the beats of drums and rhythmŠ They are storming his forts And shouting: "We will not stop our raids Until you free our lands"... Bin Laden visit footage complete. Footage of the visit to the helicopter site follows the poem. -- From aiindex at mnet.fr Fri Dec 14 06:20:03 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Fri, 14 Dec 2001 01:50:03 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Full text of (Bonn) Agreement on provisional arrangements in Afghanistan, including the ministerial list, presented by the German Foreign Office Message-ID: Source: German Foreign Office Published: 05.12.2001 URL: http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/www/en/aussenpolitik/ausgabe_archiv?archiv_id=2437&type_id=2&bereich_id=11 Agreement on provisional arrangements in Afghanistan pending the re-establishment of permanent government institutions The participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan, In the presence of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Afghanistan, Determined to end the tragic conflict in Afghanistan and promote national reconciliation, lasting peace, stability and respect for human rights in the country, Reaffirming the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan, Acknowledging the right of the people of Afghanistan to freely determine their own political future in accordance with the principles of Islam, democracy, pluralism and social justice, Expressing their appreciation to the Afghan mujahidin who, over the years, have defended the independence, territorial integrity and national unity of the country and have played a major role in the struggle against terrorism and oppression, and whose sacrifice has now made them both heroes of jihad and champions of peace, stability and reconstruction of their beloved homeland, Afghanistan, Aware that the unstable situation in Afghanistan requires the implementation of emergency interim arrangements and expressing their deep appreciation to His Excellency Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani for his readiness to transfer power to an interim authority which is to be established pursuant to this agreement, Recognizing the need to ensure broad representation in these interim arrangements of all segments of the Afghan population, including groups that have not been adequately represented at the UN Talks on Afghanistan, Noting that these interim arrangements are intended as a first step toward the establishment of a broad-based, gender-sensitive, multi-ethnic and fully representative government, and are not intended to remain in place beyond the specified period of time, Recognizing that some time may be required for a new Afghan security force to be fully constituted and functional and that therefore other security provisions detailed in Annex I to this agreement must meanwhile be put in place, Considering that the United Nations, as the internationally recognized impartial institution, has a particularly important role to play, detailed in Annex II to this agreement, in the period prior to the establishment of permanent institutions in Afghanistan, Have agreed as follows: THE INTERIM AUTHORITY I. General provisions 1) An Interim Authority shall be established upon the official transfer of power on 22 December 2001. 2) The Interim Authority shall consist of an Interim Administration presided over by a Chairman, a Special Independent Commission for the Convening of the Emergency Loya Jirga, and a Supreme Court of Afghanistan, as well as such other courts as may be established by the Interim Administration. The composition, functions and governing procedures for the Interim Administration and the Special Independent Commission are set forth in this agreement. 3) Upon the official transfer of power, the Interim Authority shall be the repository of Afghan sovereignty, with immediate effect. As such, it shall, throughout the interim period, represent Afghanistan in its external relations and shall occupy the seat of Afghanistan at the United Nations and in its specialized agencies, as well as in other international institutions and conferences. 4) An Emergency Loya Jirga shall be convened within six months of the establishment of the Interim Authority. The Emergency Loya Jirga will be opened by His Majesty Mohammed Zaher, the former King of Afghanistan. The Emergency Loya Jirga shall decide on a Transitional Authority, including a broad-based transitional administration, to lead Afghanistan until such time as a fully representative government can be elected through free and fair elections to be held no later than two years from the date of the convening of the Emergency Loya Jirga. 5) The Interim Authority shall cease to exist once the Transitional Authority has been established by the Emergency Loya Jirga. 6) A Constitutional Loya Jirga shall be convened within eighteen months of the establishment of the Transitional Authority, in order to adopt a new constitution for Afghanistan. In order to assist the Constitutional Loya Jirga prepare the proposed Constitution, the Transitional Administration shall, within two months of its commencement and with the assistance of the United Nations, establish a Constitutional Commission. II. Legal framework and judicial system 1) The following legal framework shall be applicable on an interim basis until the adoption of the new Constitution referred to above: i) The Constitution of 1964, a/ to the extent that its provisions are not inconsistent with those contained in this agreement, and b/ with the exception of those provisions relating to the monarchy and to the executive and legislative bodies provided in the Constitution; and ii) existing laws and regulations, to the extent that they are not inconsistent with this agreement or with international legal obligations to which Afghanistan is a party, or with those applicable provisions contained in the Constitution of 1964, provided that the Interim Authority shall have the power to repeal or amend those laws and regulations. 2) The judicial power of Afghanistan shall be independent and shall be vested in a Supreme Court of Afghanistan, and such other courts as may be established by the Interim Administration. The Interim Administration shall establish, with the assistance of the United Nations, a Judicial Commission to rebuild the domestic justice system in accordance with Islamic principles, international standards, the rule of law and Afghan legal traditions. III. Interim Administration A Composition 1) The Interim Administration shall be composed of a Chairman, five Vice Chairmen and 24 other members. Each member, except the Chairman, may head a department of the Interim Administration. 2) The participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan have invited His Majesty Mohammed Zaher, the former King of Afghanistan, to chair the Interim Administration. His Majesty has indicated that he would prefer that a suitable candidate acceptable to the participants be selected as the Chair of the Interim Administration. 3) The Chairman, the Vice Chairmen and other members of the Interim Administration have been selected by the participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan, as listed in Annex IV to this agreement. The selection has been made on the basis of professional competence and personal integrity from lists submitted by the participants in the UN Talks, with due regard to the ethnic, geographic and religious composition of Afghanistan and to the importance of the participation of women. 4) No person serving as a member of the Interim Administration may simultaneously hold membership of the Special Independent Commission for the Convening of the Emergency Loya Jirga. B. Procedures 1) The Chairman of the Interim Administration, or in his/her absence one of the Vice Chairmen, shall call and chair meetings and propose the agenda for these meetings. 2) The Interim Administration shall endeavour to reach its decisions by consensus. In order for any decision to be taken, at least 22 members must be in attendance. If a vote becomes necessary, decisions shall be taken by a majority of the members present and voting, unless otherwise stipulated in this agreement. The Chairman shall cast the deciding vote in the event that the members are divided equally. C. Functions 1) The Interim Administration shall be entrusted with the day-to-day conduct of the affairs of state, and shall have the right to issue decrees for the peace, order and good government of Afghanistan. 2) The Chairman of the Interim Administration or, in his/her absence, one of the Vice Chairmen, shall represent the Interim Administration as appropriate. 3) Those members responsible for the administration of individual departments shall also be responsible for implementing the policies of the Interim Administration within their areas of responsibility. 4) Upon the official transfer of power, the Interim Administration shall have full jurisdiction over the printing and delivery of the national currency and special drawing rights from international financial institutions. The Interim Administration shall establish, with the assistance of the United Nations, a Central Bank of Afghanistan that will regulate the money supply of the country through transparent and accountable procedures. 5) The Interim Administration shall establish, with the assistance of the United Nations, an independent Civil Service Commission to provide the Interim Authority and the future Transitional Authority with shortlists of candidates for key posts in the administrative departments, as well as those of governors and uluswals, in order to ensure their competence and integrity. 6) The Interim Administration shall, with the assistance of the United Nations, establish an independent Human Rights Commission, whose responsibilities will include human rights monitoring, investigation of violations of human rights, and development of domestic human rights institutions. The Interim Administration may, with the assistance of the United Nations, also establish any other commissions to review matters not covered in this agreement. 7) The members of the Interim Administration shall abide by a Code of Conduct elaborated in accordance with international standards. 8) Failure by a member of the Interim Administration to abide by the provisions of the Code of Conduct shall lead to his/her suspension from that body. The decision to suspend a member shall be taken by a two-thirds majority of the membership of the Interim Administration on the proposal of its Chairman or any of its Vice Chairmen. 9) The functions and powers of members of the Interim Administration will be further elaborated, as appropriate, with the assistance of the United Nations. IV. The Special Independent Commission for the Convening of the Emergency Loya Jirga 1) The Special Independent Commission for the Convening of the Emergency Loya Jirga shall be established within one month of the establishment of the Interim Authority. The Special Independent Commission will consist of twenty-one members, a number of whom should have expertise in constitutional or customary law. The members will be selected from lists of candidates submitted by participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan as well as Afghan professional and civil society groups. The United Nations will assist with the establishment and functioning of the commission and of a substantial secretariat. 2) The Special Independent Commission will have the final authority for determining the procedures for and the number of people who will participate in the Emergency Loya Jirga. The Special Independent Commission will draft rules and procedures specifying (i) criteria for allocation of seats to the settled and nomadic population residing in the country; (ii) criteria for allocation of seats to the Afghan refugees living in Iran, Pakistan, and elsewhere, and Afghans from the diaspora; (iii) criteria for inclusion of civil society organizations and prominent individuals, including Islamic scholars, intellectuals, and traders, both within the country and in the diaspora. The Special Independent Commission will ensure that due attention is paid to the representation in the Emergency Loya Jirga of a significant number of women as well as all other segments of the Afghan population. 3) The Special Independent Commission will publish and disseminate the rules and procedures for the convening of the Emergency Loya Jirga at least ten weeks before the Emergency Loya Jirga convenes, together with the date for its commencement and its suggested location and duration. 4) The Special Independent Commission will adopt and implement procedures for monitoring the process of nomination of individuals to the Emergency Loya Jirga to ensure that the process of indirect election or selection is transparent and fair. To pre-empt conflict over nominations, the Special Independent Commission will specify mechanisms for filing of grievances and rules for arbitration of disputes. 5) The Emergency Loya Jirga will elect a Head of the State for the Transitional Administration and will approve proposals for the structure and key personnel of the Transitional Administration. V. Final provisions 1) Upon the official transfer of power, all mujahidin, Afghan armed forces and armed groups in the country shall come under the command and control of the Interim Authority, and be reorganized according to the requirements of the new Afghan security and armed forces. 2) The Interim Authority and the Emergency Loya Jirga shall act in accordance with basic principles and provisions contained in international instruments on human rights and international humanitarian law to which Afghanistan is a party. 3) The Interim Authority shall cooperate with the international community in the fight against terrorism, drugs and organized crime. It shall commit itself to respect international law and maintain peaceful and friendly relations with neighbouring countries and the rest of the international community. 4) The Interim Authority and the Special Independent Commission for the Convening of the Emergency Loya Jirga will ensure the participation of women as well as the equitable representation of all ethnic and religious communities in the Interim Administration and the Emergency Loya Jirga. 5) All actions taken by the Interim Authority shall be consistent with Security Council resolution 1378 (14 November 2001) and other relevant Security Council resolutions relating to Afghanistan. 6) Rules of procedure for the organs established under the Interim Authority will be elaborated as appropriate with the assistance of the United Nations. This agreement, of which the annexes constitute an integral part, done in Bonn on this 5th day of December 2001 in the English language, shall be the authentic text, in a single copy which shall remain deposited in the archives of the United Nations. Official texts shall be provided in Dari and Pashto, and such other languages as the Special Representative of the Secretary-General may designate. The Special Representative of the Secretary-General shall send certified copies in English, Dari and Pashto to each of the participants. For the participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan: Ms. Amena Afzali Mr. S. Hussain Anwari Mr. Hedayat Amin Arsala Mr. Sayed Hamed Gailani Mr. Rahmatullah Mousa Ghazi Eng. Abdul Hakim Mr. Houmayoun Jareer Mr. Abbas Karimi Mr. Mustafa Kazimi Dr. Azizullah Ludin Mr. Ahmad Wali Massoud Mr. Hafizullah Asif Mohseni Prof. Mohammad Ishaq Nadiri Mr. Mohammad Natiqi Mr. Aref Noorzay Mr. Yunus Qanooni Dr. Zalmai Rassoul Mr. H. Mirwais Sadeq Dr. Mohammad Jalil Shams Prof. Abdul Sattar Sirat Mr. Humayun Tandar Mrs. Sima Wali General Abdul Rahim Wardak Mr. Azizullah Wasefi Mr. Pacha Khan Zadran Witnessed for the United Nations by: Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Afghanistan ANNEX I - INTERNATIONAL SECURITY FORCE 1. The participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan recognize that the responsibility for providing security and law and order throughout the country resides with the Afghans themselves. To this end, they pledge their commitment to do all within their means and influence to ensure such security, including for all United Nations and other personnel of international governmental and non-governmental organizations deployed in Afghanistan. 2. With this objective in mind, the participants request the assistance of the international community in helping the new Afghan authorities in the establishment and training of new Afghan security and armed forces. 3. Conscious that some time may be required for the new Afghan security and armed forces to be fully constituted and functioning, the participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan request the United Nations Security Council to consider authorizing the early deployment to Afghanistan of a United Nations mandated force. This force will assist in the maintenance of security for Kabul and its surrounding areas. Such a force could, as appropriate, be progressively expanded to other urban centres and other areas. 4. The participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan pledge to withdraw all military units from Kabul and other urban centers or other areas in which the UN mandated force is deployed. It would also be desirable if such a force were to assist in the rehabilitation of Afghanistan's infrastructure. ANNEX II - ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS DURING THE INTERIM PERIOD 1. The Special Representative of the Secretary-General will be responsible for all aspects of the United Nations' work in Afghanistan. 2. The Special Representative shall monitor and assist in the implementation of all aspects of this agreement. 3. The United Nations shall advise the Interim Authority in establishing a politically neutral environment conducive to the holding of the Emergency Loya Jirga in free and fair conditions. The United Nations shall pay special attention to the conduct of those bodies and administrative departments which could directly influence the convening and outcome of the Emergency Loya Jirga. 4. The Special Representative of the Secretary-General or his/her delegate may be invited to attend the meetings of the Interim Administration and the Special Independent Commission on the Convening of the Emergency Loya Jirga. 5. If for whatever reason the Interim Administration or the Special Independent Commission were actively prevented from meeting or unable to reach a decision on a matter related to the convening of the Emergency Loya Jirga, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General shall, taking into account the views expressed in the Interim Administration or in the Special Independent Commission, use his/her good offices with a view to facilitating a resolution to the impasse or a decision. 6. The United Nations shall have the right to investigate human rights violations and, where necessary, recommend corrective action. It will also be responsible for the development and implementation of a programme of human rights education to promote respect for and understanding of human rights. ANNEX III - REQUEST TO THE UNITED NATIONS BY THE PARTICIPANTS AT THE UN TALKS ON AFGHANISTAN The participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan hereby 1. Request that the United Nations and the international community take the necessary measures to guarantee the national sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Afghanistan as well as the non-interference by foreign countries in Afghanistan's internal affairs; 2. Urge the United Nations, the international community, particularly donor countries and multilateral institutions, to reaffirm, strengthen and implement their commitment to assist with the rehabilitation, recovery and reconstruction of Afghanistan, in coordination with the Interim Authority; 3. Request the United Nations to conduct as soon as possible (i) a registration of voters in advance of the general elections that will be held upon the adoption of the new constitution by the constitutional Loya Jirga and (ii) a census of the population of Afghanistan. 4. Urge the United Nations and the international community, in recognition of the heroic role played by the mujahidin in protecting the independence of Afghanistan and the dignity of its people, to take the necessary measures, in coordination with the Interim Authority, to assist in the reintegration of the mujahidin into the new Afghan security and armed forces; 5. Invite the United Nations and the international community to create a fund to assist the families and other dependents of martyrs and victims of the war, as well as the war disabled; 6. Strongly urge that the United Nations, the international community and regional organizations cooperate with the Interim Authority to combat international terrorism, cultivation and trafficking of illicit drugs and provide Afghan farmers with financial, material and technical resources for alternative crop production. ANNEX IV - COMPOSITION OF THE INTERIM ADMINISTRATION to be completed Chairman: Hamid Karzai Vice Chairmen: Vice-Chair & Women's Affairs: Dr. Sima Samar Vice-Chair & Defence:. Muhammad Qassem Fahim Vice-Chair & Planning: Haji Muhammad Mohaqqeq Vice-Chair & Water and Electricity: Shaker Kargar Vice-Chair & Finance: Hedayat Amin Arsala Members: Department of Foreign Affairs: Dr. Abdullah Abdullah Department of the Interior: Muhammad Yunus Qanooni Department of Commerce: Seyyed Mustafa Kazemi Department of Mines & Industries: Muhammad Alem Razm Department of Small Industries:. Aref Noorzai Department of Information & Culture:Š Dr. Raheen Makhdoom Department of Communication: Ing. Abdul Rahim Department of Labour & Social Affairs: Mir Wais Sadeq Department of Hajj & Auqaf: Mohammad Hanif Hanif Balkhi Department of Martyrs & Disabled: Abdullah Wardak Department of Education: to be completed Department of Higher Education: Dr. Sharif Faez Department of Public Health:.. Dr. Suhaila Seddiqi Department of Public Works: to be completed Department of Rural Development: Abdul Malik Anwar Department of Urban Development: Haji Abdul Qadir Department of Reconstruction: to be completed Department of Transport: Sultan Hamid Hamid Department for the Return of Refugees: Enayatullah Nazeri Department of Agriculture: Seyyed Hussein Anwari Department of Irrigation:. Haji Mangal Hussein Department of Justice: Abdul Rahim Karimi Department of Air Transport & Tourism: to be completed Department of Border Affairs: to be completed -- From patrice at xs4all.nl Fri Dec 14 10:00:30 2001 From: patrice at xs4all.nl (Patrice Riemens) Date: Fri, 14 Dec 2001 05:30:30 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Le Monde Diplomatique in English, December 2001 (TOC) Message-ID: <20011214053030.D18699@xs4all.nl> ----- Forwarded message from Le Monde diplomatique ----- Date: Thu, 13 Dec 2001 12:22:22 +0100 (CET) Le Monde diplomatique ----------------------------------------------------- December 2001 In this issue: Palestine as Israel's last best hope, US love-in with Russia and China, alienation in the Gulf, Horn of Africa on the US terror list, plus Noam Chomsky on terrorism, weapon of the powerful... also Lenin and Stalin: the last great Tsars, Nicaragua: denying the revolutionaries, the euro that people don't trust, no recession in the European flesh trade and why VS Naipaul doesn't deserve his prize... The world's new look by IGNACIO RAMONET Translated by Ed Emery UNITED STATES, GLOBAL BULLY Terrorism, weapon of the powerful * by NOAM CHOMSKY The leaders of the United States do not realise that their desire to win at everything always has consequences, and that their present exploits are likely to have high future costs. Osama bin Laden was the price of the US victory over the USSR in Afghanistan. What will be the next bill due? Original text in English BUSH MAKES A BALFOUR DECLARATION AND RETRACTS IT Palestine: Israel's last best hope by DOMINIQUE VIDAL After 11 September the United States put pressure on Israel, and President Bush made his own Balfour declaration, promising a Palestinian state beside Israel. But the Hamas attacks at the start of December changed all that. Yet Israel will suffer badly if Ariel Sharon does destroy the Palestinian Authority. Translated by Wendy Kristianasen Concrete realities * by AMIRA HASS Translated by Wendy Kristianasen 'MY COUNTRY WILL NOT BE AMERICA'S GAS PUMP' Gulf states: ambivalent allies by our special correspondent ERIC ROULEAU The war in Afghanistan winds down, but new targets are being selected in Washington. The Iraqi question is thus back on the table. But any US action against the Iraqi regime risks further inflaming Arab and Muslim opinion, weakening the position of the Gulf leaders. Translated by Linda Butler WISH LISTS OF WASHINGTON, MOSCOW AND BEIJING A trio of soloists * by GILBERT ACHCAR Translated by Malcolm Greenwood WHY THE WORLD NEEDS TO KNOW ABOUT THE SOVIET PAST The history of the Russian future * by MOSHE LEWIN The Soviet system created in 1917 finally collapsed a decade ago with Mikhail Gorbachev's resignation, and was replaced by the Russian Federation. But we still do not understand what the Soviet system was like. What was the relationship between Stalinism and Tsarism? How did conservatism and bureaucracy defeat the need for reform? Russia now is divided between nostalgia and rejection of its past. Translated by Barry Smerin ETHIOPIA AND ERITREA UNDER NOTICE FROM THE US Horn of Africa: al-Qaida regroups? by JEAN-LOUIS PENINOU Sudan and Somalia are likely to be on Washington's list of world terrorist targets, and it could also launch military operations in the Horn of Africa, where al-Qaida's links are well-established, although little known. Translated by Lorna Dale EURO: GODLESS, STATELESS AND UNTRUSTWORTHY? Hard cash * by BRUNO THERET The euro acknowledges no higher political or symbolic authority, only the market. Its guarantor is not God, nor a nation, nor established mutual trust but an unaccountable technocratic institution: the European Central Bank. Translated by Barbara Wilson ORTEGA 'A FRIEND TO UNITED STATES ENEMIES' Wasted sacrifices * by our special correspondent RAPHAËLLE BAIL Translated by Julie Stoker Nicaragua: a revolution forgotten * by FRANÇOIS HOUTART Arnoldo Alemán's government is unprecedentedly corrupt and so the Sandinista National Liberation Front seemed to have a chance, with its moderately reformist plans, in the November presidential election. It lost. Translated by Malcolm Greenwood EASTERN EUROPE EXPORTS FLESH TO THE EU The Natasha trade * by FRANÇOIS LONCLE There are thousands of desperately poor women from eastern Europe working as prostitutes in western Europe, often controlled by gangs of criminals making enormous profits. But the EU has no coherent strategy to help these women, or internationally agreed laws to deal with their recruiters, their pimps and their punters. Translated by Luke Sandford A business of bodies * by FRANÇOIS LONCLE Translated by Luke Sandford NOT WORTH THE PRIZE Naipaul in denial * by PASCALE CASANOVA Translated by Luke Sandford ________________________________________________________________ _ (*) Star-marked articles are available to paid subscribers only. Yearly subscription fee: 24 US $ (Institutions 48 US $). ______________________________________________________________ For more information on our English edition, please visit http://www.en.monde-diplomatique.fr/ To subscribe to our free "dispatch" mailing-list, send an (empty) e-mail to: dispatch-on at monde-diplomatique.fr To unsubscribe from this list, send an (empty) e-mail to: dispatch-off at monde-diplomatique.fr English language editorial director: Wendy Kristianasen _______________________________________________________ ALL RIGHTS RESERVED © 1997-2001 Le Monde diplomatique ----- End forwarded message ----- From rustam at cseindia.org Fri Dec 14 12:02:57 2001 From: rustam at cseindia.org (rustam) Date: Fri, 14 Dec 2001 12:02:57 +530 Subject: [Reader-list] War is God's way of.... Message-ID: <304332AF9@cseindia.org> War is God's way of teaching Americans geography. -Ambrose Bierce, writer (1842-1914) **************************************************************** * NOTE CHANGE IN OUR EMAIL ADDRESS: PLEASE NOTE IT AS FOLLOWS * **************************************************************** CENTRE FOR SCIENCE AND ENVIRONMENT ( CSE ) 41, TUGHLAKABAD INSTITUTIONAL AREA, NEW DELHI- 110 062 TELE: 608 1110, 608 1124 608 3394, 608 6399 FAX : 91-11-608 5879 VISIT US AT: http://www.cseindia.org Email: rustam at cseindia.org **************************************************************** From supreet at sarai.net Fri Dec 14 15:10:59 2001 From: supreet at sarai.net (Supreet Sethi) Date: Fri, 14 Dec 2001 15:10:59 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] POTO to POTA Message-ID: <01121415105900.00966@factor.sarai.kit> Here is an extract from A book called the City of Djinns by William Dalrymple - it is a description of 13th century Delhi 50 years of welfare state has'nt made any dent in the way things work, in our city, so the state has to intervene by introducing strange laws.This is about Delhi hundreds of years ago, but it is almost as if it was talking about yesterday ! ________________________________________________________________________________ "...On his succession, the Sultan had embarked on a series of ludicrously ill-considered reforms. These included an attempt to double the tax revenue from the villages around delhi (which caused a devastating famine) and an attempt to introduce a token copper currency on the Chinese model (which ended with massive forgeries and the virtual bankruptcy of the exchequer). The humilitating failure of these schemes only made tughlak more brutal. According to the chronicler Zia-ud-Din Barni, 'when the Sultan found that his orders did not work so well as he desired, he became still more embittered against his people and began to cut them down like weeds'. Like many other tyrant in similar situations, Tughluk's first response was to increase the powers of the secret police. Ibn Battuta, who was not initially in the firing line (and anyway rather approved of ruthless government) was most impressed: It was the custom [of Tughluk] to set alongside every amir, great or small, a mamluk [slave] to spy upon him and keep him informed of all that amir did. He also placed slave girls in their houses [to act as spies]. These girls passed on their information to the sweepers, and the sweepers in turn passed it on to the head of the intelligencers who then informed the Sultan..." ________________________________________________________________________________ When POTO becomes POTA we might have to look at the history of how ordinary people in 13th century Delhi coped with the mad king Tughlak. This way, we in 21st century Delhi might be able to learn how to avoid the new mamluks (the slave spies of the new delhi sultanate) From rustam at cseindia.org Fri Dec 14 16:53:45 2001 From: rustam at cseindia.org (rustam) Date: Fri, 14 Dec 2001 16:53:45 +530 Subject: [Reader-list] USA goes it alone, again... Message-ID: <7DD1B09DB@cseindia.org> The irony of George Bush's "Either you are with us or against us" syndrome. >From The Lancet, to be published on 15 December 2001. USA goes it alone again on bioweapons convention A conference to review the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) ended in disarray on Dec 8 after the USA shocked even close allies by intensifying its opposition to a globally agreed inspection regime. In the closing hours of the 144-nation meeting, the US delegation submitted a surprise proposal declaring the work of a special ad hoc committee, which has spent the past 7 years drawing up a 210- page protocol with detailed verification methods to monitor compliance with the bioweapons ban, was "terminated". To avert total failure, Tibor Toth--a Hungarian diplomat who chaired the negotiations--suspended the conference for 1 year, saying he hoped governments would come back with a better appreciation of the ramifications of the anthrax attacks in the USA. "Too little time has elapsed since the anthrax incident", said Toth. Caught unawares by the American proposal, the European Union said it "deeply regretted" the collapse of the meeting. "It left everybody shocked and stunned", said Indian Ambassador Rakesh Sood, summing up the general mood of the 3-week conference, which is normally held every 5 years to review progress in the 1972 convention. The BWC was drawn up during the Cold War era. It lacked enforcement provisions because, at the time, the risk of attack was considered minimal. During the review meeting, governments from Russia, China, Europe, and developing countries pleaded for the ad hoc committee's verification protocol as the best protection against bioterrorism, as did humanitarian, medical, and scientific non- governmental organisations. The USA effectively pulled out of the ad hoc committee talks this summer (see Lancet 2001; 358: 389), saying the proposed inspection system would expose US defence and commercial biotechnology secrets to enemies and rivals. But many countries hoped the Sept 11 terrorist attacks and the anthrax mail scare would prompt the Bush administration to come back on board. Instead, US delegation leader John Bolton proposed a new approach: to authorise the UN Secretary General to order inspections of "noncompliant BWC state parties" while leaving the five permanent Security Council members with veto powers to prevent themselves being investigated. Bolton accused Iraq of violating the biological weapons ban, saying its programme was "beyond dispute"--a charge rejected by the Baghdad government as a US pretext for setting up military action against Iraq. He also maintained that North Korea, Libya, Syria, Iran, and Sudan were at various stages of bioweapons development. But the US proposal found few takers and left arms-control experts and observers lamenting its refusal to join the multilateral treaty. "This outcome leaves us all worse off", said Oliver Meier, Senior Arms Control and Disarmament Researcher at the Verification Research, Training and Information Centre (VERTIC). "While US citizens are dying from biological weapons, even the most modest proposals to strengthen the bioweapons ban were not acceptable to Washington." By Clare Kapp Copyright by The Lancet. For personal use only. Not to be reproduced commercially without consent by The Lancet. **************************************************************** * NOTE CHANGE IN OUR EMAIL ADDRESS: PLEASE NOTE IT AS FOLLOWS * **************************************************************** CENTRE FOR SCIENCE AND ENVIRONMENT ( CSE ) 41, TUGHLAKABAD INSTITUTIONAL AREA, NEW DELHI- 110 062 TELE: 608 1110, 608 1124 608 3394, 608 6399 FAX : 91-11-608 5879 VISIT US AT: http://www.cseindia.org Email: rustam at cseindia.org **************************************************************** From aiindex at mnet.fr Fri Dec 14 17:52:19 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Fri, 14 Dec 2001 13:22:19 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Dmitry Sklyarov can go Home Message-ID: http://www.usdoj.gov/usao/can/press/html/2001_12_13_sklyarov.html U.S. Department of Justice United States Attorney Northern District of California 11th Floor, Federal Building 450 Golden Gate Avenue, Box 36055 San Francisco, California 94102 FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Tel: (415) 436-7200 Fax: (415) 436-7234 December 13, 2001 The United States Attorney's Office for the Northern District of California announced that Dmitry Sklyarov entered into an agreement this morning with the United States and admitted his conduct in a hearing before U.S. District Judge Whyte in San Jose Federal Court. Under the agreement, Mr. Sklyarov agreed to cooperate with the United States in its ongoing prosecution of Mr. Sklyarov's former employer, Elcomsoft Co., Ltd. Mr. Skylarov will be required to appear at trial and testify truthfully, and he will be deposed in the matter. For its part, the United States agreed to defer prosecution of Mr. Sklyarov until the conclusion of the case against Elcomsoft or for one year, whichever is longer. Mr. Sklyarov will be permitted to return to Russia in the meantime, but will be subject to the Court's supervision, including regularly reporting by telephone to the Pretrial Services Department. Mr. Sklyarov will be prohibited from violating any laws during the year, including copyright laws. The United States agreed that, if Mr. Sklyarov successfully completes the obligations in the agreement, it will dismiss the charges pending against him at the end of the year or when the case against Elcomsoft is complete. Mr. Sklyarov, 27, of Moscow, Russia, was indicted by a federal Grand Jury on August 28, 2001. He was charged with one count of conspiracy in violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 371, and two counts of trafficking for gain in technology primarily designed to circumvent technology that protects a right of a copyright owner in violation of Title 17, United States Code, Section 1201(b)(1)(A), and two counts of trafficking for gain in technology marketed for use in circumventing technology that protects a right of a copyright owner in violation of Title 17, United States Code, Section 1201(b)(1)(A). In entering into the agreement with the government, Mr. Sklyarov was required to acknowledge his conduct in the offense. In the agreement, Mr. Sklyarov made the following admissions, which he also confirmed in federal court today: "Beginning on a date prior to June 20, 2001, and continuing through July 15, 2001, I was employed by the Russian software company, Elcomsoft Co. Ltd. (also known as Elcom Ltd.) (hereinafter "Elcomsoft") as a computer programmer and cryptanalyst. "Prior to June 20, 2001, I was aware Adobe Systems, Inc. ("Adobe") was a software company in the United States. I was also aware Adobe was the creator of the Adobe Portable Document Format ("PDF"), a computer file format for the publication and distribution of electronic documents. Prior to June 20, 2001, I knew Adobe distributed a program titled the Adobe Acrobat eBook Reader that provided technology for the reading of documents in an electronic format on personal computers. Prior to June 20, 2001, I was aware that documents distributed in the Adobe Acrobat eBook Reader format are PDF files and that specifications of PDF allow for limiting of certain operations, such as opening, editing, printing, or annotating. "Prior to June 20, 2001, as a part of my dissertation work and as part of my employment with Elcomsoft, I wrote a part of computer program titled the Advanced eBook Processor ("AEBPR"). I developed AEBPR as a practical application of my research for my dissertation and in order to demonstrate weaknesses in protection methods of PDF files. The only use of the AEBPR is to create an unprotected copy of an electronic document. Once a PDF file is decrypted with the AEBPR, a copy is no longer protected by encryption. This is all the AEBPR program does. "Prior to June 20, 2001, I believed that ElcomSoft planned to post the AEBPR program on the Internet on the company's website www.elcomsoft.com. I believed that the company would charge a fee for a license for the full version of the AEBPR that would allow access to all capabilities of the program. "After Adobe released a new version of the Adobe Acrobat eBook Reader that prevented the initial version of the AEBPR program from removing the limitations or restrictions on an e-book, I wrote software revisions for a new version of the AEBPR program. The new version again decrypted the e-document to which it was applied. The version of this new AEBPR program offered on the Elcomsoft website only decrypted a portion of an e-document to which it was applied, unless the user had already purchased a fully functional version of the earlier version and had both versions installed on the same machine. The new version was developed after June 29, 2001. At that time, Elcomsoft had already stopped selling the program. The version of this new program offered on the Elcomsoft website did not provide a user with an opportunity to purchase it or convert it to a fully functional one, and was developed as a matter of competition. "On July 15, 2001, as part of my employment with Elcomsoft, I attended the DEF CON Nine conference in Las Vegas, Nevada. At the conference I made a presentation originally intended for the BlackHat conference that immediately preceded the DefCon Nine in July 2001 in Las Vegas, Nevada. The same group of people organizes both BlackHat and DefCon Nine. Since there was no available slot for a presentation at BlackHat at the time when the paper was sent for the committee consideration, the organizers of both conferences suggested that the paper be presented at the DefCon rather than at BlackHat. The paper that I read at DefCon is attached as Exhibit A. A principal part of my presentation is comprised of my research for the dissertation. In my presentation when I said "we", I meant Elcomsoft." Mr. Sklyarov's employer, Elcomsoft, remains charged in the case, and the Court in that matter has set hearings for various motions on March 4, 2002, and April 1, 2002. The prosecution of Elcomsoft is the result of an investigation by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Scott Frewing and Joseph Sullivan of the Computer Hacking and Intellectual Property ("CHIP") Unit are the Assistant U.S. Attorneys who are prosecuting the case with the assistance of legal technician Lauri Gomez. A copy of this press release and key court documents filed in the case may also be found on the U.S. Attorney's Office's website at www.usdoj.gov/usao/can. All press inquiries to the U.S. Attorney's Office should be directed to Assistant U.S. Attorney Matthew J. Jacobs at (415)436-7181 or Assistant U.S. Attorney Ross Nadel, Chief of the CHIP Unit, in San Jose at (408)535-5032. Matt Jacobs' signature From ralf.homann at medien.uni-weimar.de Sat Dec 15 05:18:17 2001 From: ralf.homann at medien.uni-weimar.de (Ralf Homann) Date: Sat, 15 Dec 2001 00:48:17 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] polymorphous radio - tetsuo kogawa Message-ID: <3C1A8FC0.58FD8913@medien.uni-weimar.de> From ralf.homann at medien.uni-weimar.de Sat Dec 15 05:18:42 2001 From: ralf.homann at medien.uni-weimar.de (Ralf Homann) Date: Sat, 15 Dec 2001 00:48:42 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] polymorphous radio - tetsuo kogawa Message-ID: <3C1A8FDA.A88CA658@medien.uni-weimar.de> hello, we would like to point out and invite you: tetsuo kogawa: ~~~~~~~~~~embryology of polymorphous radio ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ performance - gallery neudeli - central post office - weimar/germany saturday, december 15th, 2001 - inlet: 20:00 cet / start round 21:00 cet ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ live with ogg-vorbis-stream: http://radiostudio.org/stream ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ studio b11: art&radio in the public (space) saturday, december 15th 2001 - 7:00 cet - sunday, december 3:00 cet ~~promenadologies~~cut/ups~~news~~atelier~picnics~~turntables stream: http://radiostudio.org and local fm 106,6 mhz. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ with prof. tetsuo kogawa, tokyo: round. 20:00 cet - 23:00 cet - weimar, bauhausstrasse 11 - experimental radio at the bauhaus-university. further information also available: http://anarchy.k2.tku.ac.jp ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ best ralf homann From rustam at cseindia.org Sat Dec 15 12:31:51 2001 From: rustam at cseindia.org (rustam) Date: Sat, 15 Dec 2001 12:31:51 +530 Subject: [Reader-list] PHOTOGRAPH the SOLSTICE Message-ID: <3B7ED3E60@cseindia.org> PHOTOGRAPH the SOLSTICE Winter/Summer Solstice: December 21st, 2001 greenmuseum.org Who: Anyone worldwide with access to a digital camera and the internet. What: Photograph the sunrise of the Winter Solstice, this December 21st, and send the digital images to us that same day. You will be able to view the Solstice around the world at www.greenmuseum.org. Images of the Sun will be arranged together as one as they arrive online. A text describing the solstice and its significance from a variety of perspectives as well as brief quotes from artists, scholars and others will accompany the presentation. Why: Solstice literally means "sun stop", so it's a good time to stop, take notice of the sunrise and celebrate a new beginning. Participate in the creation of a unique online environmental artwork. This is an astronomicalevent we ALL have in common and have celebrated worldwide for millennia. Format: JPEG images of the sunrise of the Solstice ONLY: 2-3 images per person, with an email listing name of photographer, local time photograph was taken and location. Send them on Dec 21st to: solstice at greenmuseum.org Send this link to friends in far away places and help document the solstice! . PARTICIPATE . LEARN ABOUT THE SOLSTICE . UNITY . greenmuseum.org the online museum of environmental art **************************************************************** * NOTE CHANGE IN OUR EMAIL ADDRESS: PLEASE NOTE IT AS FOLLOWS * **************************************************************** CENTRE FOR SCIENCE AND ENVIRONMENT ( CSE ) 41, TUGHLAKABAD INSTITUTIONAL AREA, NEW DELHI- 110 062 TELE: 608 1110, 608 1124 608 3394, 608 6399 FAX : 91-11-608 5879 VISIT US AT: http://www.cseindia.org Email: rustam at cseindia.org **************************************************************** From rustam at cseindia.org Sat Dec 15 14:02:01 2001 From: rustam at cseindia.org (rustam) Date: Sat, 15 Dec 2001 14:02:01 +530 Subject: [Reader-list] Christian Wahhabists Message-ID: <538C73992@cseindia.org> A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: not available Type: text/enriched Size: 8048 bytes Desc: not available Url : http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011215/55f65915/attachment.bin From announcements-request at sarai.net Sat Dec 15 11:14:59 2001 From: announcements-request at sarai.net (announcements-request at sarai.net) Date: Sat, 15 Dec 2001 06:44:59 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Announcements digest, Vol 1 #6 - 1 msg Message-ID: <200112150544.GAA27421@zelda.intra.waag.org> Send Announcements mailing list submissions to announcements at mail.sarai.net To subscribe or unsubscribe via the World Wide Web, visit https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/announcements or, via email, send a message with subject or body 'help' to announcements-request at mail.sarai.net You can reach the person managing the list at announcements-admin at mail.sarai.net When replying, please edit your Subject line so it is more specific than "Re: Contents of Announcements digest..." Today's Topics: 1. 22.12.2001: Shanghai & Mumbai (Mumbai Study Group) --__--__-- Message: 1 Date: Fri, 14 Dec 2001 13:50:39 +0530 To: Recipient List Suppressed:; From: Mumbai Study Group Subject: [Announcements] 22.12.2001: Shanghai & Mumbai Dear Friends: In our next session, we welcome Dr TAPATI MUKHOPADHYAY, Reader in the Siddharth College Department of Geography, Mumbai, who will speak from her recently published book, "Shanghai and Mumbai: Sustainability of Development in a Globalizing World" (New Delhi: Samskriti, 2001). In her book, Dr Mukhopadhyay tests the concept of sustainable development through case studies of the growth and development of urban and peri-urban areas of the two great Asian coastal cities, Shanghai and Mumbai, and their sister cities, Pudong New Area and Navi Mumbai. The study is based on the fast-changing, comparable land-use patterns of these two cities. It brings out the salient features of the respective development processes of Shanghai and Mumbai, which are useful for fine-tuning land use planning and surface resource management in developing cities. Dr Mukhopadhyay started her career in 1974 as a Cartographer in the National Atlas and Thematic Mapping Organisation, Calcutta. She shifted to Mumbai in 1979 and is presently Reader in Geography at the Siddharth College of Arts, Science and Commerce. She also teaches Environmental Science at the postgraduate level at the Institute of Science, University of Mumbai. She is the author of "Commercial Geography of a Metropolitan City: Spatial Structure of Retailing in Mumbai" (Concept, 1995), based on her doctoral research on retailing in Mumbai, and is the author of many research papers on urban geography. She is a Member of the Senate of the University of Mumbai, and is the Secretary-General of the Mumbai University and College Teachers Union. This session will be on SATURDAY 22 DECEMBER 2001, at 10.00 A.M., on the SECOND FLOOR, Rachna Sansad, 278, Shankar Ghanekar Marg, Prabhadevi, Mumbai, next to Ravindra Natya Mandir. Phone: 4301024, 4310807, 4229969; Station: Elphinstone Road (Western Railway); BEST Bus: 35, 88, 151, 161, 162, 171, 355, 357, 363, to Ravindra Natya Mandir, 91 Ltd, 305 Ltd, A1 and A4 to Prabhadevi. MUMBAI STUDY GROUP SESSIONS, 2001-2002 12 JANUARY 2002 "Manufacturing Space: Textile Policy and the Politics of Industrial Location in Mumbai" by Harini Narayanan, University of Illinois Dept of Urban Geography, Urbana-Champaign, U.S.A. 26 JANUARY 2002 "Food Security in Mumbai and Thane: A Study of the Rationing Kruti Samiti" by Mayank Bhatt, Journalist and Research Associate, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, U.K. 9 FEBRUARY 2002 "Party Politics in Mumbai: A Panel Discussion on the Eve of the Civic Elections" Participants to be Announced 23 FEBRUARY 2002 "Mumbai Modern" by Dr Carol Breckenridge, University of Chicago Dept of History, Chicago, U.S.A. 9 MARCH 2002 Film Screening of "Jari-Mari: Of Cloth and Other Stories" Discussion with Surabhi Sharma, Producer and Director 23 MARCH 2002 "Girangaon: The Past, Present and Future of Mumbai's Textile Mills and Mill Workers" Participants to be Announced 13 APRIL 2002 "Gender and Space in Mumbai" by Shilpa Phadke, Visiting Lecturer in Sociology, Nirmala Niketan School of Social Work, Mumbai and Neera Adarkar, Architect, Adarkar Associates, Mumbai ABOUT the MUMBAI STUDY GROUP The MUMBAI STUDY GROUP meets on the second and fourth Saturdays of every month, at the Rachana Sansad, Prabhadevi, Mumbai, at 10.00 A.M. Our conversations continue through the support extended by Shri Pradip Amberkar, Principal of the Academy of Architecture, and Prof S.H. Wandrekar, Trustee of the Rachana Sansad. Conceived as an inclusive and non-partisan forum to foster dialogue on urban issues, we have since September 2000 held conversations about various historical, political, cultural, social and spatial aspects of the Mumbai Metropolitan Region. Our discussions are open and public, no previous membership or affiliation is required. We encourage the participation of urban researchers and practitioners, experts and non-experts, researchers and students, and all individuals, groups and associations in Mumbai to join our conversations about the the city.The format we have evolved is to host individual presentations or panel discussions in various fields of urban theory and practice, and have a moderated and focussed discussion from our many practical and professional perspectives: whether as architects or planners, lawyers or journalists, artists or film-makers, academics or activists.Through such a forum, we hope to foster an open community of urban citizens, which clearly situates Mumbai in the theories and practices of urbanism globally. Previous sessions have hosted presentations by the following individuals: Kalpana Sharma, Associate Editor of The Hindu; Kedar Ghorpade, Senior Planner at the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority; Dr Marina Pinto, Professor of Public Administration, retired from Mumbai University; Dr K. Sita, Professor of Geography, retired from Mumbai University, and former Garware Chair Professor at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences; Dr Arjun Appadurai, Professor of Anthropology at the University of Chicago, Director of Partners for Urban Knowledge Action & Research (PUKAR), Mumbai; Rahul Srivastava, Lecturer in Sociology at Wilson College; Sandeep Yeole, General Secretary of the All-India Pheriwala Vikas Mahasangh; Dr Anjali Monteiro, Professor and Head, and K.P. Jayashankar, Reader, from the Tata Institute of Social Sciences Unit for Media and Communications; Dr Sujata Patel, Professor and Head, Department of Sociology, University of Pune; Dr Mariam Dossal, Head, Department of History, Mumbai University; Sucheta Dalal, business journalist and Consulting Editor, Financial Express; Dr Arvind Rajagopal, Associate Professor of Culture and Communications at New York University; Dr Gyan Prakash, Professor of History at Princeton University, and member of the Subaltern Studies Editorial Collective; Dr Sudha Deshpande, Reader in Demography, retired from the Department of Economics, Mumbai University and former consultant for the World Bank, International Labour Organisation, and Bombay Municipal Corporation; Sulakshana Mahajan, doctoral candidate at the Taubman College of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, U.S.A., and former Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, Rachana Sansad; Dr Rohini Hensman, of the Union Research Group, Mumbai; Mrs Jyoti Mhapsekar, Head Librarian, Rachana Sansad and Member, Stree Mukti Sanghatana. Previous panel discussions have comprised of the following individuals: S.S. Tinaikar, former Municipal Commissioner of Bombay, Sheela Patel, Director of the Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC), and Bhanu Desai of the Citizens' Forum for the Protection of Public Spaces (Citispace) on urban policy making and housing; Shirish Patel, civil engineer and urban planner, Pramod Sahasrabuddhe and Abhay Godbole, structural engineers on earthquakes and the built form of the city; B. Rajaram, Managing Director of Konkan Railway Corporation, and Dr P.G. Patankar, from Tata Consultancy Services, and former Chairman of the Bombay Electric Supply & Transport Undertaking (BEST) on mass public transport alternatives; Ved Segan, Vikas Dilawari, and Pankaj Joshi, conservation architects, on the social relevance of heritage and conservation architecture; Debi Goenka, of the Bombay Environmental Action Group, Professor Sudha Srivastava, Dr Geeta Kewalramani, and Dr Dipti Mukherji, of the University of Mumbai Department of Geography, on the politics of land use, the city's salt pan lands, and the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) Act; Nikhil Rao, of the University of Chicago Dept of History, Anirudh Paul and Prasad Shetty of the Kamala Raheja Vidyanidhi Insitute of Architecture, and members of the various residents associations and citizens groups of the Dadar-Matunga, on the history, architecture, and formation of middle-class communities in these historic neighbourhoods, the first suburbs of Bombay. CONTACT US We invite all urban researchers, practitioners, students, and other interested individuals to join us in our fortnightly conversations, and suggest topics for presentation and discussion. For any more information, kindly contact one of the Joint Convenors of the Mumbai Study Group: ARVIND ADARKAR, Architect, Researcher and Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, Phone 2051834, ; DARRYL D'MONTE, Journalist and Writer, 6427088 ; SHEKHAR KRISHNAN, Coordinator-Associate, Partners for Urban Knowledge Action & Research (PUKAR), 4462728, ; PANKAJ JOSHI, Conservation Architect, Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, and PUKAR Associate, 8230625, . --__--__-- _______________________________________________ Announcements mailing list Announcements at mail.sarai.net https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/announcements End of Announcements Digest From chaiyah at hotmail.com Sun Dec 16 15:22:21 2001 From: chaiyah at hotmail.com (m emily cragg) Date: Sun, 16 Dec 2001 15:22:21 Subject: [Reader-list] Abstractions have become "sacred cows," and people don't count for anything. Message-ID: An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011216/2eb37d4d/attachment.html From chaiyah at hotmail.com Sun Dec 16 15:22:13 2001 From: chaiyah at hotmail.com (m emily cragg) Date: Sun, 16 Dec 2001 15:22:13 Subject: [Reader-list] Abstractions have become "sacred cows," and people don't count for anything. Message-ID: An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011216/6ca86b07/attachment.html From tray at cal2.vsnl.net.in Mon Dec 17 07:42:05 2001 From: tray at cal2.vsnl.net.in (Tapas Ray) Date: Mon, 17 Dec 2001 07:42:05 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Free software Message-ID: <002e01c186a0$3a149000$4cacc8cb@b5m9z2> Hello. This appeared as an op-ed piece in The Statesman, Calcutta, yesterday. I thought some of you might be interested -- West Bengal keeps software window shut By TAPAS RAY IN mid-August, the Left Front government drew flak from anti-monopoly software professionals in India and abroad for signing a memorandum of understanding with Microsoft for an e-governance package and other things. As The Statesman reported on 18 August, activists of the Free Software Foundation of India (FSF-I) had sent a protest letter to the West Bengal government and CPI-M Politburo member Sitaram Yechury. Their main concern was that the system of copyright protection, licensing and withholding of the "source code" (the software's blueprint), as practised by large companies like Microsoft, was harmful to poor countries such as India, since it would keep the government in bondage to these companies, and exacerbate the rich-poor divide. They also warned of the danger of security leaks through such software. Cheaper and widely accepted alternatives to such "proprietary software," the activists said, were available in the form of "free software" ("free" as in "freedom," not "free of cost"). In this case, the users have access to the source code and are free to modify the software to suit their needs, at any time and at no additional cost. Free software can also be freely copied and distributed. Governments in France, Germany, China, Mexico, Argentina and Brazil had supported such software in significant ways. "Computer users in India, as everywhere, deserve the freedom to study, change and redistribute software," Richard Stallman, a leader of the free software movement, president of the FSF in the USA, and formerly a scientist at MIT's famed Artificial Intelligence Laboratory, told this correspondent in response to an e-mailed questionnaire. "I don't know the details of the West Bengal deal with Microsoft, but regardless of those details, it is surely a mistake if you look at the long-term consequences." West Bengal, he wrote, faced a choice between the path of dependence on Microsoft - which would be increasingly costly - and the path of independence and freedom. This correspondent had sought comments both from Microsoft and Mr Yechury, but failed to elicit a response from either. Repeated attempts to contact the West Bengal information technology secretary, Jaya Dasgupta, were of no avail. West Bengal's Information Technology Minister Manab Mukherjee seems to be perennially busy at meetings. As such, it is not known whether the agreement with Microsoft is being implemented, if so at what pace, and whether the Left Front government is giving the question of free software any thought at all. Some software developers in the state complain of a lack of responsiveness to these issues in government circles. The chief of Tathya.com, Indranil Mukherjee, says that for three years, he has been trying to convince state officials of the merits of "open-source" software, to little effect. A senior police officer, however, is an exception. At one point, he had been open to this idea. (Incidentally, there are major differences between "open-source" and "free software" proponents, though both groups allow user access to the source code. Roughly speaking, the "free software" people are more idealistic - "hardcore" in the words of one Indian activist. As for the "open-source" movement, Mr Stallman says it was founded in 1998 "specifically to reject the views of the free software movement". Mr Stallman and his friends had started work on GNU, a "free" UNIX-like operating system [OS], in 1984. Later, Linus Torvalds, then a student, worked on a free operating system element, known technically as a "kernel". The free "Linux" operating system currently being used by many in preference to various versions of the popular Microsoft "Windows" OS is really GNU with the Linux kernel.) While West Bengal's Left Front government remains shy of free software, Kerala has taken a step forward in this area. Its IT policy promises to encourage such software to complement and supplement proprietary software, to reduce cost. "The Government", the policy states, "welcomes research into the use of open/free software in the context of education, governance, and for general use at home, to make IT truly a part of the daily lives of the people of the State". However, according to Professor CK Raju of the Kerala Institute of Local Administration, Thrissur, the approach of the previous Left Democratic Front government was similar to that of the West Bengal government - it had opted for Microsoft and denied entry to others. Prof. Raju says Cherkalam Abdullah, Kerala's Minister for Local Administration, wants non-proprietary software to be deployed. The institute has been sensitising elected panchayat representatives and activists, for whom it conducts training programmes, to the merits of free software. Several issues are taken up in these programmes. Among other things, the participants are told that in many cases, proprietary software is not supported after two or three years. Instead, the supplier offers to "upgrade" it. The relevance of the free software community's efforts in developing countries is discussed. A scenario of government collaboration with this community is also discussed. The freedom of choice of software platforms is compared with the freedom of speech and expression, as well as press freedom. (The author is Special Representative, The Statesman, Kolkata.) -------------- next part -------------- An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011217/b85d700c/attachment.html From jeebesh at sarai.net Mon Dec 17 16:15:40 2001 From: jeebesh at sarai.net (Jeebesh Bagchi) Date: Mon, 17 Dec 2001 16:15:40 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Fwd: [bytesforall] governance issue Message-ID: <01121716154000.03713@pinki.sarai.kit> Subject: [bytesforall] governance issue Date: Mon, 17 Dec 2001 07:15:07 -0000 From: "parthadhaka" To: bytesforall at yahoogroups.com Dear Readers, We're in search of images, video clips and stories (with visual resources) on 'IT practices in Governance Issues and Areas'. We want to incorporate those resources for our next issue of Bytes for All. We'll provide proper credit and acknowledgements to these contributions but we cann't offer any financial rewards in exchange of these (Since Bytes for All is a non-funded initiative which is run by 16+ volunteers across South Asia). I know a good number of relevant organizations and persons are subscribed to the list and are working on the areas of Egovernance and so on. It would be of great honor to us if we can receive feedback from you to use and share these resources for our next issue. All the images and stories can be sent to partha at bytesforall.org email address and video clips can be sent to the mailing address (given below) or can be arranged to be downloaded from any site with full permission from the concerned authority. Many of you may have noticed that this list is not active as before. We have left this list only for Bytes for All related activities and have created another list (bytesforall_readers at yahoogroups.com) which is basically a discussion forum for its readers and supporters. We regularly send messages, and other postings into that list. To subscribe you have to send a blank message with 'subscribe' on the subject line to: bytesforall_readers-subscribe at yahoogroups.com You can be subscribed to both the lists as the content doesn't overlap and the lists are moderated. Best wishes and Eid Mubarak, Merry Christmas and Happy New Year to all. Partha Bytes for All Post message: bytesforall at onelist.com Subscribe: bytesforall-subscribe at onelist.com Unsubscribe: bytesforall-unsubscribe at onelist.com List owner: bytesforall-owner at onelist.com URL to this page:http://www.onelist.com/group/bytesforall From aiindex at mnet.fr Mon Dec 17 17:13:02 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Mon, 17 Dec 2001 12:43:02 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] From Kannada to keyboards... Message-ID: FROM KANNADA TO KEYBOARDS: AN INDIAN LANGUAGE ENTERS THE CYBERAGE By Frederick Noronha fred at bytesforall.org For Dr U.B. Pavanaja, an unlucky 1993 scooter accident turned out to be the proverbial blessing in disguise. For nine months as he lay immobilised in bed, the scientist learnt Visual Basic. Laying prostrate on his bed, with a computer alongside, he then went on to write the first versions of what is now his 'Kannada Kali' software programme. This is a game that helps a child or new learner of the Kannada language of the Southern Indian state of Karnataka to shape his alphabets properly. "I did it lying on the bed with a computer by my side," he recalls with a smile. Over the years, as he stepped up work on the issue of Indian regional language computing, the one-time scientist at India's prestigious atomic research centre finds his output increasingly relevant to the commonman. Currently he's at the helm of the Kannada Ganaka Parishat (or, Kannada Computer Association). This is a voluntary organisation formed by computer professionals, literary persons and others to promote the standardisation and usage of the Kannada language on computers. It's probably important not to underestimate the size of this task. Kannada is the language of some 47 million people worldwide -- more than the number of Polish speakers in the globe, and just below the number of Ukrainian speakers. Besides, the lessons learnt with Kannada could have important implications for other prominent Indian languages whose speakers number in millions. For instance, Hindi (496 million), Bengali (215 million), Urdu (106 million), Punjabi (96 million), Telugu and Tamil (75 million each), and Marathi (72 million). "There is so much talk about computing for the commonman. But the main problem that everyone seems to overlook is that the commonman (specially in countries like India) speaks in languages other than English," as Dr Ubaradka Bellippady Pavanaja reminds us. (Both his first names are village-names, and in the South Indian style, are generally not spelt out in full.) So, for the past many years, he's been working sweating over this front. Some solutions are simple, why-didn't-we-think-of-it-earlier ways out. Others are attempts to do the groundwork and undertake standardisation that could have far-reaching implications for the future. So far, the standardisation has already been done, both on a uniform keyboard for Kannada, and also for the glyphs and glyph-codes. (The latter refer to the component parts that, when joined together in varying combinations, make up each alphabet.) There's a big difference between English and Indian-languages over the display and storage of information in computers. In the case of English, there is a one-to-one correspondence between the display codes and the storage codes. But in the case of an Indian language, say Kannada, the letters are made up of combinations of consonants and vowels. Using, for example, a consonant-plus-consonant-plus-consonant-plus-vowel combination. These characters have a unique storage code in ISCII, or the Indian Standards Code for Information Interchange. Display of these characters are accomplished by joining pieces of characters known as 'glyphs'. Codes for the storage characters and the display pieces (glyphs) are different. In addition, the number of characters which make the make the character (used for storage) and the number of display pieces which are used for the display of the letter simply don't have a one-to-one correspondence. An example: the Kannada language uses some 142 pieces to obtain all the possible combinations that can be obtained from the based 49 Kannada alphabets. In the past, Indian groups working on language-solutions -- like the Pune-based government backed C-DAC and Mithi, which specialises in local language computing, also from Pune -- have worked on similar work. But in earlier cases, everyone followed their own glyph sets. This meant data lacked 'portability'. Text composed on one computer could not be carried over, or understood by, another computer which did not share the same software. This was a great handicap in a world where the ability of computers to 'talk to one another' has made them into the powerful tool they currently are. "We feel the best solution is to have the storage in ISCII. Other solutions have attempted to tie up the user in their own software solutions," says Dr Pavanaja. He says that the Government of India's stand is that ISCII should have standardised glyph sets. "In our region, the Government of Karnataka has standardised glyph sets already. We have benchmark software too... to ensure that the software would work with any standard computer." Admits Dr Pavanaja: "Standardisation is something that has to be imposed (for the sake of moving ahead together)." At another level, the Kannada language has also pushed for what it calls the Kannada Standard Code for Language Processing. This is used for sorting, as per the Kannada order of alphabets. "Sorting is a very important job for computers. Can youthink of a single database operation without sorting and indexing?" asks Dr Pavanaja. "For all these years, using computers for Kannada-work meant simply using it for typing, making books, printing invites and DTP (desktop publishing) work. It has now changed," points out Dr Pavanaja. Sorting and indexing in the regional language, he argues, has opened up new possibilities. C-DAC (the Government of India-backed Centre for Development of Advanced Computing) earlier had solutions, but this, he says, was not particularly suitable for the Kannada language. This attempt evolved a national standard based on Hindi, whereas every language of India has its own specialities and requirements. At another level, the Parishad has been working towards a standardised Unicode for Kannada. "KGP general secretary Srinatha Sastry and myself put together a document, and sent it to the Unicode Consortium. It was partly accepted," says Dr Pavanaja. He underlines the importance of uniformity for the Unicode character table and collation code for this regional language. Incidentally, India's voting-member at Unicode Consortium is the Indian government's Ministry of Information Technology (MIT). But lack of uniform interests among the various Indian languages used for computing means that sometimes not much can be done on this front. In September 2000, Dr Pavanaja took part in a Unicode conference in California. "We explained the issues (involved in Kannada), and that was appreciated a lot. The MIT is waiting for all languages to come up with a decision. Only Kannada has done this much groundwork on Unicode. At least Kannada could be implemented on Unicode for now (instead of waiting for all Indian languages to finish their task)." Besides, the Parishad has developed a free Kannada script software. This was released in October 2001 in Bangalore. "It has got SDK (the software development kit) as part of it. But most importantly, it comes free (in terms of price)," stresses Dr Pavanaja. He suggests that this is important too in a price-sensitive region like India, where millions still live in poverty. Using this, developers can write Kannada database applications. It could, therefore, have applications linked to phone directories, ration cards, banking, libraries and even road-transportation operations. This spells immense fallouts for this large state of Karnataka, which has a population roughly the size of South Africa, and over half the area of Germany in land-mass. "Everyone needs good database applications. In Indian language computing, 90% of the uses are linked to DTP unfortunately. But in English, computers are overwhelmingly used for database applications," says he, stressing that the lack of applications also causes problems. Whether it's e-commerce, business transactions or public utlities and governance, all these sectors need good database applications, stresses Dr Pavanaja. One of this team's solution is called 'Kalitha'. It is a Kannada keyboard driver and font. "It also has a sorting engine, not just a sorting-facility. This is the first time that any Indian language had this facility," says Dr Pavanaja. This group led by Srinatha Sastry, has modified a Kannada keyboard-layout originated by K.P. Rao. It uses the 26 English-language keys for Kannada's 49 alphabets. "Even Bill Gates appreciated (the concept behind) such a layout for a keyboard," says Dr Pavanaja. But just how does it work? The 'shift' (or 'caps') key comes to the rescue. "English has 26 alphabets multiplied by two (with each using the caps key). This makes a total of 52. In Kannada, we need only a total of 49. It works well with the 'shift' and 'unshift' key," says he. This layout has been accepted and notified by the Karnataka government. In order to keep things simple for the typist and computer-operator, this keyboard makes things a "little more difficult" for the programmer. But once that is taken care of, things become simple in actually using this solution. Besides his technical work, this man's own story is also interesting. Dr Pavanaja, currently 42, is a PhD in chemistry. He was a scientist at the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) in Bombay. "We used computers extensively, in lab-automation and we also experimented in connecting a lot of lab equipment to computers," he recalls. Using computers "as a tool" for his scientific work for awhile, he says he "got addicted". His own efforts took the chemical scientists closer to the computer in the early days of the PCs. "I soon became seen as a computer professional," he recalls of times in the mid-eighties, when the PC first began to make its appearance in the Indian scientific establishments. In BARC, a group to promote the Kannada language often faced difficulties in publishing technical articles in its Kannada-language science magazine. That set him thinking. "While doing our magazine 'Belagu' (whose name loosely translated to 'Shine' or 'Reflect Light'), we decided to buy our own DTP package." In 1995, a visit for advanced research to Taiwan revealed that computer professionals were heavily into computer use, but were overwhelmingly using Chinese. "If they could use their language, why not we?" thought Dr Pavanaja. Soon, he became active on Internet 'news' groups like soc.culture.indian.karnataka and also set up websites. What happened afterwards is narrated in terms of the output achieved and listed above. "When I was a scientist, I felt my doctorate had no use. I was hardly doing any (socially-relevant) work. Now, I don't feel guilty about that anymore," he says. He returned from Taiwan in 1996 and resigned from BARC in June 1997. In 1998, his work made Kannada one of the first Indian languages to use dynamic fonts. He explains: "Earlier, if you wanted to browse a web-site, you needed the (same font used by the site) to be installed on your PC." Obviously, a real dilemma in a region where there exist dozens or hundreds of non-standardised fonts for each language. This meant downloading the font. You needed to do it each time you used a different computer! Dynamic fonts solve the problem by residing on the 'server', not on the 'client' (or user's computer). When you browse a site, you automatically pull the font info the first time you browse it. Also, it works with any operating system you're using, Dr Pavanaja points out. "In English, you don't have the problem of clashing glyphs. If you use a fancy font, you can still read it at least in Times or Arial...," He notes. Pavanaja has also createD a Kannada version of LOGO. "LOGO stands for 'logic-oriented, graphic-oriented' programming. It is a language for children. It uses very simple commands, like 'forward', 'backward', and so on. School children of the fifth to eight standards (roughly 10 to 13 years of age) can use it effectively. I thought of Kannada-medium schools, and wanted something for them," says Dr Pavanaja. Work done by this group could make Kannada the first Indian langauge to get onto a palm-top computing device, believes Dr Pavana. "Much of the coding (for some of our projects) has been done by K.M.Harsha, a 22-year-old mechanical diploma holder from a village," he points out. This, says the scientist, only underlines the creativity of youngsters if given the chance. It challenges the myth that city-born children are more intelligent! One of the KGP's dreams is to have Kannada working with the 'free' and 'open source' Linux operating system, which was largely build up by volunteers worldwide. "But that could take some time," concedes Dr Pavanaja. "We need to have keyboard drivers, fonts, a toolkit for software developers, a free office suite like Star Office, and even the complete Linux working in Kannada," he adds. Getting legal copies of proprietorial software would cost millions for a state the size of Karnataka. "So far the KGP has been taking its funding from the government, semi-government institutions, corporate world and philanthrophy. We need to develop software and make it available freely (so as to make it affordable to the commonman in a country where millions still live in poverty). We don't sell anything," says Dr Pavanaja. Says Dr Pavanaja: "If you don't put Indian languages into the computer, all our tongues will get relegated to being just spoken languages in five to ten years time." Currently the editor of 'Vishva Kannada', which he terms the world's first Internet magazine in the Kannada language, Dr Pavanaja can be contacted at This magazine's site can be visited on the World Wide Web at www.vishvakannada.com (ENDS) From farhan at hotfoon.com Mon Dec 17 12:43:27 2001 From: farhan at hotfoon.com (Ashhar Farhan) Date: Mon, 17 Dec 2001 12:43:27 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Re:National norm for language computing Message-ID: I guess that the text encoding and font encoding standards are now anchored firmly with Unicode and OpenType. Together, both are present in all the newer releases of Microsoft Operating Systems as well as through the UniScribe API support for the earlier Windows (like Windows 98). For those interested in finding out more about these two together, I will suggest that you take a look at http://www.microsoft.com/typography . Linux too has support for both these standards through the work of www.freetype.org . People on this list may not be aware, but CDAC's Gist group is all but gone. After Tambe left a few years ago, the rest of the core was still intact. However, in the last one year everyone who was a part of the original team are gone. Mohanty, who is probably India's best font designer and headed Fonts at GIST has left. Anupam who developed and lead the ISCII standardisation has left. Bhatt the man who wrote most of the code for Language processing has left. Raymond Doctor, the linguist par excellance who did pioneering work in spell checkers is back to Deccan College with his teaching job. Finally, even Pujari who ran the GIST project has also left. This leaves GIST team with only the much junior programmers in charge, with hardly any continuity with the old. It is not for me to comment upon the sudden exodus of these people but those who looked up to CDAC to provide any leadership will have to wait awhile for the GIST group to get its act together again. - Ashhar Farhan From alokrai at hss.iitd.ernet.in Wed Dec 19 13:19:18 2001 From: alokrai at hss.iitd.ernet.in (Dr. Alok Rai) Date: Wed, 19 Dec 2001 13:19:18 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] hoodbhoy on islam Message-ID: <003801c18861$abe680e0$4701050a@x6o6l2> I got Pratap's comment on Hoodbhoy but not the Hoodbhoy essay itself. Cd someone resend it please? AR From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Wed Dec 19 21:31:45 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 19 Dec 2001 16:01:45 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] Urvashi Butalia on September 11 attacks Message-ID: <20011219160145.6876.qmail@mailFA8.rediffmail.com> What better for our Hindu leaders than to have international validation of Muslims as terrorists,of Islam as the enemy...Sometimes, says Urvashi Butalia, the terrorist trail can lead to your own front door. When thousands died after suicidal terrorists struck the US on 11 September, we in India were asked to observe two minutes of silence in solidarity with the victims. Wherever you are, whatever you are doing, our Prime Minister told us, stop all activity and stand in silence. But no matter how much I mourned those deaths I couldn’t erase from my thoughts the 3,000 people who died in anti-Sikh riots in Delhi in 1984; the more than 2,000 who died in anti-Muslim riots in Bombay in 1993; and the 10,000-plus who died as a result of a gas leak in the Union Carbide factory in Bhopal in 1984. Why was it that we weren’t asked to stand in silence for them? Was it because they weren’t all killed in what are strictly defined as terrorist attacks? In Delhi and Bombay the killers had the tacit support of the State. In Bhopal, Union Carbide had the might of America behind it. And yet didn’t the victims in Bombay and Delhi feel terror when facing their killers? Didn’t mothers in Bhopal feel terror as they watched the gas waft in and take away the lives of their children? I remember being enraged by the paltry compensation Union Carbide offered to the Bhopal victims and complaining about this to an American at a seminar. ‘But my dear,’ he said matter-of-factly, ‘don’t you know that the price of an Indian life is much less than that of an American?’ I realize now, as the US prepares to fight a war in our region, on our soil, how true his words were. Here we are offering all help to America. Air space? Bases? Take them. We didn’t even wait to be asked. We know only too well the exploitation, the widespread instances of rape, the arrogance of American soldiers on air bases all over the world. Yet here we are, laying ourselves open to this. Why? Because our Government wants to show up Pakistan on the world stage. e real issues: starvation in the face of overflowing food stocks, a shaky economy, civil unrest. Suddenly, India and Pakistan are at the heart of this impending war. How tragic that the momentum of dealing with the bitter legacy of the past has suddenly been lost, bartered away. For what? Why should we be implicated in an American war? Even as I ask the question I know the answer. This war is ‘good’ for us. What better for our Hindu leaders than to have international validation of Muslims as terrorists, of Islam as the enemy? What better for Pakistan than to have the US conveniently forget its opposition to the country’s nuclear explosions, and lift sanctions? It’s easy to fight a war that’s not on your own soil, easier still to pretend to be the guardian of all morality. It’s much more difficult to reflect, to analyse and to realize that sometimes the path to the source of terrorism may lead to your own front door. Yet it’s not too late to confront the devil within. As a group of women from war-torn Kosovo recently wrote in an open letter: ‘American politicians and decision-makers... we ask you not to put us and your citizens at more risk Please remember your past and learn from ours to leave a legacy of justice and peaceful construction, not of revenge, destruction and war.’ I don’t know what will happen to us in South Asia if the American war takes off. But I do know that both in America and here we’ll be much more vulnerable to violence. Islam will be further demonised, the hatred for minorities nurtured by our fundamentalist majoritarian politics will only get worse. And tolerance and peace will be a thing of the past. Urvashi Butalia is a writer based in New Delhi. From announcements-request at sarai.net Thu Dec 20 11:15:28 2001 From: announcements-request at sarai.net (announcements-request at sarai.net) Date: Thu, 20 Dec 2001 06:45:28 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Announcements digest, Vol 1 #9 - 1 msg Message-ID: <200112200545.GAA21859@zelda.intra.waag.org> Send Announcements mailing list submissions to announcements at mail.sarai.net To subscribe or unsubscribe via the World Wide Web, visit https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/announcements or, via email, send a message with subject or body 'help' to announcements-request at mail.sarai.net You can reach the person managing the list at announcements-admin at mail.sarai.net When replying, please edit your Subject line so it is more specific than "Re: Contents of Announcements digest..." Today's Topics: 1. 22.12.2001: Shanghai & Mumbai (Mumbai Study Group) --__--__-- Message: 1 Date: Wed, 19 Dec 2001 01:21:31 +0530 To: Recipient List Suppressed:; From: Mumbai Study Group Subject: [Announcements] 22.12.2001: Shanghai & Mumbai Dear Friends: In our next session, we welcome Dr TAPATI MUKHOPADHYAY, Reader in the Siddharth College Department of Geography, Mumbai, who will speak from her recently published book, "Shanghai and Mumbai: Sustainability of Development in a Globalizing World" (New Delhi: Samskriti, 2001). In her book, Dr Mukhopadhyay tests the concept of sustainable development through case studies of the growth and development of urban and peri-urban areas of the two great Asian coastal cities, Shanghai and Mumbai, and their sister cities, Pudong New Area and Navi Mumbai. The study is based on the fast-changing, comparable land-use patterns of these two cities. It brings out the salient features of the respective development processes of Shanghai and Mumbai, which are useful for fine-tuning land use planning and surface resource management in developing cities. Dr Mukhopadhyay started her career in 1974 as a Cartographer in the National Atlas and Thematic Mapping Organisation, Calcutta. She shifted to Mumbai in 1979 and is presently Reader in Geography at the Siddharth College of Arts, Science and Commerce. She also teaches Environmental Science at the postgraduate level at the Institute of Science, University of Mumbai. She is the author of "Commercial Geography of a Metropolitan City: Spatial Structure of Retailing in Mumbai" (Concept, 1995), based on her doctoral research on retailing in Mumbai, and is the author of many research papers on urban geography. She is a Member of the Senate of the University of Mumbai, and is the Secretary-General of the Mumbai University and College Teachers Union. This session will be on SATURDAY 22 DECEMBER 2001, at 10.00 A.M., on the SECOND FLOOR, Rachna Sansad, 278, Shankar Ghanekar Marg, Prabhadevi, Mumbai, next to Ravindra Natya Mandir. Phone: 4301024, 4310807, 4229969; Station: Elphinstone Road (Western Railway); BEST Bus: 35, 88, 151, 161, 162, 171, 355, 357, 363, to Ravindra Natya Mandir, 91 Ltd, 305 Ltd, A1 and A4 to Prabhadevi. MUMBAI STUDY GROUP SESSIONS, 2001-2002 12 JANUARY 2002 "Manufacturing Space: Textile Policy and the Politics of Industrial Location in Mumbai" by Harini Narayanan, University of Illinois Dept of Urban Geography, Urbana-Champaign, U.S.A. 26 JANUARY 2002 "Food Security in Mumbai and Thane: A Study of the Rationing Kruti Samiti" by Mayank Bhatt, Journalist and Research Associate, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, U.K. 9 FEBRUARY 2002 "Party Politics in Mumbai: A Panel Discussion on the Eve of the Civic Elections" Participants to be Announced 23 FEBRUARY 2002 "Mumbai Modern" by Dr Carol Breckenridge, University of Chicago Dept of History, Chicago, U.S.A. 9 MARCH 2002 Film Screening of "Jari-Mari: Of Cloth and Other Stories" Discussion with Surabhi Sharma, Producer and Director 23 MARCH 2002 "Girangaon: The Past, Present and Future of Mumbai's Textile Mills and Mill Workers" Participants to be Announced 13 APRIL 2002 "Gender and Space in Mumbai" by Shilpa Phadke, Visiting Lecturer in Sociology, Nirmala Niketan School of Social Work, Mumbai and Neera Adarkar, Architect, Adarkar Associates, Mumbai ABOUT the MUMBAI STUDY GROUP The MUMBAI STUDY GROUP meets on the second and fourth Saturdays of every month, at the Rachana Sansad, Prabhadevi, Mumbai, at 10.00 A.M. Our conversations continue through the support extended by Shri Pradip Amberkar, Principal of the Academy of Architecture, and Prof S.H. Wandrekar, Trustee of the Rachana Sansad. Conceived as an inclusive and non-partisan forum to foster dialogue on urban issues, we have since September 2000 held conversations about various historical, political, cultural, social and spatial aspects of the Mumbai Metropolitan Region. Our discussions are open and public, no previous membership or affiliation is required. We encourage the participation of urban researchers and practitioners, experts and non-experts, researchers and students, and all individuals, groups and associations in Mumbai to join our conversations about the the city.The format we have evolved is to host individual presentations or panel discussions in various fields of urban theory and practice, and have a moderated and focussed discussion from our many practical and professional perspectives: whether as architects or planners, lawyers or journalists, artists or film-makers, academics or activists.Through such a forum, we hope to foster an open community of urban citizens, which clearly situates Mumbai in the theories and practices of urbanism globally. Previous sessions have hosted presentations by the following individuals: Kalpana Sharma, Associate Editor of The Hindu; Kedar Ghorpade, Senior Planner at the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority; Dr Marina Pinto, Professor of Public Administration, retired from Mumbai University; Dr K. Sita, Professor of Geography, retired from Mumbai University, and former Garware Chair Professor at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences; Dr Arjun Appadurai, Professor of Anthropology at the University of Chicago, Director of Partners for Urban Knowledge Action & Research (PUKAR), Mumbai; Rahul Srivastava, Lecturer in Sociology at Wilson College; Sandeep Yeole, General Secretary of the All-India Pheriwala Vikas Mahasangh; Dr Anjali Monteiro, Professor and Head, and K.P. Jayashankar, Reader, from the Tata Institute of Social Sciences Unit for Media and Communications; Dr Sujata Patel, Professor and Head, Department of Sociology, University of Pune; Dr Mariam Dossal, Head, Department of History, Mumbai University; Sucheta Dalal, business journalist and Consulting Editor, Financial Express; Dr Arvind Rajagopal, Associate Professor of Culture and Communications at New York University; Dr Gyan Prakash, Professor of History at Princeton University, and member of the Subaltern Studies Editorial Collective; Dr Sudha Deshpande, Reader in Demography, retired from the Department of Economics, Mumbai University and former consultant for the World Bank, International Labour Organisation, and Bombay Municipal Corporation; Sulakshana Mahajan, doctoral candidate at the Taubman College of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, U.S.A., and former Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, Rachana Sansad; Dr Rohini Hensman, of the Union Research Group, Mumbai; Mrs Jyoti Mhapsekar, Head Librarian, Rachana Sansad and Member, Stree Mukti Sanghatana. Previous panel discussions have comprised of the following individuals: S.S. Tinaikar, former Municipal Commissioner of Bombay, Sheela Patel, Director of the Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC), and Bhanu Desai of the Citizens' Forum for the Protection of Public Spaces (Citispace) on urban policy making and housing; Shirish Patel, civil engineer and urban planner, Pramod Sahasrabuddhe and Abhay Godbole, structural engineers on earthquakes and the built form of the city; B. Rajaram, Managing Director of Konkan Railway Corporation, and Dr P.G. Patankar, from Tata Consultancy Services, and former Chairman of the Bombay Electric Supply & Transport Undertaking (BEST) on mass public transport alternatives; Ved Segan, Vikas Dilawari, and Pankaj Joshi, conservation architects, on the social relevance of heritage and conservation architecture; Debi Goenka, of the Bombay Environmental Action Group, Professor Sudha Srivastava, Dr Geeta Kewalramani, and Dr Dipti Mukherji, of the University of Mumbai Department of Geography, on the politics of land use, the city's salt pan lands, and the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) Act; Nikhil Rao, of the University of Chicago Dept of History, Anirudh Paul and Prasad Shetty of the Kamala Raheja Vidyanidhi Insitute of Architecture, and members of the various residents associations and citizens groups of the Dadar-Matunga, on the history, architecture, and formation of middle-class communities in these historic neighbourhoods, the first suburbs of Bombay. CONTACT US We invite all urban researchers, practitioners, students, and other interested individuals to join us in our fortnightly conversations, and suggest topics for presentation and discussion. For any more information, kindly contact one of the Joint Convenors of the Mumbai Study Group: ARVIND ADARKAR, Architect, Researcher and Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, Phone 2051834, ; DARRYL D'MONTE, Journalist and Writer, 6427088 ; SHEKHAR KRISHNAN, Coordinator-Associate, Partners for Urban Knowledge Action & Research (PUKAR), 4462728, ; PANKAJ JOSHI, Conservation Architect, Lecturer, Academy of Architecture, and PUKAR Associate, 8230625, . --__--__-- _______________________________________________ Announcements mailing list Announcements at mail.sarai.net https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/announcements End of Announcements Digest From monica at sarai.net Thu Dec 20 11:59:41 2001 From: monica at sarai.net (Monica Narula) Date: Thu, 20 Dec 2001 11:59:41 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Increased Scrutiny Message-ID: Below is a message that i picked up from nettime, not only to point to the aftermath of 9/11 but to talk also about the aftermath here of 13/12 in Delhi. Did people read this morning our Human Resource and Development Ministe's comment in the newspapers - that there is a worse form of terrorism than is obvious, and that is "intellectual terrorism". (Historians are to be feared...) Thoughts that are not in sync with dominant formulations coming from the centre of ruling... best Monica ------ Forwarded Message From: Culture Jammers Network Reply-To: Date: Wed, 19 Dec 2001 06:34:39 -0800 To: Culture Jammers Network Subject: Smell a rat? Have your activities come under increased scrutiny in the aftermath of S11? Ours have. Recently, our Corporate America Flag billboard in Times Square, New York, attracted the attention of the federal Department of Defense, and a visit by an agent who asked a lot of pointed questions about our motivations and intent. We wondered: What gives? "Just following up a lead from a tip line," the agent admitted. That's the kind of fourth quarter it's been for many social activists. Any campaign that dares to question U.S. economic, military or foreign policy in these delicate times, any critical appraisal of the handling of the "War on terrorism," risks casting the critic as a kind of enemy of the state, if not an outright terrorist. Vigilance we can live with. Intimidation that amounts to persecution is another bucket of fish. According to some of the emails and phone calls we've received lately, many other groups have also found themselves under investigation in a political climate that's starting to take on shades of McCarthyism. Our response to all of this is to set up our own "rat line." If you know of social marketing campaigns or protest actions that are being suppressed, or if you come across any other story of overzealous government "information management," please tell us your story. Go to . ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- - Adbusters Magazine The Media Foundation 1243 West 7th Ave Vancouver BC Canada V6H 1B7 p. 604.736.9401 f. 604.737.6021 www.adbusters.org ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- - -- Monica Narula Sarai:The New Media Initiative 29 Rajpur Road, Delhi 110 054 www.sarai.net From prosaha at hotmail.com Thu Dec 20 12:42:36 2001 From: prosaha at hotmail.com (Pradip Saha) Date: Thu, 20 Dec 2001 07:12:36 +0000 Subject: [Reader-list] changing msgs Message-ID: i had to take photographs of grafitti of informal sex clinics in delhi, who claim to cure all kinds of stds and other problems related to sexual activities. i thought it was an easy job. i remember seeing all these advertisements all over the city walls. but i was dissapointed. barring a few ads on "madrasi" piles clinics, i could not find much. an obvious place was the public urinals. there was nothing even there. all the sex clinics ads have been replaced by "learn english in 45 days" ads. i was looking for seedy abortion clinic ads in the streetlight poles. they have been replaced by"internet: 35 for an hour" ads. changing times? _________________________________________________________________ MSN Photos is the easiest way to share and print your photos: http://photos.msn.com/support/worldwide.aspx From aiindex at mnet.fr Thu Dec 20 13:00:04 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Thu, 20 Dec 2001 08:30:04 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] (no subject) In-Reply-To: <200112200543.GAA21755@zelda.intra.waag.org> References: <200112200543.GAA21755@zelda.intra.waag.org> Message-ID: MUSLIMS AND THE WEST AFTER 11 SEPTEMBER Pervez Hoodbhoy America has exacted blood revenge for the Twin Towers. A million Afghans have fled US bombs into the cold wastelands and face starvation. B-52s have blown the Taliban to bits and changed Mullah Omar's roar of defiance into a pitiful squeak for surrender. Osama bin Laden is on the run (he may be dead by the time this article reaches the reader). But even as the champagne pops in the White House, America remains fearful - for good reason. Subsequent to September 11th we have all begun to live in a different, more dangerous world. Now is the time to ask why. Like clinical pathologists, we need to scientifically examine the sickness of human behavior impelling terrorists to fly airliners filled with passengers into skyscrapers. We also need to understand why millions celebrate as others die. In the absence of such an understanding there remains only the medieval therapy of exorcism; for the strong to literally beat the devil out of the weak. Indeed, the Grand Exorcist - disdainful of international law and the growing nervousness of even its close allies - prepares a new hit list of other Muslim countries needing therapy: Iraq, Somalia, and Libya. We shall kill at will, is the message. This will not work. Terrorism does not have a military solution. Soon - I fear perhaps very soon - there will be still stronger, more dramatic proof. In the modern age, technological possibilities to wreak enormous destruction are limitless. Anger, when intense enough, makes small stateless groups, and even individuals, extremely dangerous. Anger is ubiquitous in the Islamic world today. Allow me to share a small personal experience. On September 12th I had a seminar scheduled at the department of physics in my university in Islamabad, part of a weekly seminar for physics students on topics outside of physics. Though traumatized by events, I could not cancel the seminar because sixty people had already arrived, so I said, "We will have our seminar today on a new subject: on yesterday's terrorist attacks". The response was negative, some were mindlessly rejoicing the attacks. One student said, "You can't call this terrorism." Another said, "Are you only worried because it is Americans who have died?" It took two hours of sustained, impassioned, argumentation to convince the students that the brutal killing of ordinary people, who had nothing to do with the policies of the United States, was an atrocity. I suppose that millions of Muslim students the world over felt as mine did, but probably heard no counter-arguments. If the world is to be spared what future historians may call the "Century of Terror", we will have to chart the perilous course between the Scylla of American imperial arrogance and the Charybdis of Islamic religious fanaticism. Through these waters, we must steer by a distant star towards a careful, reasoned, democratic, humanistic, and secular future. Else, shipwreck is certain. INJURED INNOCENCE "Why do they hate us?", asks George W. Bush. This rhetorical question betrays the pathetic ignorance of most Americans about the world around them. Moreover, its claim to an injured innocence cannot withstand even the most cursory examination of US history. For almost forty years, this "naiveté and self-righteousness" has been challenged most determinedly by Noam Chomsky. As early as 1967, he pointed that the idea that "our" motives are pure and "our" actions benign is "nothing new in American intellectual history - or, for that matter, in the general history of imperialist apologia". Muslim leaders have mirrored America's claim and have asked the same question of the West. They have had little to say about 11 September that makes sense to people outside their communities. Although they speak endlessly on rules of personal hygiene and "halal" or "haram", they cannot even tell us whether or not the suicide bombers violated Islamic laws. According to the Virginia-based (and largely Saudi-funded) Fiqh Council's chairman, Dr. Taha Jabir Alalwani, "this kind of question needs a lot of research and we don't have that in our budget." Fearful of backlash, most leaders of Muslim communities in the US, Canada, and Europe have responded in predictable ways to the Twin Towers atrocity. This has essentially two parts: first, that Islam is a religion of peace; and second, that Islam was hijacked by fanatics on the 11th of September 2001. They are wrong on both counts. First, Islam - like Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism, or any other religion - is not about peace. Nor is it about war. Every religion is about absolute belief in its own superiority and the divine right to impose itself upon others. In medieval times, both the Crusades and the Jihads were soaked in blood. Today, Christian fundamentalists attack abortion clinics in the US and kill doctors; Muslim fundamentalists wage their sectarian wars against each other; Jewish settlers holding the Old Testament in one hand, and Uzis in the other, burn olive orchards and drive Palestinians off their ancestral land; Hindus in India demolish ancient mosques and burn down churches; Sri Lankan Buddhists slaughter Tamil separatists. The second assertion is even further off the mark. Even if Islam had, in some metaphorical sense, been hijacked, that event did not occur on 11 September 2001. It happened around the 13th century. A quick look around us readily shows Islam has yet to recover from the trauma of those times. A DISMAL PRESENT Where do Muslims stand today? Note that I do not ask about Islam; Islam is an abstraction. Moulana Abdus Sattar Edhi and Mullah Omar are both followers of Islam, but the former is overdue for a Nobel peace prize while the other is a medieval, ignorant, psychotic fiend. Edward Said, among others, has insistently pointed out, Islam carries very different meaning to different people. It is as heterogeneous as those who believe and practice it. There is no "true Islam". Therefore it only makes sense to speak of people who claim that faith. Today Muslims number one billion, spread over 48 Muslim countries. None of these has yet evolved a stable democratic political system. In fact all Muslim countries are dominated by self-serving corrupt elites who cynically advance their personal interests and steal resources from their people. No Muslim country has a viable educational system or a university of international stature. Reason too has been waylaid. To take some examples from my own experience. You will seldom encounter a Muslim name as you flip through scientific journals, and if you do the chances are that this person lives in the West. There are a few exceptions: Abdus Salam, together with Steven Weinberg and Sheldon Glashow, won the Nobel Prize for Physics in 1979 for the unification of the weak and electromagnetic forces. I got to know Salam reasonably well - we even wrote a book preface together. He was a remarkable man, terribly in love with his country and his religion. And yet he died deeply unhappy, scorned by his country and excommunicated from Islam by an act of the Pakistani parliament in 1974. Today the Ahmadi sect, to which Salam belonged, is considered heretical and harshly persecuted. (My next-door neighbor, an Ahmadi, was shot in the neck and heart and died in my car as I drove him to the hospital. His only fault was to have been born in the wrong sect.) Though genuine scientific achievement is rare in the contemporary Muslim world, pseudo-science is in generous supply. A former chairman of my department has calculated the speed of Heaven: it is receding from the earth at one centimeter per second less than the speed of light. His ingenious method relies upon a verse in the Qur'an which says that worship on the night on which the Qur'an was revealed, is worth a thousand nights of ordinary worship. He states that this amounts to a time-dilation factor of one thousand, which he puts into a formula belonging to Einstein's theory of special relativity. A more public example: one of two Pakistani nuclear engineers recently arrested on suspicion of passing nuclear secrets to the Taliban had earlier proposed to solve Pakistan's energy problems by harnessing the power of genies. The Qur'an says that God created man from clay, and angels and genies from fire; so this highly placed engineer proposed to capture the genies and extract their energy. (The reader may wish to read the rather acrimonious public correspondence between Sultan Bashiruddin Mahmood and myself in 1988 on this subject, reproduced in my book "Islam and Science - Religious Orthodoxy And The Battle For Rationality", published in 1991). A BRILLIANT PAST THAT VANISHED Today's sorry situation contrasts starkly with the Islam of yesterday. Between the 9th and the 13th centuries - the Golden Age of Islam - the only people doing decent science, philosophy, or medicine were Muslims. For five straight centuries they alone kept the light of learning ablaze. Muslims not only preserved ancient learning, they also made substantial innovations and extensions. The loss of this tradition has proved tragic for Muslim peoples. Science flourished in the Golden Age of Islam because there was within Islam a strong rationalist tradition, carried on by a group of Muslim thinkers known as the Mutazilites. This tradition stressed human free will, strongly opposing the predestinarians who taught that everything was foreordained and that humans have no option but surrender everything to Allah. While the Mutazilites held political power, knowledge grew. But in the twelfth century Muslim orthodoxy reawakened, spearheaded by the cleric Imam Al-Ghazali. Al-Ghazali championed revelation over reason, predestination over free will. He refuted the possibility of relating cause to effect, teaching that man cannot know or predict what will happen; God alone can. He damned mathematics as against Islam, an intoxicant of the mind that weakened faith. Held in the vice-like grip of orthodoxy, Islam choked. No longer, as during the reign of the dynamic caliph Al-Mamum and the great Haroon Al-Rashid, would Muslim, Christian, and Jewish scholars gather and work together in the royal courts. It was the end of tolerance, intellect, and science in the Muslim world. The last great Muslim thinker, Abd-al Rahman ibn Khaldun, belonged to the 14th century. ISLAM UNDER IMPERIALISM Meanwhile, the rest of the world moved on. The Renaissance brought an explosion of scientific inquiry in the West. This owed much to Arab translations and other Muslim contributions, but it was to matter little. Mercantile capitalism and technological progress drove Western countries to rapidly colonize the Muslim world from Indonesia to Morocco. Always brutal, at times genocidal, it changed the shape of the world. It soon became clear, at least to a part of the Muslim elites, that they were paying a heavy price for not possessing the analytical tools of modern science and the social and political values of modern culture - the real source of power of their colonizers. Despite widespread resistance from the orthodox, the logic of modernity found 19th century Muslim adherents. Modernizers such as Mohammed Abduh and Rashid Rida of Egypt, Sayyed Ahmad Khan of India, and Jamaluddin Afghani (who belonged everywhere), wished to adapt Islam to the times, interpret the Qur'an in ways consistent with modern science, and discard the Hadith (ways of the Prophet) in favour of the Qur'an. Others seized on the modern idea of the nation-state. It is crucial to note that not a single Muslim nationalist leader of the 20th century was a fundamentalist. Turkey's Kemal Ataturk, Algeria's Ahmed Ben Bella, Indonesia's Sukarno, Pakistan's Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Iran's Mohammed Mosaddeq all sought to organize their societies on the basis of secular values. However, Muslim and Arab nationalism, part of a larger anti-colonial nationalist current across the Third World, included the desire to control and use national resources for domestic benefit. The conflict with Western greed was inevitable. The imperial interests of Britain, and later the United States, feared independent nationalism. Anyone willing to collaborate was preferred, even the ultraconservative Islamic regime of Saudi Arabia. In time, as the Cold War pressed in, nationalism became intolerable. In 1953, Mosaddeq of Iran was overthrown in a CIA coup, replaced by Reza Shah Pahlavi. Britain targeted Nasser. Indonesia's Sukarno was replaced by Suharto after a bloody coup that left a million dead. Pressed from outside, corrupt and incompetent from within, secular governments proved unable to defend national interests or deliver social justice. They began to frustrate democracy. These failures left a vacuum which Islamic religious movements grew to fill. After the fall of the Shah, Iran underwent a bloody revolution under Ayatollah Khomeini. General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq ruled Pakistan for eleven hideous years and strove to Islamize both state and society. In Sudan an Islamic state arose under Jaafar al-Nimeiry; amputation of hands and limbs became common. Decades ago the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was the most powerful Palestinian organization, and largely secular. After its defeat in 1982 in Beirut, it was largely eclipsed by Hamas, a fundamentalist Muslim movement. The lack of scruple and the pursuit of power by the United States combined fatally with this tide in the Muslim world in 1979, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. With Pakistan's Zia-ul-Haq as America's foremost ally, the CIA advertised for, and openly recruited, Islamic holy warriors from Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Algeria. Radical Islam went into overdrive as its superpower ally and mentor funneled support to the mujahideen, and Ronald Reagan feted them on the lawn of White House, lavishing praise on "brave freedom fighters challenging the Evil Empire". After the Soviet Union collapsed the United States walked away from an Afghanistan in shambles, its own mission accomplished. The Taliban emerged; Osama bin Laden and his Al-Qaeda made Afghanistan their base. Other groups of holy warriors learned from the Afghan example and took up arms in their own countries. At least until 11 September, US policy makers were unrepentant. A few years ago, Carter's U.S. national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski was asked by the Paris weekly Nouvel Observateur whether in retrospect, given that "Islamic fundamentalism represents a world menace today", US policy might have been a mistake. Brzezinski retorted: What is most important to the history of the world? The Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire? Some stirred-up Moslems or the liberation of Central Europe and the end of the cold war? But Brzezinski's "stirred up Moslems" wanted to change the world; and in this they were destined to succeed. With this, we conclude our history primer for the 700 years uptil September 11, 2001. FACING THE FUTURE What should thoughtful people infer from this whole narrative? I think the inferences are several - and different for different protagonists. For Muslims, it is time to stop wallowing in self-pity: Muslims are not helpless victims of conspiracies hatched by an all-powerful, malicious West. The fact is that the decline of Islamic greatness took place long before the age of mercantile imperialism. The causes were essentially internal. Therefore Muslims must introspect, and ask what went wrong. Muslims must recognize that their societies are far larger, more diverse and complex than the small homogenous tribal society in Arabia 1400 hundred years ago. It is therefore time to renounce the idea that Islam can survive and prosper only in an Islamic state run according to Islamic "sharia" law. Muslims need a secular and democratic state that respects religious freedom, human dignity, and is founded on the principle that power belongs to the people. This means confronting and rejecting the claim by orthodox Islamic scholars that in an Islamic state sovereignity does not belong to the people but, instead, to the vice-regents of Allah (Khilafat-al-Arz) or Islamic jurists (Vilayat-e-Faqih). Muslims must not look towards the likes of bin Laden; such people have no real answer and can offer no real positive alternative. To glorify their terrorism is a hideous mistake - the unremitting slaughter of Shias, Christians, and Ahmadis in their places of worship in Pakistan, and of other minorities in other Muslim countries, is proof that all terrorism is not about the revolt of the dispossessed. The United States too must confront bitter truths. It is a fact that the messages of George W. Bush and Tony Blair fall flat while those of Osama bin Laden, whether he lives or dies, resonate strongly across the Muslim world. Bin Laden's religious extremism turns off many Muslims, but they find his political message easy to relate to - stop the dispossession of the Palestinians, stop propping up corrupt and despotic regimes across the world just because they serve US interests. Americans will also have to accept that the United States is past the peak of its imperial power; the 50's and 60's are gone for good. Its triumphalism and disdain for international law is creating enemies everywhere, not just among Muslims. Therefore they must become less arrogant, and more like other peoples of this world. While the U.S. will remain a superpower for some time to come, it is inevitably going to become less and less "super". There are compelling economic and military reasons for this. For example, China's economy is growing at 7% percent per year while the U.S. economy is in recession. India, too, is coming up very rapidly. In military terms, superiority in the air or in space is no longer enough to ensure security. In how many countries can US citizens safely walk the streets today? Our collective survival lies in recognizing that religion is not the solution; neither is nationalism. Both are divisive, embedding within us false notions of superiority and arrogant pride that are difficult to erase. We have but one choice: the path of secular humanism, based upon the principles of logic and reason. This alone offers the hope of providing everybody on this globe with the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. -------------------- Pervez Hoodbhoy is professor of nuclear and high-energy >physics at Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan -- From shuddha at sarai.net Thu Dec 20 17:33:20 2001 From: shuddha at sarai.net (Shuddhabrata Sengupta) Date: Thu, 20 Dec 2001 17:33:20 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] The Eyes of Dr. Mabuse in Delhi Message-ID: <01122017332001.01103@sweety.sarai.kit> Here are two interesting reports of the ways in which the new information and intelligence apparatus is gradually refining its existing mesh over the space of Delhi in the wake of the events of December 13. The first is a brief report on the installation of surveillance cameras all over Central Delhi. The second is a report on the newly re-inforced regime of surveillance in hotels. If you combine this with the ongoing surveillance of cyber cafes, and the strict implementation of the rules that require landlords to report tenants to the police this means a whole new mass of information about people, their movements and routines which is being gathered. So now - if you are a tenant anywhere in delhi, a pedestrian or driving a vehicle in the high security zone of new delhi, a cyber cafe regular, or a tourist or traveller in delhi - you are being watched. Monica, in her last posting has already pointed out that if you are a historian you are of course under suspician as an intellectual terrorist. Does this leave anyone out? It helps of course if you are a policeman, but then, there may be police watching thepolice. Day before yesterday, for instance there was a mystery white ambassador, that entered the complex of the ministry of communications, and the police (who were being watched for their response time) sealed off the space. All this brings up a faint memory of the millions of eyes that suddenly appear all over the city of Berlin in Fritz Lang's film - the Eyes of Dr. Mabuse. When was that made, wasnt it a few years before the year 1933, in a country called Germany ? Not that I am paranoid Not that I am paranoid Not that I am paranoid Not that I am paranoid Things are as normal, normal, normal, normal so, read the reports, and see how normal things are/ _________________________________________________ 1. STREETS & CAMERAS from the NDTV website - www.ndtv.com Tuesday, December 18, 2001 (New Delhi): A new security plan for the Parliament, Rashtrapati Bhawan and other vital installations in Delhi's high security zone is being drafted by intelligence agencies to prevent a repeat of the attack on December 13. The new plan will connect various units responsible for security of these installations through a computerised network using closed circuit televisions and hidden cameras. Since last week's attack the security around Parliament has been under scrutiny and plans are underway to reduce chances of intrusion. -------------------------------------------------------- 2. HOTELS & GUESTS Hotels seek ways to validate guests without offence TIMES NEWS NETWORK from http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com NEW DELHI: Delhi's hoteliers are trying to find a middle path one that complies with the police directive to thoroughly check the identity of guests checking in, but without giving offence. In a recent meeting with hotel owners and managers, the police had asked them to keep a strict vigil on guests and inform them about anybody suspicious. Hoteliers were also told to keep a tab of who came to meet the guests. Sunil Garg, additional DCP, New Delhi, said: ‘‘We are trying to sensitise the hotel staff that if any bad element is caught from their premises, their reputation will suffer. Moreover, with Republic Day approaching, the hotels have to be more vigilant. They should start asking more questions, apart from their routine inquiries.’’ While saying that the directive was correct, a PR official of a five-star hotel in central Delhi said: ‘‘We can only ask them if they are coming on business or pleasure. We can’t ask guests to list their business contacts or whom they will be meeting in Delhi. ’’ While they are yet to find a way of ‘polite interrogation,’’ several hotels have taken other steps. ‘‘We have started keeping photocopies of passports. Even Indian visitors will have to furnish some proof of identity. And we keep a photocopy of that too,’’ said Arti Rao, front office executive at Imperial hotel. D S Tomar, security manager of the Taj Group of hotels in Delhi, said: ‘‘We are not taking any walk-in guest. Only those with reservations can stay.’’ He said even those guests are verified. Le Meridien, a high-rise which is close to Parliament, is considered one of the most sensitive hotels in the city. ‘‘Passports for foreigners and any ID card for Indians is a must for checking in here. The access doors to the roof remain locked and even if we have to organise something there, we have to take police permission,’’ said Amrit Barkha Koti, marketing and communication manager of Meridien. However, it is the small hotels in places like Paharganj that really worry the police. J N Sharma, a partner at Metropolis hotel in Paharganj, said: ‘Several hotels here are run by managers. The owners just come in the evening to take the day’s collection. It will not be easy to implement this directive here.’’ From shuddha at sarai.net Thu Dec 20 17:48:03 2001 From: shuddha at sarai.net (Shuddhabrata Sengupta) Date: Thu, 20 Dec 2001 17:48:03 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Intellectual life in India and Iran - some questions Message-ID: <01122017480302.01103@sweety.sarai.kit> Dear Readers, Here's a posting in response to what Monica sent in earlier about the minister of human resources, Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi, calling historians (or some of them) "Intellectual Terrorists". Here is a dilemma that we might have to learn to familiarize ourselves with. As the cultural and intellectual spaces in India begin to freeze over - as they surely are in the process of doing - how can this freezing over be challenged - by calling for boycotts, or by working to create alternative spaces, outside those that have exist. In other words, when at last they begin to imprison (or as in other places, execute) people who write or translate books then should this lead to a call for a boycott of the intellectual life. It is a tough question - if you boycott - you do not endorse the regimes terror, but you also deprive those who are within from access to a broader intellectual life. If you do not boycott - you may act as an unwilling endorsement of an authoritarian regime. Who knows what course of action which of might choose. I am not saying one choice is better than the other, merely pointing out that the choice will not be an easy one to make. This posting , that I am forwarding below, about the current intellectual climate of the Islamic Republic of Iran might throw some light on similar dillemmas as they come to ariculate themselves in the Republic of India. The posting is from NETTIME, and it is a forward of an article by Mehdi Nasrin in the Iranian. Apologies for cross posting Shuddha ____________________________________________________________ FW: Intellectual traitors From: Leili To: Date: Wed, 19 Dec 2001 13:31:54 -0500 Who's afraid of Jacques Derrida? Pioneer thinkers in Iranian universities should be welcomed By Mehdi Nasrin December 17, 2001 The Iranian It looks as though Jacques Derrida and Edward Said are planning to give lectures and teach in Iran in the upcoming months. As a premature reaction, some (Iranian) scholars abroad have already criticized and condemned the acts. They argue that by traveling to Iran and participating in such seminars and lectures, these prestigious intellectuals help the Islamic government of Iran manifest a nicer picture of itself to the world. It is likely that a government which has been criticized by many human rights organizations (like the UN and Amnesty International) and isolated from the international community for many years needs this nicer reputation. Moreover, such interactions between Iranian universities and foreign intellectuals may help the authoritarian government argue that there is actually freedom of speech in Iran. Those who are criticizing Derrida and Said, of course, have even more concrete and detailed objections. One of the translators of Derrida's works was among the Iranian intellectuals who was kidnaped and killed by agents of the country's Ministry of Intelligence four years ago. Since then, those who committed these evil acts have been brought to justice. However the closed trial was rather quiet about those who ordered the murders. The critics think Derrida has a commitment of openly condemning these kinds of extra-judiciaries and must thus decline the request of giving a speech in Iran. Said, on the other hand, has been criticized over the issue of Palestine. The Islamic government usually addresses the Palestinian people as the Moslem people of Palestine. This kind of statement, of course, can have racist interpretation. It seems according to the Islamic regime, there is no Christian or Jewish Palestinian. Since the critics think that Said has a commitment of openly condemning this idea, given that he himself is a (Christian) Palestinian, he must thus decline the request of teaching in Iran. However, something is wrong with their conclusions. Human rights violations and censorship within the Islamic government are undeniable facts. The premise of the critics' arguments is also correct: the Iranian government is a totalitarian regime with a very bad record of human rights violations. Thus it will probably (ab)use the presence of intellectuals (like Derrida) and activists (like Mandela who has already traveled to Iran twice) in order to improve its image. Therefore, critics conclude, these people should not travel to Iran. The fallacy of this argument is rooted in accepting what the Iranian government imposes. The Islamic regime may indicate that anybody who participates in Iranian elections has accepted the principles and the legitimacy of the Islamic republic. Many do not buy that; it can be a peaceful way to show one's protest. The Islamic regime may indicate that what happened on the streets after the World Cup qualification matches was nothing more than soccer hooliganism. Many believe it could be another social movement in the struggle for change. The Islamic regime may indicate that the flourishing humanitarian movement in the nation's film industry is a sign of a healthy society. But may say it could be just a fake intellectual passport to pass the borders of censorship. Moreover, by allowing foreign intellectuals to give lectures in the country, the Islamic regime may be trying to show respect for freedom of speech. Many do not buy that either. It is most likely just a window decorating. On the other hand, the presence of these pioneer figures in humanities, arts and sciences and any other interactions with the open world would be very beneficial for Iranian students and scholars. They would have the opportunity to directly discuss issues they have learned through translated texts and second-hand literature. This is a situation not unlike the presence of the Doctors Without Borders in poor and far off villages in eastern and northwestern provinces of the country which have increased the level of public health. It is not only the physical presence which matters, the contribution of the UN health committee to the national projects (like birth control) was and is very important. This of course does not wash away what the Islamic regime has done in these provinces since the revolution, unless one wants to buy what they sell. The same thing is true about higher education. The presence of pioneer thinkers in Iranian universities should be welcomed. We should not forget that not all Iranians who have left their homeland have done so because of political reasons. Some seek better education and a higher social life. If the Ministry of Higher Education spends more money on research and invites more foreign professors, university education will improve in Iran. Hardliners in Iran disagree with these kinds of interactions between universities and foreign scholars. They form a very influential band within the Islamic regime. It is not surrprisng that they are against any kind of interactions between the young generation and the open world. Even some Iranian scholars are against these interactions. They think all Iranian ministries -- be it intelligence, education or health -- form a totalitarian system and these interactions help the system survive with a more beautiful and practical interface. The Islamic Republic is like any other totalitarian regime, afraid of more open interactions with the world. However, these interactions take place because the world is changing and they cannot be totally isolated. Similar experiences (in Iraq, for instance) have shown it is only the citizens of these countries who pay the price of more vigorous sanctions and solid isolation. Any interaction with the open world (through the Internet, or educational exchanges) will help people move towards a more open and free society. Those who condemn these interactions have a tendency to define themselves as the true opponents of the Islamic regime. They (over)react to whatever happens in that country. They easily forget what is in fact best for the nation. If tomorrow the Islamic Republic announces that all those walking on the street are supporters of the regime, hardcore skeptics will ask people not to walk on the street, and criticize anyone who does so. But many will continue walking not only because they do not buy whatever the Islamic regime sells, but also because walking is good for their health. From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Thu Dec 20 22:21:56 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 20 Dec 2001 16:51:56 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] POTO Message-ID: <20011220165156.21248.qmail@mailweb10.rediffmail.com> PRENTION OF TERRORISM ORDINANCE, 2001 NO 9 of 2001 Promulgated by the President in the Fifty-second Year of the Republic of India.An Ordinance to make provisions for the prevention of, and for dealing with, terrorist activities and for matters connected therewith. WHEREAS Parliament is not in session and the President is satisfied that circumstances exist which render it necessary for him to take immediate action; NOW, THEREFORE, in exercise of the powers conferred by clause (1) of article 123 of the Constitution, the President is pleased to promulgate the following Ordinance:- CHAPTER I: PRELIMINARY CHAPTER II: PUNISHMENT FOR, AND MEASURES FOR DEALING WITH, TERRORIST ACTIVITIES CHAPTER III: TERRORIST ORGANISATIONS CHAPTER IV: SPECIAL COURTS CHAPTER V: INTERCEPTION OF COMMUNICATION IN CERTAIN CASES CHAPTER VI: MISCELLANEOUS SCHEDULE: TERRORIST ORGANISATIONS CHAPTER I PRELIMINARY 1. (1) This Ordinance may be called the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance, 2001. (2) It extends to the whole of India. (3) Every person shall be liable to punishment under this Ordinance for every act or omission contrary to the provisions thereof, of which he is held guilty in India. (4) Any person who commits an offence beyond India which is punishable under this Ordinance shall be dealt with according to the provisions of this Ordinance in the same manner as if such act had been committed in India. (5) The provisions of this Ordinance apply also to- (a) citizens of India outside India; (b) persons in the service of the Government, wherever they may be; and (c) persons on ships and aircrafts, registered in India, wherever they may be. (6) It shall come into force at once and shall remain in force for a period of five years from the date of its commencement, but its expiry under the operation of this sub-section shall not affect - (a) the previous operation of, or anything duly done or suffered under this Ordinance, or (b) any right, privilege, obligation or liability acquired, accrued or incurred un r this Ordinance, or (c) any penalty, forfeiture or punishment incurred in respect of any offence under this Ordinance, or (d) any investigation, legal proceeding or remedy in respect of any such right, privilege, obligation, liability, penalty, forfeiture or punishment as aforesaid,and, any such investigation, legal proceeding or remedy any be instituted, continued or enforced and any such penalty, forfeiture or punishment may be imposed as if this Ordinance had not expired. 2. (1) In this Ordinance, unless the context otherwise requires,- (a) "Code" means the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973; (b) “Designated Authority” shall mean such officer of the Central Government not below the rank of Joint Secretary to the Government, or such officer of the State Government not below the rank of Secretary to the Government, as the case may be, as may be specified by the Central Government or as the case may be, the State Government, by a notification published in the Official Gazette; (c) “proceeds of terrorism” shall mean all kinds of properties which have been derived or obtained from commission of any terrorist act or have been acquired through funds traceable to a terrorist act, and shall include cash, irrespective of person in whose name such proceeds are standing or in whose possession they are found; (d) "property" means property and assets of every description, whether corporeal or incorporeal, movable or immovable, tangible or intangible and deeds and instruments evidencing title to, or interest in, such property or assets; (e) “Public Prosecutor" means a Public Prosecutor or an Additional Public Prosecutor or a Special Public Prosecutor appointed under section 28 and includes any person acting under the directions of the Public Prosecutor; (f) “Special Court” means a Special Court constituted under section 23; (g) “terrorist act" has the meaning assigned to it in sub-section (1) of section 3, and the expression "terrorist" shall be construed accordingly; (h) “State Government”, in relation to a (i) words and expressions used but not defined in this Ordinance and defined in the Code shall have the meanings respectively assigned to them in the Code. (2) Any reference in this Ordinance to any enactment or any provision thereof shall, in relation to an area in which such enactment or such provision is not in force, be construed as a reference to the corresponding law or the relevant provision of the corresponding law, if any, in force in that area. CHAPTER II PUNISHMENT FOR, AND MEASURES FOR DEALING WITH, TERRORIST ACTIVITIES 3. (1) Whoever, - (a) with intent to threaten the unity, integrity, security or sovereignty of India or to strike terror in the people or any section of the people does any act or thing by using bombs, dynamite or other explosive substances or inflammable substances or fire arms or other lethal weapons or poisons or noxious gases or other chemicals or by any other substances (whether biological or otherwise) of a hazardous nature or by any other means whatsoever, in such a manner as to cause, or likely to cause, death of, or injuries to any person or persons or loss of, or damage to, or destruction of, property or disruption of any supplies or services essential to the life of the community or causes damage or destruction of any property or equipment used or intended to be used for the defence of India or in connection with any other purposes of the Government of India, any State Government or any of their agencies, or detains any person and threatens to kill or injure such person in order to compel the Government or any other person to do or abstain from doing any act; (b) is or continues to be a member of an association declared unlawful under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, or voluntarily does an act aiding or promoting in any manner the objects of such association and in either case is in possession of any unlicensed firearms, ammunition, explosive or other instrument or substance capable of causing mass destruction and commits any act resultin ificant damage to any property,commits a terrorist act. Explanation.- For the purposes of this sub-section, “a terrorist act” shall include the act of raising funds intended for the purpose of terrorism. (2) Whoever commits a terrorist act, shall,- (i) if such act has resulted in the death of any person, be punishable with death or imprisonment for life and shall also be liable to fine; (ii) in any other case, be punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than five years but which may extend to imprisonment for life and shall also be liable to fine. (3) Whoever conspires or attempts to commit, or advocates, abets, advises or incites or knowingly facilitates the commission of, a terrorist act or any act preparatory to a terrorist act, shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than five years but which may extend to imprisonment for life and shall also be liable to fine. (4) Whoever voluntarily harbours or conceals, or attempts to harbour or conceal any person knowing that such person is a terrorist shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than three years but which may extend to imprisonment for life and shall also be liable to fine: Provided that this sub-section shall not apply to any case in which the harbour or concealment is by the husband or wife of the offender. (5) Any person who is a member of a terrorist gang or a terrorist organisation, which is involved in terrorist acts, shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to imprisonment for life or with fine which may extend to rupees ten lakh or with both. Explanation.- For the purposes of this sub-section, “terrorist organisation” means an organisation which is concerned with or involved in terrorism. (6) Whoever knowingly holds any property derived or obtained from commission of any terrorist act or has been acquired through the terrorist funds shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to imprisonment for life o (7) Whoever threatens any person who is a witness or any other person in whom such witness may be interested, with violence, or wrongfully restrains or confines the witness, or any other person in whom the witness may be interested, or does any other unlawful act with the said intent, shall be punishable with imprisonment which may extend to three years and fine. (8) A person receiving or in possession of information which he knows or believes to be of material assistance- (i) in preventing the commission by any other person of a terrorist act; or ii) in securing the apprehension, prosecution or conviction of any other person for an offence involving the commission, preparation or instigation of such an act,and fails, without reasonable cause, to disclose that information as soon as reasonably practicable to the police, shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to one year or with fine or with both: Provided that a legal practitioner of the accused shall not be bound to disclose such information which he might have received while defending the accused. 4. Where any person is in unauthorized possession of any,- (a) arms or ammunition specified in columns (2) and (3) of Category I or Category III (a) of Schedule I to the Arms Rules, 1962, in a notified area, (b) bombs, dynamite or hazardous explosive substances or other lethal weapons capable of mass destruction or biological or chemical substances of warfare in any area, whether notified or not,he shall be guilty of terrorist act notwithstanding anything contained in any other law for the time being in force, and be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to imprisonment for life or with fine which may extend to rupees ten lakh or with both. Explanation :- In this section “notified area” means such area as the State Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, specify. 5. (1) If any person with intent to aid any terrorist contravenes any provision of, or any rule made under, the Arms Act, 1959, he Inflammable Substances Act, 1952, he shall, notwithstanding anything contained in any of the aforesaid Acts or the rules made thereunder, be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to imprisonment for life and shall also be liable to fine. (2) For the purposes of this section, any person who attempts to contravene or abets, or does any act preparatory to the contravention of any provision of any law, rule or order, shall be deemed to have contravened that provision, and the provisions of sub-section (1) shall, in relation to such person, have effect subject to the modification that the reference to “imprisonment for life" shall be construed as a reference to “imprisonment for ten years". 6. (1) No person shall hold or be in possession of any proceeds of terrorism. (2) Proceeds of terrorism, whether held by a terrorist or by any other person and whether or not such person is prosecuted or convicted under this Ordinance, shall be liable to be forfeited to the Central Government or the State Government, as the case may be, in the manner provided under this Chapter. 7. (1) If an officer (not below the rank of Superintendent of Police) investigating an offence committed under this Ordinance, has reason to believe that any property in relation to which an investigation is being conducted, represents proceeds of terrorism, he shall, with the prior approval in writing of the Director General of the Police of the State in which such property is situated, make an order seizing such property and where it is not practicable to seize such property, make an order of attachment directing that such property shall not be transferred or otherwise dealt with except with the prior permission of the officer making such order, or of the Designated Authority, or the Special Court, as the case may be, before whom the properties seized or attached are produced and a copy of such order shall be served on the person concerned. (2) The investigating officer shall duly inform the Designated Authority or izure or attachment of such property. (3) It shall be open to the Designated Authority or the Special Court before whom the seized or attached properties are produced either to confirm or revoke the order of attachment so issued: Provided that an opportunity of making a representation by the person whose property is being attached shall be given. (4) In the case of immovable property attached by the investigating officer, it shall be deemed to have been produced before the Designated Authority or the Special Court, as the case may be, when the investigating officer notifies his report and places it at the disposal of the Designated Authority or the Special Court, as the case may be. (5) The investigating officer may seize and detain any cash to which this Chapter applies if he has reasonable grounds for suspecting that- (a) it is intended to be used for the purposes of terrorism; (b) it forms the whole or part of the resources of an organisation declared as terrorist organisation under this Ordinance: Provided that the cash seized under this sub-section by the investigating officer shall be released not later than the period of forty- eight hours beginning with the time when it is seized unless the matter involving the cash is before the Designated Authority, or as the case may be, the Special Court and such authority or, as the case may be, the Court passes an order allowing its retention beyond forty-eight hours. Explanation.- For the purposes of this sub-section “cash” means- (a) coins and notes in any currency; (b) postal orders; (c) traveller’s cheques; (d) banker’s drafts; and (e) such other monetary instruments as the Central Government, or as the case may be, the State Government may specify by an order made in writing. 8. Where any property is seized or attached in the belief that it constitutes proceeds of terrorism and is produced before the Designated Authority, it shall, on being satisfied that the said property consists of proceeds of terrorism, order forfeiture of such propert ssion it is seized or attached, is prosecuted in a Special Court for an offence under this Ordinance. 9. (1) No order forfeiting any proceeds of terrorism shall be made under section 8 unless the person holding or in possession of such proceeds is given a notice in writing informing him of the grounds on which it is proposed to forfeit the proceeds of terrorism and such person is given an opportunity of making a representation in writing within such reasonable time as may be specified in the notice against the grounds of forfeiture and is also given a reasonable opportunity of being heard in the matter. (2) No order of forfeiture shall be made under sub-section (1), if such person establishes that he is a bona fide transferee of such proceeds for value without knowing that they represent proceeds of terrorism. (3) It shall be competent for the Designated Authority to make an order in respect of property seized or attached,- (a) directing it to be sold if it is a perishable property and the provisions of section 459 of the Code shall, as nearly as may be practicable, apply to the net proceeds of such sale; (b) nominating any officer of the Central or State Government, in the case of any other property, to perform the function of the Administrator of such property subject to such conditions as may be specified by the Designated Authority. 10. (1) Any person aggrieved by an order of forfeiture under section 8 may, within one month from the date of the receipt of such order, appeal to the High Court within whose jurisdiction, the Designated Authority, who passed the order appealed against, is situated. (2) Where an order under section 8 is modified or annulled by the High Court or where in a prosecution instituted for the contravention of the provisions of this Ordinance, the person against whom an order of forfeiture has been made under section 8 is acquitted, such property shall be returned to him and in either case if it is not possible for any reason to return the forfeited property, such per o the Central Government with reasonable interest calculated from the day of seizure of the property and such price shall be determined in the manner prescribed. 11. The order of forfeiture made under this Ordinance by the Designated Authority, shall not prevent the infliction of any other punishment to which the person affected thereby is liable under this Ordinance. 12. (1) Where any claim is preferred, or any objection is made to the seizure of any property under section 7 on the ground that such property is not liable to seizure, the Designated Authority, or as the case may be, the Special Court, before whom such property is produced, shall proceed to investigate the claim or objection: Provided that no such investigation shall be made where the Designated Authority or the Special Court considers that the claim or objection was designed to cause unnecessary delay. (2) In case claimant or objector establishes that the property specified in the notice issued under section 9 is not liable to be attached or forfeited under the Ordinance, the said notice shall be withdrawn or modified accordingly. 13. The Designated Authority, acting under the provisions of this Ordinance, shall have all the powers of a Civil Court required for making a full and fair enquiry into the matter before it. 14. (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in any other law, the officer investigating any offence under this Ordinance, with prior approval in writing of an officer not below the rank of a Superintendent of Police, may require any officer or authority of the Central Government or a State Government or a local authority or a Bank, company, or a firm or any other institution, establishment, organisation or any individual to furnish information in their possession in relation to such offence, on points or matters, where the investigating officer has reason to believe that such information will be useful for, or relevant to, the purposes of this Ordinance. (2) Failure to furnish the information called for under sub-sect (1), or deliberately furnishing false information shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to three years or with fine or with both. (3) Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code, the offence under sub-section (1) shall be tried as a summary case and the procedure prescribed in Chapter XXI of the said Code [except sub-section (2) of section 262] shall be applicable thereto. 15. Where, after the issue of an order under section 7 or issue of a notice under section 9, any property referred to in the said order or notice is transferred by any mode whatsoever, such transfer shall, for the purpose of the proceedings under this Ordinance, be ignored and if such property is subsequently forfeited, the transfer of such property shall be deemed to be null and void. 16. (1) Where any person is accused of any offence under this Ordinance, it shall be open to the Special Court trying him to pass an order that all or any of the properties, movable or immovable or both belonging to him, shall, during the period of such trial, be attached, if not already attached under this Ordinance. (2) Where a person has been convicted of any offence punishable under this Ordinance, the Special Court may, in addition to awarding any punishment, by order in writing, declare that any property, movable or immovable or both, belonging to the accused and specified in the order, shall stand forfeited to the Central Government or the State Government, as the case may be, free from all encumbrances. 17. Where any shares in a company stand forfeited to the Central Government or the State Government, as the case may be, under this Ordinance, then, the company shall on receipt of the order of the SpecialCourt,notwithstanding anything contained in the Companies Act, 1956, or the articles of association of the company, forthwith register the Central Government or the State Government, as the case may be, as the transferee of such shares. CHAPTER III TERRORIST ORGANISATIONS 18. (1) For the purposes of this Ordina rganisation is a terrorist organisation if,- (a) it is listed in the Schedule, or (b) it operates under the same name as an organisation listed in that Schedule. (2) The Central Government may by order, in the Official Gazette,- (a) add an organisation to the Schedule; (b) remove an organisation from that Schedule; (c) amend that Schedule in some other way. (3) The Central Government may exercise its power under clause (a) of sub-section (2) in respect of an organisation only if it believes that it is involved in terrorism. (4)For the purposes of sub-section (3) an organisation shall be deemed tobe involved in terrorism if it— (a) commits or participates in acts of terrorism, (b) prepares for terrorism, (c) promotes or encourages terrorism, or (d) is otherwise involved in terrorism. 19. (1) An application may be made to the Central Government for the exercise of its power under clause (b) of sub-section (2) of section 18 to remove an organisation from the Schedule. (2) An application may be made by— (a) the organisation, or (b) any person affected by inclusion of the organisation in the Schedule as a terrorist organisation. (3) The Central Government may make rules to prescribe the procedure for admission and disposal of an application made under this section. (4) Where an application under sub-section (1) has been refused, the applicant may apply for a review to the Review Committee constituted by the Central Government under sub-section (1) of section 59 within one month from the date of receipt of the order by the applicant. (5) The Review Committee may allow an application for review against refusal toremove an organisation from the Schedule, if it considers that the decision torefuse was flawed when considered in the light of the principles applicable onan application for judicial review. (6) Where the Review Committee allows review under sub-section (5) by or inrespect of an organisation, it may make an order under this sub-section. (7) Where an order is made under sub-section (6), soon as the certified copy of the order is received by it, make an orderremoving the organisation from the list in the Schedule. 20. (1) A person commits an offence if he belongs or professes to belong to a terrorist organisation: Provided that this sub-section shall not apply where the person charged is able to prove- (a) that the organisation was not declared as a terrorist organisation at the time when he became a member or began to profess to be a member; and (b) that he has not taken part in the activities of the organisation at any time during its inclusion in the Schedule as a terrorist organisation. (2) A person guilty of an offence under this section shall be liable, on conviction, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding ten years or with fine or with both. 21. (1) A person commits an offence if- (a) he invites support for a terrorist organisation, and (b) the support is not, or is not restricted to, the provision of money or other property within the meaning of section 22. (2) A person commits an offence if he arranges, manages or assists in arranging or managing a meeting which he knows is – (a) to support a terrorist organisation, (b) to further the activities of a terrorist organisation, or (c) to be addressed by a person who belongs or professes to belong to a terrorist organisation. (3) A person commits an offence if he addresses a meeting for the purpose of encouraging support for a terrorist organisation or to further its activities . (4) A person guilty of an offence under this section shall be liable on conviction, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding ten years or with fine or with both. Explanation.- For the purposes for this section, the expression “meeting” means a meeting of three or more persons whether or not the public are admitted. 22. (1) A person commits an offence if he- (a) invites another to provide money or other property, and (b) intends that it should be used, or has reasonable cause to suspect that it may be used, for the purposes of terrorism. (2) (a) receives money or other property, and (b) intends that it should be used , or has reasonable cause to suspect that it may be used, for the purposes of terrorism. (3) A person commits an offence if he- (a) provides money or other property, and (b) knows or has reasonable cause to suspect that it will or may be used for the purposes of terrorism. (4) In this section, a reference to the provision of money or other property is a reference to its being given, lent or otherwise made available, whether or not for consideration. (5) A person guilty of an offence under this section shall be liable on conviction, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding fourteen years, or with fine or with both. CHAPTER IV SPECIAL COURTS 23. (1) The Central Government or a State Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, constitute one or more Special Courts for such area or areas, or for such case or class or group of cases, as may be specified in the notification. (2) Where a notification constituting a Special Court for any area or areas or for any case or class or group of cases is issued by the Central Government under sub-section (1), and a notification constituting a Special Court for the same area or areas or for the same case or class or group of cases has also been issued by the State Government under that sub-section, the Special Court constituted by the Central Government, whether the notification constituting such Court is issued before or after the issue of the notification constituting the Special Court by the State Government, shall have, and the Special Court constituted by the State Government shall not have, jurisdiction to try any offence committed in that area or areas or, as the case may be, the case or class or group of cases and all cases pending before any Special Court constituted by the State Government shall stand transferred to the Special Court constituted by the Central Government. (3) Where any question arises as to the jurisdiction of any Special Court, it shall be ref shall be final. (4) A Special Court shall be presided over by a judge to be appointed by the Central Government or, as the case may be, the State Government, with the concurrence of the Chief Justice of the High Court. (5) The Central Government or, as the case may be, the State Government may also appoint, with the concurrence of the Chief Justice of the High Court, additional judges to exercise jurisdiction of a Special Court. (6) A person shall not be qualified for appointment as a judge or an additional judge of a Special Court unless he is, immediately before such appointment, a sessions judge or an additional sessions judge in any State. (7) For the removal of doubts, it is hereby provided that the attainment, by a person appointed as a judge or an additional judge of a Special Court, of the age of superannuation under the rules applicable to him in the service to which he belongs, shall not affect his continuance as such judge or additional judge. (8) Where any additional judge or additional judges is or are appointed in a Special Court, the judge of the Special Court may, from time to time, by general or special order, in writing, provide for the distribution of business of the Special Court among all judges including himself and the additional judge or additional judges and also for the disposal of urgent business in the event of his absence or the absence of any additional judge. 24. A Special Court may, on its own motion, or on an application made by the Public Prosecutor and if it considers it expedient or desirable so to do, sit for any of its proceedings at any place, other than its ordinary place of sitting: Provided that nothing in this section shall be construed to change the place of sitting of a Special Court constituted by a State Government to any place outside that State. 25. (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code, every offence punishable under any provision of this Ordinance shall be triable only by the Special Court within whose local jurisdiction it was committed or case may be, by the Special Court constituted for trying such offence under section 23. (2) If, having regard to the exigencies of the situation prevailing in a State,-- (i) it is not possible to have a fair, impartial or speedy trial; or (ii) it is not feasible to have the trial without occasioning the breach of peace or grave risk to the safety of the accused, the witnesses, the Public Prosecutor and a judge of the Special Court or any of them; or (iii) it is not otherwise in the interests of justice, the Supreme Court may transfer any case pending before a Special Court to any other Special Court within that State or in any other State and the High Court may transfer any case pending before a Special Court situated in that State to any other Special Court within the State. (3) The Supreme Court or the High Court, as the case may be, may act under this section either on the application of the Central Government or a party interested and any such application shall be made by motion, which shall, except when the applicant is the Attorney-General of India, be supported by an affidavit or affirmation. 26. (1) When trying any offence, a Special Court may also try any other offence with which the accused may, under the Code, be charged at the same trial if the offence is connected with such other offence. (2) If, in the course of any trial under this Ordinance of any offence, it is found that the accused person has committed any other offence under this Ordinance or under any other law, the Special Court may convict such person of such other offence and pass any sentence or award punishment authorized by this Ordinance or such rule or, as the case may be, under such other law. 27. (1) When a police officer investigating a case requests the Court of a Chief Judicial Magistrate or the Court of a Chief Metropolitan Magistrate in writing for obtaining samples of hand writing, finger prints, foot prints, photographs, blood, saliva, semen, hair, voice of any accused person, reasonably suspected to be involv in the commission of an offence under this Ordinance, it shall be lawful for the Court of a Chief Judicial Magistrate or the Court of a Chief Metropolitan Magistrate to direct that such samples be given by the accused person to the police officer either through a medical practitioner or otherwise, as the case may be. (2) If any accused person refuses to give samples as provided in sub-section (1), the court shall draw adverse inference against the accused. 28. (1) For every Special Court, the Central Government or, as the case may be, the State Government, shall appoint a person to be the Public Prosecutor and may appoint one or more persons to be the Additional Public Prosecutor or Additional Public Prosecutors: Provided that the Central Government or, as the case may be, the State Government, may also appoint for any case or class or group of cases, a Special Public Prosecutor. (2) A person shall not be qualified to be appointed as a Public Prosecutor or an Additional Public Prosecutor or a Special Public Prosecutor under this section unless he has been in practice as an Advocate for not less than seven years or has held any post, for a period of not less than seven years, under the Union or a State, requiring special knowledge of law. (3) Every person appointed as a Public Prosecutor or an Additional Public Prosecutor or a Special Public Prosecutor under this section shall be deemed to be a Public Prosecutor within the meaning of clause (u) of section 2 of the Code, and the provisions of the Code shall have effect accordingly. 29. (1) Subject to the provisions of section 49, a Special Court may take cognizance of any offence, without the accused being committed to it for trial, upon receiving a complaint of facts that constitute such offence or upon a police report of such facts. (2) Where an offence triable by a Special Court is punishable with imprisonment for a term not exceeding three years or with fine or with both, the Special Court may, notwithstanding anything contained in sub-sectio ry way in accordance with the procedure prescribed in the Code and the provisions of sections 263 to 265 of the Code, shall so far as may be, apply to such trial: Provided that when, in the course of a summary trial under this sub-section, it appears to the Special Court that the nature of the case is such that it is undesirable to try it in a summary way, the Special Court shall recall any witnesses who may have been examined and proceed to re-hear the case in the manner provided by the provisions of the Code for the trial of such offence and the said provisions shall apply to and in relation to a Special Court as they apply to and in relation to a Magistrate: Provided further that in the case of any conviction in a summary trial under this section, it shall be lawful for a Special Court to pass a sentence of imprisonment for a term not exceeding one year and with fine which may extend to rupees five lakh. (3) Subject to the other provisions of this Ordinance, a Special Court shall, for the purpose of trial of any offence, have all the powers of a Court of Session and shall try such offence as if it were a Court of Session so far as may be in accordance with the procedure prescribed in the Code for the trial before a Court of Session. (4) Subject to the other provisions of this Ordinance, every case transferred to a Special Court under section 25 shall be dealt with as if such case had been transferred under section 406 of the Code to such Special Court. (5) Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code, but subject to the provisions of section 299 of the Code, a Special Court may, if it thinks fit and for reasons to be recorded by it, proceed with the trial in the absence of the accused or his pleader and record the evidence of any witness, subject to the right of the accused to recall the witness for cross-examination. 30. (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code, the proceedings under this Ordinance may, for reasons to be recorded in writing, be held in camera if the Special Court s s. (2) A Special Court, if on an application made by a witness in any proceeding before it or by the Public Prosecutor in relation to such witness or on its own motion, is satisfied that the life of such witness is in danger, it may, for reasons to be recorded in writing, take such measures as it deems fit for keeping the identity and address of such witness secret. (3) In particular, and without prejudice to the generality of the provisions of sub-section (2), the measures which a Special Court may take under that sub-section may include - (a) the holding of the proceedings at a place to be decided by the Special Court; (b) the avoiding of the mention of the names and addresses of the witnesses in its orders or judgments or in any records of the case accessible to public; (c) the issuing of any directions for securing that the identity and address of the witnesses are not disclosed; (d) a decision that it is in the public interest to order that all or any of the proceedings pending before such a court shall not be published in any manner. (4) Any person who contravenes any decision or direction issued under sub-section (3) shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to one year and with fine which may extend to one thousand rupees. 31. The trial under this Ordinance of any offence by a Special Court shall have precedence over the trial of any other case against the accused in any other court (not being a Special Court) and shall be concluded in preference to the trial of such other case and accordingly the trial of such other case shall remain in abeyance. 32. (1) Notwithstanding anything in the Code or in the Indian Evidence Act, 1872, but subject to the provisions of this section, a confession made by a person before a police officer not lower in rank than a Superintendent of Police and recorded by such police officer either in writing or on any mechanical or electronic device like cassettes, tapes or sound tracks from out of which sound or images can be reproduced, shall be ible in the trial of such person for an offence under this Ordinance or rules made thereunder. (2) A police officer shall, before recording any confession made by a person under sub-section (1) explain to such person in writing that he is not bound to make a confession and that if he does so, it may be used against him: Provided that where such person prefers to remain silent, the police officer shall not compel or induce him to make any confession. (3) The confession shall be recorded in an atmosphere free from threat or inducement and shall be in the same language in which the person makes it. (4) The person from whom a confession has been recorded under sub-section (1), shall be produced before the Court of a Chief Metropolitan Magistrate or the Court of a Chief Judicial Magistrate along with the original statement of confession, written or recorded on mechanical or electronic device within forty-eight hours. (5) The Chief Metropolitan Magistrate or the Chief Judicial Magistrate, shall, record the statement, if any, made by the person so produced and get his signature or thumb impression and if there is any complaint of torture, such person shall be directed to be produced for medical examination before a Medical Officer not lower in rank than an Assistant Civil Surgeon and thereafter, he shall be sent to judicial custody. 33. Where, after taking cognizance of any offence, a Special Court is of the opinion that the offence is not triable by it, it shall, notwithstanding that it has no jurisdiction to try such offence, transfer the case for the trial of such offence to any court having jurisdiction under the Code and the court to which the case is transferred may proceed with the trial of the offence as if it had taken cognizance of the offence. 34. (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code, an appeal shall lie from any judgment, sentence or order, not being an interlocutory order, of a Special Court to the High Court both on facts and on law. Explanation :- For the purposes of this se cial Court which passed the judgment, sentence or order, is situated. (2) Every appeal under sub-section (1) shall be heard by a bench of two Judges of the High Court. (3) Except as aforesaid, no appeal or revision shall lie to any court from any judgment, sentence or order including an interlocutory order of a Special Court. (4) Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-section (3) of section 378 of the Code, an appeal shall lie to the High Court against an order of the Special Court granting or refusing bail. (5) Every appeal under this section shall be preferred within a period of thirty days from the date of the judgment, sentence or order appealed from: Provided that the High Court may entertain an appeal after the expiry of the said period of thirty days if it is satisfied that the appellant had sufficient cause for not preferring the appeal within the period of thirty days. CHAPTER V INTERCEPTION OF COMMUNICATION IN CERTAIN CASES 35. In this Chapter, unless the context otherwise requires,- (a) "electronic communication" means any transmission of signs, signals, writings, images, sounds, data or intelligence of any nature transmitted in whole or in part by a wire, radio, electromagnetic, photo electronic or photo optical system that affects inland or foreign commerce but does not include,- (i) the radio portion of a cordless telephone communication that is transmitted between the wireless telephone hand-set and the base unit; (ii) any wire or oral communication; (iii) any communication made through a tone only paging device; or (iv) any communication from a tracking device; (b) "intercept" means the aural or other acquisition of the contents by wire, electronic or oral communication through the use of any electronic, mechanical or other device; (c) "oral communication" means any oral communication uttered by a person exhibiting an expectation that such communication is not subject to interception under circumstances justifying such expectation but such term does not include any electron ny aural transmission made in whole or part through the use of facilities for the transmission of communications by the aid of wire, cable or other like connection between the point of origin and the point of connection, between the point of origin and the point of reception (including the use of such connection in switching station) and such term includes any electronic storage of such communication. 36. The Central Government or the State Government, as the case may be, may appoint an officer not below the rank of Secretary to the Government in case of State Government and not below the rank of Joint Secretary to the Government in the case of Central Government, to be the Competent Authority for the purposes of this Chapter. 37. (1). A police officer not below the rank of Superintendent of Police supervising the investigation of any terrorist act under this Ordinance may submit an application in writing to the Competent Authority for an order authorizing or approving the interception of wire, electronic or oral communication by the investigating officer when he believes that such interception may provide, or has provided evidence of any offence involving a terrorist act. (2) Each application shall include the following information:- (a) the identity of the investigating officer making the application, and the head of the department authorizing the application; (b) a statement of the facts and circumstances relied upon by the applicant to justify his belief that an order should be issued, including- (i) details as to the offence of terrorist act that has been, is being, or is about to be committed; (ii) a particular description of the nature and location of the facilities from which or the place where the communication is to be intercepted; (iii) a particular description of the type of communications sought to be intercepted; and (iv) the identity of the person, if known, committing the terrorist act whose communications are to be intercepted; (c) a statement of the period of time for which the ry is such that the authorization of interception should not automatically terminate after the described type of communication has been first obtained; (d) a particular description of facts establishing probable cause to believe that additional communications of the same type will occur thereafter; and (e) where the application is for the extension of an order, a statement setting forth the results thus far obtained from the interception, or a reasonable explanation of the failure to obtain such results. (3) The Competent Authority may require the applicant to furnish additional oral or documentary evidence in support of the application. 38. (1) Upon such application, the Competent Authority may reject the application, or issue an order, as requested or as modified, authorizing or approving interception of wire, electronic or oral communications, if the Competent Authority determines on the basis of the facts submitted by the applicant that- (a) there is a probable cause for belief that an individual is committing, has committed, or is about to commit a particular offence described and made punishable under sections 3 and 6 of this Ordinance; (b) there is a probable cause of belief that particular communications concerning that offence may be obtained through such interception; (c) there is probable cause of belief that the facilities from which, or the place where, the wire, electronic or oral communications are to be intercepted are being used or are about to be used, in connection with the commission of such offence, leased to, or are listed in the name of or commonly used by such person. (2) Each order by the Competent Authority authorizing or approving the interception of any wire, electronic or oral communication under this section shall specify- (a) the identity of the person, if known, whose communications are to be intercepted; (b) the nature and location of the communication facilities as to which, or the place where, authority to intercept is granted; (c) a particular description of the icular offence to which it relates; (d) the identity of the agency authorized to intercept the communications, and the person authorizing the application; and (e) the period of time during which such interception is authorized , including a statement as to whether or not the interception shall automatically terminate after the described communication has been first obtained. 39. (1) The Competent Authority shall immediately after passing the order under sub-section (1) of section 38, but in any case not later than seven days from the passing of the order, submit a copy of the same to the Review Committee constituted under section 59 along with all the relevant underlying papers, record and his own findings, in respect of the said order, for consideration and approval of the order by the Review Committee. (2) An order authorizing the interception of a wire, electronic or oral communication under this section shall, upon request of the applicant, direct that a provider of wire or electronic communication service, landlord, custodian or other person shall furnish to the applicant forthwith all information, facilities, and technical assistance necessary to accomplish the interception unobtrusively and with a minimum of interference with the services that such service provider, landlord, custodian, or person is providing to the person whose communications are to be intercepted. 40. (1) No order issued under this section may authorize or approve the interception of any wire, electronic or oral communication for any period longer than is necessary to achieve the objective of the authorization, nor in any event longer than sixty days and such sixty days period shall begin on the day immediately preceding the day on which the investigation officer first begins to conduct an interception under the order or ten days after order is issued whichever is earlier. (2) The extension of an order may be granted, but only upon an application for an extension made in accordance with sub-section (1) of section 37 and the Com king the findings required by sub-section (1) of section 38, and the period of such extension shall be no longer than the Competent Authority deems necessary to achieve the purposes for which it was granted and in no event for longer than sixty days at a time. (3) Every order and extension thereof shall contain a provision that the authorization to intercept shall be executed as soon as practicable and shall be conducted in such manner as to minimize the interception of communications not otherwise subject to interception under this section and shall terminate upon attainment of the authorized objective, or in any event on the expiry of the period of said order or extension thereof. 41. (1) An interception under this Chapter may be conducted in whole or in part by a public servant, acting under the supervision of the investigating officer authorized to conduct the interception. (2) Whenever an order authorizing an interception is issued pursuant to this section, the order may require reports to be made to the Competent Authority who issued the order showing that progress has been made towards achievement of the authorized objective and the need for continued interception and such report shall be made at such intervals as the Competent Authority may require. 42. (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in any other provision of this section, an officer not below the rank of Additional Director General of Police or a police officer of equivalent rank who reasonably determines that- (a) an emergency situation exists that involves- (i) immediate danger of death or serious physical injury to any person; (ii) conspiratorial activities threatening the security or interest of the State; or (iii) conspiratorial activities, characteristic of a terrorist act, that requires a wire, electronic or oral communication to be intercepted before an order from the Competent Authority authorizing such interception can, with due diligence, be obtained, and (b) there are grounds on which an order should be issued und in writing, the investigating officer to intercept such wire, electronic or oral communication, if an application for an order approving the interception is made in accordance with the provisions of sub-sections (1) and (2) of section 37 within forty-eight hours after the interception has occurred, or begins to occur. (2) In the absence of an order approving the interception made under sub-section (1), such interception shall immediately terminate when the communication sought is obtained or when the application for the order is rejected, whichever is earlier; and in the event of an application for permitting interception being rejected under sub-section (1) of section 38 or an application under sub-section (1) of section 42 for approval being rejected, or in any other case where the interception is terminated without an order having been issued, the contents of any wire, electronic or oral communication intercepted shall be treated as having been obtained in violation of this section. 43. (a) The contents of any wire, electronic or oral communication intercepted by any means authorized by this section shall as far as possible, be recorded on tape or wire or other comparable device and shall be done in such manner as to protect the recording from editing or other alterations. (b) Immediately upon the expiration of the period of order, or extension thereof, such recording shall be made available to the Competent Authority issuing such order and shall be sealed under his directions and kept in the custody of such person or authority as the Competent Authority orders, and such recordings shall not be destroyed except upon an order of the Competent Authority and in any event shall be kept for ten years. (c) Applications made and orders issued under this section shall be sealed by the Competent Authority and custody of the applications and orders shall be kept in such manner as the Competent Authority directs, and shall not be destroyed except on an order of the Competent Authority, and in any event e kept for ten years. 44. Notwithstanding anything in the Code or in any other law for the time being in force, the evidence collected through the interception of wire, electronic or oral communication under this Chapter shall be admissible as evidence against the accused in the Court during the trial of a case: Provided that, the contents of any wire, electronic or oral communication intercepted pursuant to this Chapter or evidence derived therefrom shall not be received in evidence or otherwise disclosed in any trial, hearing or other proceeding in any court unless each accused has been furnished with a copy of the order of the Competent Authority, and accompanying application, under which the interception was authorized or approved not less than ten days before trial, hearing or proceeding: Provided further that, the period of ten days may be waived by the judge trying the matter, if he comes to the conclusion that it was not possible to furnish the accused with the above information ten days before the trial, hearing or proceeding and that the accused will not be prejudiced by the delay in receiving such information. 45. (1) The Review Committee constituted by the Central Government or the State Government, as the case may be, shall review every order passed by the Competent Authority under section 38. (2) Every order passed by the Competent Authority under section 38, or disapproved by the officer under section 42, shall be placed before the Review Committee, which shall be considered by the Review Committee within ten days after its receipt, to decide whether the order, was necessary, reasonable and justified. (3) The Review Committee, after examining the entire record and holding such enquiry, if any, deemed necessary may, by order in writing, either approve the order passed by the Competent Authority or may issue order disapproving the same. (4) On issue of an order of disapproval by the Review Committee, the interception, if any, already commenced shall be forthwith discont any, in the form of tape, wire or other device shall, thereupon, not be admissible as evidence in any case and shall be directed to be destroyed. 46. Except as otherwise specifically provided in section 38, any police officer who- (a) intentionally intercepts, endeavours to intercept, or procures any other person to intercept or endeavour to intercept any wire, electronic or oral communication; (b) intentionally uses, endeavours to use, or procures any other person to use or endeavours to use any electronic, mechanical or other device to intercept any oral communication when- (i) such device is affixed to, or otherwise transmits a signal through a wire, cable, or other like connection used in wire communication; or (ii) such device transmits communications by radio, or interferes with the transmission of such communication; (c) intentionally discloses, or endeavours to disclose, to any other person the contents of any wire, electronic or oral communication, knowing or having reason to know that the information was obtained through the interception of a wire, electronic or oral communication in violation of this Chapter; (d) intentionally uses, or endeavours to use, the contents of any wire, electronic or oral communication, knowing or having reason to know that the information was obtained through the interception of a wire, electronic or oral communication in violation of this Chapter; or (e) intentionally discloses, or endeavours to disclose, to any other unauthorized person the contents of any wire, electronic or oral communication, intercepted by means authorized by section 38; (f) intentionally continues the interception of wire, electronic or oral communication after the issue of an order of rejection by the Competent Authority under this Chapter. (g) intentionally continues the interception of wire, electronic or oral communication after the issue of an order of disapproval by the Review Committee under sub-section (3) of section 45, shall for such vio tend to one year and with fine upto rupees fifty thousand. 47. (1) The Central Government and the State Government, as the case may be, shall cause an annual report to be prepared giving a full account of,- (i) the number of applications for authorization of interceptions received by the Competent Authority from the Police Department in which prosecutions have been launched; (ii) the number of such applications permitted or rejected; (iii) the number of interceptions carried out in emergency situations and the number of approvals granted or rejected in such matters; (iv) the number of prosecutions launched based on such interceptions and convictions resulting from such interceptions, along with an explanatory memorandum giving general assessment of the utility and importance of the interceptions authorized. (2) An annual report shall be laid by the State Government before the State Legislature within three months of the completion of every calendar year: Provided that, if the State Government is of the opinion that the inclusion of any matter in the annual report would be prejudicial to the security of the State or to the prevention or detection of any terrorist act, the State Government may exclude such matter from being included in such annual report. (3) An annual report shall be laid by the Central Government before each House of Parliament within three months of the completion of every calendar year : Provided that, if the Central Government is of the opinion that the inclusion of any matter in the annual report would be prejudicial to the security of the country or to the prevention or detection of any terrorist act, the Central Government may exclude such matter from being included in such annual report. CHAPTER VI MISCELLANEOUS 48. (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code or any other law, every offence punishable under this Ordinance shall be deemed to be a cognizable offence within the meaning of clause (c) of section 2 of the Code, and "co accordingly. (2) Section 167 of the Code shall apply in relation to a case involving an offence punishable under this Ordinance subject to the modification that in sub-section (2),- (a) the references to "fifteen days", "ninety days" and "sixty days", wherever they occur, shall be construed as references to "thirty days", "ninety days" and "ninety days", respectively; and (b) after the proviso, the following provisos shall be inserted, namely :-- "Provided further that if it is not possible to complete the investigation within the said period of ninety days, the Special Court shall extend the said period up to one hundred and eighty days, on the report of the Public Prosecutor indicating the progress of the investigation and the specific reasons for the detention of the accused beyond the said period of ninety days: Provided also that if the police officer making the investigation under this Ordinance, requests, for the purposes of investigation, for police custody from judicial custody of any person from judicial custody, he shall file an affidavit stating the reasons for doing so and shall also explain the delay, if any, for requesting such police custody.". (3) Section 268 of the Code shall apply in relation to a case involving an offence punishable under this Ordinance subject to the modification that- (a) the reference in sub-section (1) thereof- (i) to "the State Government" shall be construed as a reference to "the Central Government or the State Government", (ii) to "order of the State Government" shall be construed as a reference to "order of the Central Government or the State Government, as the case may be"; and (b) the reference in sub-section (2) thereof, to "State Government" shall be construed as a reference to "Central Government or the State Government, as the case may be". (4) Sections 366, 367 and 371 of the Code shall apply in relation to a case involving an offence triable by a Special Court subject to the modification that the reference to ed as the reference to "Special Court". (5) Nothing in section 438 of the Code shall apply in relation to any case involving the arrest of any person accused of having committed an offence punishable under this Ordinance. (6) Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code, no person accused of an offence punishable under this Ordinance shall, if in custody, be released on bail or on his own bond unless the Court gives the Public Prosecutor an opportunity of being heard. (7) Where the Public Prosecutor opposes the application of the accused to release on bail, no person accused of an offence punishable under this Ordinance or any rule made thereunder shall be released on bail until the court is satisfied that there are grounds for believing that he is not guilty of committing such offence: Provided that after the expiry of a period of one year from the date of detention of the accused for an offence under this Ordinance, the provisions of sub-section (6) of this section shall apply. (8) The restrictions on granting of bail specified in sub-sections (6) and (7) are in addition to the restrictions under the Code or any other law for the time being in force on granting of bail. (9) Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-sections (6), (7) and (8), no bail shall be granted to a person accused of an offence punishable under this Ordinance, if he is not an Indian citizen and has entered the country unauthorisedly or illegally except in very exceptional circumstances and for reasons to be recorded in writing. 49. No Court shall take cognizance of any offence under this Ordinance without the previous sanction of the Central Government or as the case may be, the State Government. 50. Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code, no police officer, - (a) in the case of the Delhi Special Police Establishment, not below the rank of a Deputy Superintendent of Police or a police officer of equivalent rank; (b) in the metropolitan areas of Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai and Ahmed ad and any other metropolitan area notified as such under sub-section (1) of section 8 of the Code, not below the rank of an Assistant Commissioner of Police; (c) in any other case not relatable to clause (a) or clause (b), not below the rank of a Deputy Superintendent of Police or a police officer of an equivalent rank, shall investigate any offence punishable under this Ordinance. 51. (1) Where a police officer arrests a person, he shall prepare a custody memo of the person arrested. (2) The person arrested shall be informed of his right to consult a legal practitioner as soon as he is brought to the police station. (3) Whenever any person is arrested, information of his arrest shall be immediately communicated by the police officer to a family member or in his absence to a relative of such person by telegram, telephone or by any other means and this fact shall be recorded by the police officer under the signature of the person arrested. (4) The person arrested shall be permitted to meet the legal practitioner representing him during the course of interrogation of the accused person: Provided that nothing in this sub-section shall entitle the legal practitioner to remain present throughout the period of interrogation. 52. (1) In a prosecution for an offence under sub-section (1) of section 3, if it is proved – (a) that the arms or explosives or any other substances specified in section 4 were recovered from the possession of the accused and there is reason to believe that such arms or explosives or other substances of a similar nature, were used in the commission of such offence; or (b) that the finger-prints of the accused were found at the site of the offence or on anything including arms and vehicles used in connection with the commission of such offence, the Special Court shall draw adverse inference against the accused. (2) In a prosecution for an offence under sub-section (3) of section 3, if it is proved that the accused rendered any financial assistanc r reasonably suspected of, an offence under that section, the Special Court shall draw adverse inference against the accused. 53. No civil court or other authority shall have or, be entitled to, exercise any jurisdiction, powers or authority in relation to the matters referred to in section 19 and section 39 of the Ordinance. 54. (1) Nothing in this Ordinance shall affect the jurisdiction exercisable by, or the procedure applicable to, any court or other authority under any law relating to the naval, military or air forces or other armed forces of the Union. (2) For the removal of doubts, it is hereby declared that for the purposes of any such law as is referred to in sub-section (1), a Special Court shall be deemed to be a court of ordinary criminal justice. 55. The provisions of this Ordinance shall have effect notwithstanding anything inconsistent therewith contained in any enactment other than this Ordinance or in any instrument having effect by virtue of any enactment other than this Ordinance. 56. No suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding shall lie against the Central Government or a State Government or any officer or authority of the Central Government or State Government or any other authority on whom powers have been conferred under this Ordinance, for anything which is in good faith done or purported to be done in pursuance of this Ordinance: Provided further that no suit, prosecution or other legal proceedings shall lie against any serving member or retired member of the armed forces or other para-military forces in respect of any action taken or purported to be taken by him in good faith, in the course of any operation directed towards combating terrorism. 57. (1) Any police officer who exercises powers corruptly or maliciously, knowing that there are no reasonable grounds for proceeding under this Ordinance, shall be punishable with imprisonment which may extend to two years, or with fine, or with both. (2) If the Special Court is of opinion t any person has been corruptly or maliciously proceeded against under this Ordinance, the court may award such compensation as it deems fit to the person, so proceeded against and it shall be paid by the officer, person, authority or Government, as may be specified in the order. 58. Notwithstanding anything contained in any other law for the time being in force, the passport and the arms licence of a person, who is charge sheeted for having committed any offence under this Ordinance, shall be deemed to have been impounded for such period as the Special Court may deem fit. 59. (1) The Central Government and each State Government shall, whenever necessary, constitute one or more Review Committees for the purposes of this Ordinance. (2) Every such Committee shall consist of a Chairperson and such other members not exceeding three and possessing such qualifications as may be prescribed. (3) A Chairperson of the Committee shall be a person who is, or who has been, a Judge of a High Court, who shall be appointed by the Central Government, or as the case may be, the State Government, so however, that the concurrence of the Chief Justice of the High Court shall be obtained in the case of a sitting Judge: Provided that in the case of a Union territory, the appointment of a person who is a Judge of the High Court of a State shall be made as a Chairperson with the concurrence of the Chief Justice of the concerned High Court. 60. The High Courts may, by notifications in the Official Gazette, make such rules, if any, as they may deem necessary for carrying out the provisions of this Ordinance relating to Special Courts within their territories. 61. (1) Without prejudice to the powers of the High Courts to make rules under section 60, the Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, make rules for carrying out the provisions of this Ordinance. (2) In particular, and without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing power, such rules may provide for ing the conduct of persons in respect of areas the control of which is considered necessary or expedient and the removal of such persons from such areas; (b) the entry into, and search of,- (i) any vehicle, vessel or aircraft; or (ii) any place, whatsoever, reasonably suspected of being used for committing the offences referred to in section 3 or section 4 or for manufacturing or storing anything for the commission of any such offence; (c) conferring powers upon,- (i) the Central Government; (ii) a State Government: (iii) an Administrator of a Union territory under article 239 of the Constitution; (iv) an officer of the Central Government not lower in rank than that of a Joint Secretary; or (v) an officer of a State Government not lower in rank than that of a District Magistrate, to make general or special orders to prevent or deal with terrorist acts; (d) the arrest and trial of persons contravening any of the rules or any order made thereunder; (e) the punishment of any person who contravenes or attempts to contravene or abets or attempts to abet the contravention of any rule or order made thereunder with imprisonment for a term which may extend to one year or fine or both. (f) providing for the seizure and detention of any property in respect of which such contravention, attempt or abetment as is referred to in clause (e) has been committed and for the adjudication of such seizure and detention, whether by any court or by any other authority. (g) determination of the price of the forfeited property under sub-section (2) of section 10; (h) the procedure of making application under sub-section (3) of section 19; (i) the qualifications of the members of the Review Committee under sub-section (2) of section 59. SCHEDULE (see section 18) TERRORIST ORGANISATIONS 1. BABBAR KHALSA INTERNATIONAL. 2. KHALISTAN COMMANDO FORCE. 3. KHALISTAN ZINDABAD FORCE. 4. INTERNATIONAL SIKH YOUTH FEDERATION. 5. LASHKAR-E-TAIBA/PASBAN-E-AHLE HADIS. 6. JAISH-E-MOHAMMED/TAHRIK-E-F DEEN/HARKAR-UL-ANSAR/KARKAT UL-JEHAD-E-ISLAMI. 8. HIZB-UL-MUJAHIDEEN/HIZB-ULMUJAHIDEEN PIR PANJAL REGIMENT. 9. AL-UMAR-MUJAHIDEEN. 10. JAMMU AND KASHMIR ISLAMIC FRONT. 11. UNITED LEBERATION FRONT OF ASSAM(ULFA). 12. NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT OF BODOLAND(NDFB). 13. PEOPLE’S LIBERATION ARMY(PLA). 14. UNITED NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT(UNLF). 15. PEOPLE’S REVOLUTIONARY PARTY OF KANGLEIPALK(PREPAK). 16. KANLEIPAK COMMUNIST PARTY(KCP). 17. KANGLEI YAOL KANBA LUP(KYKL) 18. MANIPUR PEOPLE’S LIBRATION FRONT (MPLF). 19. ALL TRIPURA TIGER FORCE. 20. NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT OF TRIPURA. 21. LIBERATION TIGERS OF TAMIL EELAM(LTTE). 22. STUDENTS ISLAMIC MOVEMENT OF INDIA. 23. DEENDAR ANJUMAN. From aiindex at mnet.fr Fri Dec 21 01:46:36 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Thu, 20 Dec 2001 21:16:36 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Who's Bin Smokin' What? Message-ID: LA Weekly December 21 - 27, 2001 . Who's Bin Smokin' What? Their blowback . . . and ours by Marc Cooper As I watched bin Laden yukking it up with those other cherubic imams on that grainy Pentagon video, I thought I was having an acid flashback. I hadn't heard so much giddy rapping about dreams, visions and hallucinations of wild running horses and flaming, falling buildings since a certain acid-laced after-hours party following a Captain Beefheart concert back in the summer of '67. But of course psychoactive drugs play no role in the Technicolor reveries of Osama and friends. Their delusional psyches seem hard-wired. At least, that's the principal conclusion I draw from viewing that video a dozen times or so. In that one grubby room, presumably in Kandahar, two completely different worlds met and melded: a primitive obscurantism mixed with superheated, iron-melting 21st-century jet fuel. That cocktail, in turn, produced the equally bizarre event of September 11: one that leveraged a couple of medieval-age tools - box-cutters - into the most futuristic of holocausts. What I didn't see in that video was any trace of what you might call politics. "There were no politics present," agrees Hisham Melhem, U.S. correspondent for the Lebanese paper As-Safir. "What we saw was only terror, absolute and metaphysical . . . a purely atavistic view." There was no remorse for the human toll of the airplane-bombs that bin Laden gleefully illustrated with his graceful, effeminate hand gestures. No second thoughts. Not even an argument of political expediency as to why the selected target was a soft hive of civilians. On that tape I saw no "aggrieved parties" - as some of my peacenik friends have dared to call al Qaeda. I saw no victims of American imperialism. I saw no champions of the poor or oppressed. (On the contrary. On another video, we saw Taliban capo Mullah Omar's personal palace to be appointed with crystal chandeliers, pink tile, imported bathroom faucets, and discarded and emptied bottles of very Western antidepressants.) All of which brings us to the question posed by the "know-nothing" faction of the anti-war movement. Did our foreign policy - past or present - play a role in provoking the attacks on New York and Washington, D.C.? The answer is unequivocally no. Unless, that is, one wants to argue that American policy is so evil that it literally drove bin Laden bonkers. That's not to say that there isn't, indeed, much wrong with the course of U.S. foreign policy. Nor that Americans should have been so self-indulgent as to believe they were immune to such violence. Those who have opposed this war have failed to understand that, to paraphrase Che Guevara: Two, three or many evils can coexist simultaneously and never quite intersect. They have also failed to understand that blowback is a malaise that afflicts not only the powerful. U.S. funding and training, two decades ago, of some of the very same Islamo-fascists who attack us today has its undeniably ironic aspects. But on the anti-war side of the fence, continued ideological investment in timeworn and ossified nostrums has also come back to haunt - and with a vengeance. Looking at every use of American military power as an echo of Vietnam makes about as much sense as the State Department having once declared bin Laden to be a freedom fighter. In that vein, it was barely a month ago that my colleague Charles Rappleye wrote in these pages: "Our current military misadventure in the hostile environs of Afghanistan is bogging down on the eve of the holiest days of the Muslim calendar . . . The U.S. should seize the high ground and stop the bombing for Ramadan." Which means that the bombing would have been halted for 30 days - right up until last weekend. The U.S. military, fortunately, ignored his advice. Instead of a bombing pause, we have collapsed the Taliban, driven them from power and wiped out their military. Al Qaeda's operative base in Afghanistan has been dismembered, and its fighters have been defeated in their last holdouts. Just about every other dire prediction made by the anti-war folks has also failed to materialize: Fundamentalist demonstrations in Pakistan have withered, not grown, and that country's fragile government has not collapsed. The fabled "Arab street" has not erupted, and there are no new legions of pro-Osama fighters mushrooming in the region. Nor did the Afghan people rally to unite and defeat the American invaders. Instead, they came into the streets flying kites, unearthing their Tali-banned radios and phonographs, and sending their daughters to re-register in the medical schools from which they had been barred. So much for predictions of a "U.S. genocide." For the first time in more than a decade, the Afghan refugee flow seems to be reversing as the diaspora starts trickling home and sensing a scintilla of hope - or at least improved European and American economic assistance. The collateral damage inflicted by this war is nevertheless real, and it surpasses mere body counts of civilian deaths (numerous and lamentable but nowhere near the bogus figure of 3,700 being circulated by some activists). Riding high in the polls, the Bush administration has recklessly ripped up the ABM treaty and - with its military tribunals - has taken a bite into the Bill of Rights. Both parties have joined in passing an inflated military-spending appropriation, and the Democrats continue to play dead on Bush's boondoggle star-wars missile defense. The mutual terror on the West Bank escalates, and the U.S. continues to tilt too far in the direction of Ariel Sharon. All of these issues demand not only our attention but also our firm opposition to the Bush administration. But none of them impeaches the basic justice of the American military response against those who insouciantly dreamed of collapsing the Twin Towers and incinerating as many innocents as possible. Public adoration of patriotic symbols - flags and flattops - even in time of war is, as George Carlin says, an activity that should be reserved only for the "symbol-minded." But likewise, resorting to knee-jerk ideological sloganeering in the face of terribly complex - and lethal - threats, should be left to . . . well . . . jerks. From boud_roukema at camk.edu.pl Fri Dec 21 03:43:39 2001 From: boud_roukema at camk.edu.pl (Boud Roukema) Date: Thu, 20 Dec 2001 23:13:39 +0100 (CET) Subject: [Reader-list] Who's Bin Smokin' What? In-Reply-To: Message-ID: On Thu, 20 Dec 2001, Harsh Kapoor wrote: > Who's Bin Smokin' What? > Their blowback . . . and ours > by Marc Cooper > As I watched bin Laden yukking it up with those other cherubic imams ... > Nor did the Afghan people rally to unite and defeat the American > invaders. Instead, they came into the streets flying kites, > unearthing their Tali-banned radios and phonographs, and sending > their daughters to re-register in the medical schools from which they Re-registering in medical schools, so that they can help with more "humane" hangings and stonings. And flirting freely with their male "superiors", without the least worry of a mere lapidation with only little stones... This is from the South China Morning Post/Agence France Presse (it sounds like a parody, but I think it's real): http://asia.scmp.com/ZZZLK8SYAVC.html < Merciful stonings to use smaller stones < Wednesday, December 19, 2001 < AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Kabul ... < "There will be some changes from the time of the Taleban," Judge < Ahamat Ullha Zarif said. "For example, the Taleban used to hang the < victim's body in public for four days. We will only hang the body for a < short time, say 15 minutes." He said the purpose of execution, < according to the Koran, was to serve as a warning to others. "That is < why it must be done in public and that is why we need to hang the < body in public afterwards," he said. ... < Adulterers, male and female, will still be stoned to death, "but we will < use only small stones", Judge Zarif said. This allowed the < condemned person a chance to escape. "If they are able to run < away, they are free" he said. Afghan women had better start jogging (in respectable burqas) if they want to be fit enough to run away from their stonings. > had been barred. So much for predictions of a "U.S. genocide." For The U.S. genocide in Afghanistan is about a fair fraction (10%? 1%?) of 7.5 million starving people dying. We simply don't know the numbers. 10% would be 7,50,000 (7.5 lakh), 1% would be 75,000. 50% would be 3.25 million (32.5 lakh). Do the arithmetic. http://www.zmag.org/chomskyafter911.htm People in Europe, e.g. Maurice Papon, have been tried for crimes against humanity as much as fifty or more years after the alleged crimes occurred (during WWII). Any politician thinking of supporting Bush and Rumsfeld ought to ask themselves where they want to spend their retirement (in or out of prison and national embarrassment as guilty of genocide). (We have at least one member of the French Foreign Ministry who has posted to this list - he might want to comment?) The numbers of the genocide will probably be known within a year or two, if a reliable census is made. N(genocide victims) = N(after) - N(before). Plus corrections for normal deaths and births, and refugee movements. Demographers will have a tough time, but the numbers are likely to be big enough to come up with something to put in the history books. > The collateral damage inflicted by this war is nevertheless real, > and it surpasses mere body counts of civilian deaths (numerous and > lamentable but nowhere near the bogus figure of 3,700 being > circulated by some activists). Riding high in the polls, the Bush This "bogus" figure, dwarfed by the number killed by cutting off food lines, is a minimum estimate based on collating direct, documented evidence. Judge for yourself how "bogus" it is: http://www.zmag.org/herold.htm I think the author of the article, Marc Cooper, is someone who has partly escaped the normal manufacture of consent in the US, and has tried to fit together the facts he's aware of. This in itself is a very positive sign of hope. But he should start looking further yet for empirical data, before denying the genocide that is continuing right at this very moment (I can't say "before our eyes", because the media choose to close their eyes in that direction. It doesn't sell well.) From aiindex at mnet.fr Fri Dec 21 05:56:52 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Fri, 21 Dec 2001 01:26:52 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Talibanization of Cyberspace by Crypto-Islamists Message-ID: News from Bangladesh Talibanization of Cyberspace by Crypto-Islamists Farida Majid In the wake of the departure of George Harrison, I am full of memories of that electrifying Concert for Bangladesh at Madison Square Garden in 1971, which I had the great fortune to attend. Throughout the nine months of the liberation war I had traveled in the USA and Europe working ceaselessly for the cause of an independent Bangladesh and creating public opinion against the atrocities of Pakistani army on the innocent civilians of East Pakistan. The warmth, care and goodwill expressed at the Concert for Bangladesh were echoed all over the world. To the utter consternation of Nixon, Kissinger and Yahya team, George Harrison's "Bangladesh" hit the top of the chart. It was a thrilling moment, in the midst of all the sad news emanating from the battlefront, because even the Western journalists covering the civil war in East Pakistan were not yet using the word "Bangladesh." I want to remind everyone that this country was born on the crest of not only Banglaee's dream of freedom, democracy and secularism, but the good wishes and cheers of all the world's freedom-loving people. It is unfortunate, and all the sadder for that beginning, that Bangladesh failed to fulfill those dreams we fought for and for which the whole world had cheered. Through successive autocratic rulers, the country never had the graciousness to thank for or return that good will to the world. Let alone thanking George Harrison, no government of Bangladesh even acknowledged the patriotic efforts of the two of East Bangla's most precious gems of all times - Pandit Ravi Shankar and Ustad Ali Akbar Khan - both of whom were initiators of and performers at the Concert for Bangladesh. Today we have a government that is made up of those very foes who opposed our right to claim our freedom. With the blood of innocent children, women and men of 1971 in their hands, two of the Jamaatis are ministers in Khaleda Zia's cabinet. Other Islamists hold various important portfolios. Reminders of the muktijuddha do not stir noble emotions in anyone any more. This is due mainly to the Awami-leaguers' false over-association of the liberation war with them. People are so fed-up of Awami mis-rule and "Zatir pita Bangabondu" that they frown, turn up their noses, roll their eyes or fling their wrists at the very mention of 1971. Islamists have now installed themselves in power with unprecedented confidence. Like the Cheshire Cat's in the Wonderland, the ear-to-ear grin of the Islamists hangs in the air of Bangladesh as it fills with the cries of pain and deprivation rising from the defenseless Hindu communities victimized by the Islamist criminals. Not that there is no secular-minded BNP leader. Most of them, Khaleda Zia included, are not exactly devout Muslims as we well know. But they are installed in power by the Islamists, and hence are gagged and bound against making any comment on the atrocities committed by the Islamist goondas on the hapless Hindus. Without the Islamist support BNP is nothing but a dolled up woman in a chiffon sari. Too apparently, to maintain this vital support, she has to trundle off to Saudi Arabia every month to perform Umrah. Who knows what lurks behind the all too apparent! Besides their firm clutch on the heads of the present administration, the Islamists have foot soldiers parading in two very disparate but well-coordinated fronts. One cache of cadres is unleashed across the nation to wreak unspeakable havoc of communal killing, raping and looting. Islamist leaders in Dhaka keep a straight face muttering patronizing platitudes about the duty to protect the 'jaan-maal' of the Hindus. As long as we have Islamists in Bangladesh, Jehadists in Pakistan and the Hinduists in India, the dreaded specter of communalism as a potent political tool will continue to scourge the general populace of the subcontinent. Aiding and abetting the Islamists is this other, newer front presently operating in the cyberspace. This lot of Islamist collaborators thinly covers up their poisonous activity of spreading the message of the Islamists in the curious form of Islam-bashing. Therefore, I call them crypto-Islamists. Mimicking the Islamist claim, crypto-Islamists define secularism to mean something doggedly anti-religious, virulently anti-Islamic. They call themselves "secular humanists," even though their pompous pronouncements contain not a smidgen of understanding of either secularism or humanism. A couple of years ago, foolishly taking their self-description of "secular humanists" in good faith, I tried to point out that secularism means pluralism, peaceful coexistence of many religions, faiths and ethnic cultures, and according to that definition of secularism, Muslim Bengal had always been a secular place. At no point in Bengal's history Islam was declared a state religion. The group roundly blasted me for committing the crime of mentioning 'culture' and 'history'. There is no arguing with these crypto-Islamists. They are the ardent followers, the students (taliban) of the Bush-bin Laden School of Dogmatism - that "either you are with us or against us" variety. Violently allergic to the concepts of culture, history of any kind or of any place, evolution, civilization, art, music, social studies, grammar, rhetoric or logic, the crypto-Islamists would pounce upon anyone who broaches these topics with the wrath matching that of their Islamist bretheren upon the Hindus. The ground-level Islamists at least have a political agenda behind their Islam-touting game. Scratch their Islamic surface, and you will discover that they really do not care much for their religion. The 'Alem-samaaj' or the traditional religious establishment of Bangladesh have denounced the weird and un-Islamic ideology of the Islamists and have vigorously protested against the Jamaati antics in the name of religion. The crypto-Islamists of cyberspace, amidst all their Islam-bashing, oddly, never have a harsh word against the Jamaat. Perhaps in their vision of the world through a pinhole they cannot distinguish one from the other. Or perhaps - and this possibility looms increasingly large - they are the undercover agents of the Islamists employed to spread the propaganda that Jamaat and Islam are one and the same. There is only one Islam - period - no ifs or buts or what-abouts. Crypto-Islamists were conceived in 1993, and if one recalled the sequence of events, one can understand why the Islamists needed them. Under the able and valiant leadership of shahid-janani Jahanara Imam, Muktijuddher Chetana Bastabayan o Ghatok-Dalal Nirmul Committee had successfully launched a nation-wide and among the Diaspora Bangladeshis in London, New York and elsewhere demanding the trial of the Bangalee collaborators of Pakistani army and those who committed crimes against humanity in1971. Wherever Jahanara Imam went she was greeted by huge jubilant crowds. Members of the Alem-samaaj joined our campaign and some of them toured the countryside going from mosque to mosque urging religious leaders to be vigilant against the pollution of religion with the dirty politics of the Moududibadi Jamaat. The enthusiasm of the people wanting the Dalals of 1971 to be brought to justice was truly fantastic and, looking back I can say, it was at an all time high. The fundamentalists brought out a procession or two protesting our movement, but it was clear that they were really feeling the pinch. I had worked ceaselessly for the Nirmul Committee that time, traveling between New York, London and Dhaka. A chunk of my time was occupied also in joining and speaking at meetings and rallies held by an organization that we formed called Concerned South Asians. I also joined in the activities of our Indian colleagues of Samprodayikata-virodhi Andolon. We marked the first anniversary of the demolition of Babri Masjid by mounting a giant exhibit by Sahmat, an anti-communalism group from India, and a two-day festival of music, dance and poetry readings at Columbia University. After two decades of hopelessness, I was beginning to nurse anew the hope of a closure of the wounds of 1971. Just at this juncture Taslima Nasrin, flushed with her success as a column writer, decided that she wanted more limelight. I had liked her columns on women's rights, and actively supported her attack on Moksudul Momenin by writing a long scholarly article on the mistranslation of the Qur'anic verses pertaining to women. However, I did not realize then that Nasrin was totally incapable of making the distinction between secondary religious literature and a primary religious text like the Qur'an. She just lumped Qur'an, Hadith, popular pulp religious literature and rolled them into something she called dharmo, which she then claimed in a loud voice was a very bad thing. Coming from a culturally unenlightened family, understandably, religion was a bit of a 'big deal' to her. Limited exposure to the more enlightened section of our society led her to believe that atheism was a novelty. So attacking Islam seemed like a jolly good idea to earn some infamy accompanied by spotlight. She was going to be the first female Bangalee atheist the world ever saw! A Johnny-come-lately to the enlightened Muslim Bangalee society that she really never knew from her pinhole view of it.. She began attacking the Qur'an (or rather, the Bangla translation of it, which is all she could read) and got the spotlight she craved. Islam-bashing adds fuel to the fire of fundamentalism, re-energizes their zeal. You don't have to be a rocket-scientist to make that simple cause-and-effect connection. Nasrin was what the Islamists were craving for to get them out of their doldrums. She was their Savior incarnate sent for their deliverance by the almighty Allah. As a reward for this deliverance the Islamists elevated her to the status of Salman Rushdie. The triumphant Islamists have never looked back from that point to this. Now they are at the peak of their political success, thanks to the brilliant work of the crypto-Islamist Nasrin! I cannot for the life of me fathom the degree of depravity that makes someone speak abusively of a particular religion, its scripture, its prophet, its 'tradition' its world-wide followers. It is so inherently inhuman, racist, and unspeakably stupid! I am loath to talk about my private life, but I must emphatically note here about my family's unflinching dedication to liberal principles and high idealism, whose inculcation in me would prevent me from engaging in this scurrilous activity of insulting a religion. As a child I was happily a tomboy, free to romp in the fields and woods, climb trees and splash in those splendid community ponds of Narayanganj and swim to my heart's content. My father and my mamas were atheists, but we children were instructed not to speak ill of any religion. Such instructions were not actually specified, they were automatically implied. We are a bi-communal family since my Boromami is a Hindu who never converted. Her family in Dumdum, and my family were always very close because we are culturally similar. Cultural affinity, not religion, is what makes the difference. I do not suppose the reason why I am not close to the families of my other two mamis is because they are Muslim. It is just that we don't quite match each other in our cultural outlooks or lifestyles. My nana, Kabi Golam Mostafa, the author of Biswanabi, whom Awami Leaguers mischievously and anachronistically labeled as a "razakar," (poor guy died in 1964, for God's sake!) was in real life the most secular of men. Ever a loving and caring grandfather, he was more interested in the progress I was making in my classical singing lessons or the latest poem I wrote rather than my religious upbringing. His delightful letters to the two of us contained humor and playful but intelligent bantering, hardly any mention of Allah-rasul. (I can produce these letters, written in my nana's exquisite hand, as documents, as opposed to Nasrin;s undocumented, fictionalized autobiography). By the age of ten I was well read in Bangla and English, and could look at a picture of a painting and tell whether it was by Michaelangelo, Raphael or Rembrandt, or whether it was by Gaugin, Matisse or van Gogh. If I did not know enough suras by heart to say a proper namaj, it was not an important failure. My extended family was pretty pleased with the direction their first born was heading. Being a Muslim female was never a problem for me. Islam never posed a threat of oppression to me, nor was it an impediment that stunted my intellectual and artistic growth. So, when the opportunity came in my Graduate School days at New York University, I eagerly snatched it and took the courses in Arabic language which would enable me to at least read and understand the text of the Qur'an in the original. I hasten to add that this was not done as a 'born again Muslim' gesture. One compelling reason was that I got a Federal Govt. scholarship for studying Arabic. The other reason was my desire to take on the offensive mullahs who spread unsubstantiated claims in the name of religion. I was bred by my family as a modern human being, a citizen of the world, so I had no trouble living either in the East or the West. These few words about my personal life are necessitated by the false impression created by the endless personal life-story-telling by the crypto-Islamist Nasrin as if her life-story were the norm of every Bangalee Muslim home. No, not every woman in Bangladesh has had Nasrin's sordid, repressive life. And there is no telling whether she is telling the truth. She had been caught red-handed lying by many reporters. Who knows her family and who can testify to the repression that really occurred? My family is less obscure than Nasrin's and hence I felt I don't have to prove anything by talking about my family life. But Nasrin has to prove something. Again and again, ad nausea, in Bangla and now in English, we are given an account of her life, an account of the 'bhando peer' Amirullah to whose magic Nasrin's mother became spellbound. Why couldn't she get her mother unspellbound from the Peer's magic sooner? I have chased a few 'bhando peers' out of my family's compound in my girlhood. Nasrin urges us, almost by clobbering on our heads, to believe that this fake religious man has everything to do with Islam. This is what Islam is all about and that is so because Islam is a religion like no other (notice the Islamist drift!). It is a pity that she has remained the same ignorant snob to this day. Not a single lesson has been learned by her, no progress, no growth, no change whatsoever in her incommensurate pattern of thinking; in sum, nothing has been added to knowledge in the course of her life's ups and downs. She keeps repeating the story of peer Amirullah over and over again in exactly the same way she did ten, twelve, or fifteen years ago. It just so happens that the 'bhando peer' Amirullah of Mymensingh has as much to do with Islam as the 'bhando' priest of Catholic Ireland has to do with Christianity, or the 'bhando' bishop in Protestant Germany or England has to do with Christianity, or the 'bhando' monk in Greece has to do with the Orthodox Church, or the 'bhando' rabbi in Israel has to do with Judaism, or the 'bhando' sadhu in Benares has to do with Hiinduism. I've known a few 'bhando' religious women too. The world literature abounds with the stories of their treachery and wily ways in the name of religion. Some of these stories are hilarious, tales in Kahlil wa Dimna, Panchatantra, Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, or Boccaccio's Decameron, - we laugh at them. We laugh; we celebrate the human ingenuity of these thugs, the same human spirit and imagination that created the edifices of these magnificent religions. Isn't there something seriously wrong when a group that calls itself "secular humanists" is completely blind to the very existence of humanity that comprises each religion? Islam, without its living, breathing human followers, like any other religion, is simply an abstraction. In his novel, The Satanic Verses, Salman Rushdie wanted to bring out this human face of Islam. I like the novel for that reason, and wrote a long essay in its defense. Rushdie, whose life was infinitely more seriously threatened by the Islamists than Nasrin's ever was, has the common sense to discriminate the Islamists from Islam. Just the other day he reminded us that the world's 1.2 billion Muslims are not all 'Qur'an analysts', and that acts of terrorism are carried out by a crazed handful of backward-looking bunch who are against all forms of modernism. Crypto-Islamist Kamran Mirza strongly disagrees with such a statement. Every Muslim gets his or her Islamic teachings from Qur'an and Hadiths. Says who? Says Kamran Taliban Mirza. He takes a lot of pride in his self-proclaimed role of a Qur'an analyst. He is equipped with Allama Yusouf Ali's English translation published circa 1936 and a couple of Bangla translations of the Qur'an. This is the base that constitutes all his bombast, all his peremptory pronouncements against Islam. (I have about seven or eight English, at least three Bangla translations, one of which is by Girishchandra Sen, two in all Arabic and a shelf full of Arabic-English dictionaries, Arabic grammar books and sundry other Arabic language related materials. There is also a shelf-full of secondary scholarly books. I do not call myself a Qur'an analyst even though I carefully consult all my resources when I'm required to make a reference to the Qur'an). Mirza's so called 'analysis' consists of kicking the Qur'an, spitting on the character of the Prophet, and tearing the text apart in a stupendously comical exhibition of ignorance, malice and egoism befitting the mannerism of a true Islamist. He is applauded for his heroics by a handful of faithful followers. I am reminded of the lines in "Chhayabaji" by my favorite poet, Sukumar Roy: Ajgubi noi, Ajgubi noi, satyi e sob kathaa Chhayar sathe juddha kore gaatre holo byathaa Chhaya dhorar byabsaa kori, tao jano na bujhi Roder chhaya, chander chhaya, harek rakom punji Shamelessly, Kamran Taliban Mirza would then post the praises he has received from his sycophants for his comical 'chhayabaji' or shadowboxing. The all-consuming obsession of the crypto-Islamists with Islam and the ensuing blindness and megalomania would put the one-eyed Mullah Omar and bin Laden to shame. Not a week goes by without them posting some infantile drivel on the Qur'an and Hadith. I wonder whether they read anything other then the Qur'an and Hadith. Do they read an Englash language newspaper, or is it against their religion? Is reading a non-religious book against their religion? They don't really have the guts to talk against the real-life living and breathing Islamists like Motiur Rahman Nizami. It is getting increasingly clear that these crypto-Islamists work for their Islamist bosses whom they serve slavishly. Of what use is Islam-bashing? It has only made the Islamists of Bangladesh proclaim themselves as the champions of Islam. Islam-bashers have only succeeded in endorsing this position of the Islamists. The over-zealot crypto-Islamists are now coming apart in the very exercise of their zealotary. They are stepping out of their closet, although they themselves are oblivious of the fact. Kamran Taliban Mirza's exhortation says it all. Exactly like the Jamaat, and all other Islamists, he is the sole purveyor of the "real Islam" and according to him, our Bangalee "nani-dadi, bap-dada choudda purush" had it all wrong. He is going to set us right - teach us the real, fallacy-proof Islam. He then passionately declares, the one-eyed "Mullah Omar is doing everything to please Allah and nobody else" (NFB, Nov. 30, 2001). Please, can our nerves be spared? Is it not enough that the crypto-Islamists efforts have helped install the Islamist govt. in power in Bangladesh? Do we now have to have the Mullah Omar agent, this Kamran Taliban Mirza sermonizing us on the cyberspace day in and day out? -- From shuddha at sarai.net Fri Dec 21 02:11:09 2001 From: shuddha at sarai.net (Shuddhabrata Sengupta) Date: Fri, 21 Dec 2001 02:11:09 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] 9/11 versus 12/13 Message-ID: <01122102110900.01101@sweety.sarai.kit> Dear Readers, Anyone who watched Television in India last night would have seen the nauseating spectacle of a televised confession (with the police discreetly present in the margins of the frame in one channel's footage) by a man who is being called Mohammad Afzal. He spoke in a kashmiri accent, and spoke at length, unhesitatingly describing the details of the "operation" of the attack on the parliament. Some uncomfortable questions arise from watching this stomach churning footage. Why must someone be asked to go through the excercise of revealing details about their involvement in fa crime in full glare of the media. Let us suppose that this performative set of moments was genuine, and an admission of the truth - in that case, is there no obligation on the part of media to protect the identity of such a person (at least in some form - by using masks, disguising his voice, or bluring the image ) - does this revelation not invite immediate assasination bids on him, and on his immediate relatives. If the confession had to be aired, did it have to have the pathetic aura of a show trial. If one remembers the great show trials of nineteen thirties Russia, many communists condemned themselves to the gulag, with confessions that were later found to be squad, and even the firing squad, because they laboured under the illusion that this was the sacrifice that the revolution demanded. Confessions can be extracted for fundamentally baser motives. From raqs at giasdl01.vsnl.net.in Fri Dec 21 01:38:29 2001 From: raqs at giasdl01.vsnl.net.in (raqs) Date: Fri, 21 Dec 2001 01:38:29 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] We Are the Data We Swirl In Message-ID: <01122101382900.01132@sweety.sarai.kit> Dear Readers This is a text on Net.Culture that we have written and would like to share with others on the Reader List. A shorter version of this text is due to appear soon in the Art India magazine. we look forward to responses to this text. Cheers Raqs Media Collective, New Delhi ___________________________________________________________________ WE ARE THE DATA WE SWIRL IN Raqs Media Collective (Jeebesh Bagchi, Monica Narula & Shudhabrata Sengupta) We are all algorithms. We are repeated instances of attempts to configure meanings in a world densely packed with signals and messages. We are transmitters and receivers of data, couriers of images, vectors of information. We carry within us the databases of our lives. The streets of our cities, and the pathways of our daily lives are jammed with traffic. The skies we live under are criss-crossed with cables, the ground beneath our feet is a cobweb of mud, rocks and optical fibre. Traffic and data traffic, wires and wirelessness, codes and codecs, define the way we are and will be from now on, at least for the foreseeable future. We live, work and play with data. Data is the mine and we are the miners, we are workers, thieves, masters, priests, rebels and exiles of data. We hack, we hoe and hope with data. We are the data we swirl in. This condition of our lives, this shifting contour of the nature of everyday networked existence that is the mundane reality of a twenty-first century urban space, suggests that we make communication, data itself, a subject and criterion of cultural practice. Net.Culture, the body of cultural forms and interventions that emerges out of computer and Internet mediated communications technologies is a recognition of this condition as a fact of life, labour, and creativity. Net.Culture works with the assumption that all images, sound, text and signals can be reduced to elementary and modular forms of data (within computer based systems, to binary code: zeroes and ones). This means that different fragments of data can join or enter each other to form new clusters of different levels of complexity. A data cluster can take the form of a chinese box (with fragments inside fragments), or be rhizomic (nodes connecting to nodes to form a chain), or be arranged in loops and labyrinths. Net.Culture locates itself in the public domain, where creativity is not hemmed in by proprietorial protocols; primarily because it walks new pathways on the world wide web into existence. From their very inception, the web and html (hypertext markup language) which is the lattice that threads the web, were attempts at the creation of a digital commons: a space that is unbounded in political terms, in the sense that it respects no borders, and in economic-cultural terms, in that html remains the kind of language that no one can own, that anyone is free to use, download and modify to their own purposes. Just as traditional common lands were maintained in common usage by walking on them, the digital commons of net culture are maintained by insisting that the terrain of digital cultural content be open for walking in by the cybernaut. This open nature of the Internet engenders an array of challenges to the notions of copyright and intellectual property. After all, if a data cluster is always amenable to access and reiteration, in combination with new material, then the notion of the integrity and identity of a data cluster, say a work of art or a text (and correspondingly of its authors), is itself laid open to question. The most significant challenges to intellectual property have come from the free software movement, and hacker subcultures within net culture. Stephen Levy, in the 'Hackers Ethic' (1984), puts the claims of this challenge succintly when he says, "All information must be free...access to computers, and to anything that might teach you something about the way the world works, must be unlimited and total." The advocates of "free software" insist that software must not only be open to access, use, distribution and replication outside the regimes of control and ownership, but that it must always also be open to modification. In some cases, authorship is maintained even as the work itself is open to general usage and enjoyment, while in others, authorship becomes a collaborative and dispersed enterprise. The arguments against intellectual property which began in software culture, have now begun to make themselves felt in a broad spectrum of cultural and intellectual practices - so much so that we are now witnessing concerted campaigns to "free/open" science, art, law, publishing, social science and music from propreitorial control. If the recent controversies over the shared peer to peer distribution of music by networked communities of fans is any indication, then it seems that the global apparatus of the culture industry is quite nervous about the way in which entire communities of users might begin re-writing the rules of cultural production and consumption to their advantage. Finally, Net.Culture gives us the possibility of rejuvenating older forms of cultural practice by emancipating them from autarchic control. How might this happen? Simply, as a result of the possibilities that suddenly become open when we combine the dispersed, non-located nature of the Internet. The ease, for example, with which it allows for the downloading of free sound editing software to make sound works that can then be broadcast on Internet radio, or by using freely available publishing software to make cheap broadsheets and publications. This makes for constellations of intermedia or hybrid media practices, in which print, radio and other older media forms combine with the Internet to make for a powerful and horizontally linked democratic culture of networked communication. Anyone can enter this network of cultural production from the street by going into the nearest cybercafe. One doesn't have to see oneself as an artist, or as a writer, or as a critic to make a dynamic contribution to Net.Culture. One simply logs in, and becomes a participant in online communities where there are few canons as yet, and the attempt to inscribe rules is constantly held open to question. In this sense, Net.Culture is truly net(worked) culture. It could be said that net (worked)culture was born when the first carrier pigeon took to the sky. When the first "runner" packed his bag full of messages in nineteenth century India and the first postage stamp was licked, or the first crackle in a radio broadcast was heard. The Internet itself is only the latest instance of a practice of the networked transmission of images, in which the distinction between receivers, and transmitters, viewers and users, artist and audience becomes difficult to sustain. Net.Culture then becomes simply that arena, that very public domain, where signals meet and multiply. Any practice with images, sounds, signs, and texts that addresses the fact of networked transmission of symbols using media technologies (including minor media like radio, telephony, postage, signage, graffiti and public address systems) can then be seen as a work of net(worked) culture Net.Culture cannot live in galleries, or academies or in markets alone. It will have to sneak into the terminals of twenty three million people (who are likely to be online by 2003 in Indian cities) if it is to be Net.Culture. Multiply that by ten if you take in cybercafes, with millions if you take in streets that become adorned with signs that are printouts from websites - a form of graffiti that moves easily between pixels and paper. Today, we need a mode of cultural practice that can enlarge our sensory, intellectual and emotional horizons in order to make space for acts of reflection on our lives as data-bodies. As fluid and floating clusters of information and meaning. We need a sensory context in which we can examine how we are reflected and multiplied in the compound eye of the apparatus of signs and information that surrounds us and streams through us. Net.Culture suggests that this act of reflection can be undertaken. We may all be algorithms, but we are not intractable ones. From svteeseling at fondsbkvb.nl Fri Dec 21 17:35:20 2001 From: svteeseling at fondsbkvb.nl (Steven van Teeseling) Date: Fri, 21 Dec 2001 13:05:20 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] please unsubscribe Message-ID: <01C18A20.2602F880@FBK012> From sandipan at molbio.unizh.ch Fri Dec 21 18:52:40 2001 From: sandipan at molbio.unizh.ch (Sandipan Chatterjee) Date: Fri, 21 Dec 2001 14:22:40 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Shady Diplomas Message-ID: Have been receiving these mails regularly at my hotmail account. Any ideas?? Sandipan Chatterjee ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- U N I V E R S I T Y D I P L O M A S Obtain a prosperous future, money earning power, and the admiration of all. Diplomas from prestigious non-accredited universities based on your present knowledge and life experience. No required tests, classes, books, or interviews. Bachelors, masters, MBA, and doctorate (PhD) diplomas available in the field of your choice. No one is turned down. Confidentiality assured. CALL NOW to receive your diploma within days!!! 1 - 2 1 4 - 8 5 3 - 4 3 5 7 or 1 - 4 1 2 - 2 9 1 - 1 5 1 5 Call 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, including Sundays and holidays. From aiindex at mnet.fr Fri Dec 21 23:23:58 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Fri, 21 Dec 2001 18:53:58 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Security Flaw Compromises Windows XP Message-ID: Washington Post Friday, December 21, 2001; Page E01 FAST FORWARD Security Flaw Compromises Windows XP By Ariana Eunjung Cha Washington Post Staff Writer When reports of viruses, hackers and software flaws seem to show up in e-mail boxes several times a day, they become almost mundane. But the latest one was a doozy. Microsoft Corp. said its new Windows XP operating system, which it had touted as a "secure and private" computing experience, has an unprecedented flaw. In a security bulletin issued to customers yesterday, Microsoft said the "serious vulnerability" could allow hackers to commandeer all the computers in a neighborhood or company in a single attack. The Redmond, Wash., company urged customers to update their systems with a patch available on its Web site. The acknowledgment could be a blow to the ambitions of Microsoft, which hoped that $500 million worth of flashy advertisements promoting Windows XP would result in billions of dollars worth of sales that would revitalize the high-tech sector. In the two weeks after Windows XP went on sale Oct. 25, 7 million copies were sold, significantly fewer than previous versions of Windows. Analysts said the newly disclosed security problems might deflate sales even more. The problem is in a tool called "universal plug and play" that is included in Windows XP. Beyond standard plug and play, with which computers recognize new peripherals, universal plug and play allows individual devices and even home appliances to connect and communicate with one another. The unintended consequence is that universal plug and play also apparently allows people to seize control of a computer when it connects to the Internet, even if it isn't being used to check e-mail or view Web pages. "We were basically able to take a remote computer and make it connect to the National Security Agency Web site," said Marc Maiffret, one of the three computer experts at eEye Digital Security Inc. who discovered the flaw. It also exists in Windows Millennium Edition if Microsoft's universal plug and play client has been loaded, and in Windows 98 and Windows 98 Second Edition when Microsoft software to share an Internet connection with a Windows XP computer has been installed. The eEye researchers identified two other security holes, one that would allow malicious outsiders to crash an XP system and one that would let hackers coordinate an army of machines to flood a target with fake data. As the most widely used operating system in the world, installed on more than 90 percent of all personal computers, the various versions of Microsoft Windows have benefited and suffered from research by security consultants all over the world. Independent researchers previously have found problems in the Internet Explorer Web browser and the Outlook and Outlook Express e-mail programs. Maiffret said one of his colleagues was just "playing around" with Windows XP when he noticed the problems. "After a few weeks of playing around we noticed it was starting to do bad things," he said. Microsoft spokesman Tom Laemmel said the flaw "slipped through" the company's testing process but that XP's security still is superior to that of previous Windows versions. "When we say Windows XP is the most secure system ever we're not saying it's perfect," he said. Network Associates security research manager Jim Magdych said finding the flaw in XP is a sophisticated task and there is no evidence that anyone has used it yet to break into systems. EEye, based in Aliso Viejo, Calif., and Geneva, said it worked with Microsoft to develop the patch after it discovered the problem in a test version of Windows XP on Oct. 26. Usually, relatively few people take the time to download fixes to security holes. "Unfortunately, we're not at the point yet where administering your home network is a routine task like mowing your lawn, although it should be," Maiffret said. The good news is that Windows XP can automatically alert users to available security patches and other updates -- although the feature is turned off by default. The bad news is that Microsoft isn't sure when it will be able to offer an alert or the software patch through the automatic system. In the meantime, users will have to go to Microsoft's Technet site and download the fix themselves. © 2001 The Washington Post Company -- From aiindex at mnet.fr Fri Dec 21 23:24:55 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Fri, 21 Dec 2001 18:54:55 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Security Flaw Compromises Windows XP Message-ID: Washington Post Friday, December 21, 2001; Page E01 Security Flaw Compromises Windows XP By Ariana Eunjung Cha Washington Post Staff Writer When reports of viruses, hackers and software flaws seem to show up in e-mail boxes several times a day, they become almost mundane. But the latest one was a doozy. Microsoft Corp. said its new Windows XP operating system, which it had touted as a "secure and private" computing experience, has an unprecedented flaw. In a security bulletin issued to customers yesterday, Microsoft said the "serious vulnerability" could allow hackers to commandeer all the computers in a neighborhood or company in a single attack. The Redmond, Wash., company urged customers to update their systems with a patch available on its Web site. The acknowledgment could be a blow to the ambitions of Microsoft, which hoped that $500 million worth of flashy advertisements promoting Windows XP would result in billions of dollars worth of sales that would revitalize the high-tech sector. In the two weeks after Windows XP went on sale Oct. 25, 7 million copies were sold, significantly fewer than previous versions of Windows. Analysts said the newly disclosed security problems might deflate sales even more. The problem is in a tool called "universal plug and play" that is included in Windows XP. Beyond standard plug and play, with which computers recognize new peripherals, universal plug and play allows individual devices and even home appliances to connect and communicate with one another. The unintended consequence is that universal plug and play also apparently allows people to seize control of a computer when it connects to the Internet, even if it isn't being used to check e-mail or view Web pages. "We were basically able to take a remote computer and make it connect to the National Security Agency Web site," said Marc Maiffret, one of the three computer experts at eEye Digital Security Inc. who discovered the flaw. It also exists in Windows Millennium Edition if Microsoft's universal plug and play client has been loaded, and in Windows 98 and Windows 98 Second Edition when Microsoft software to share an Internet connection with a Windows XP computer has been installed. The eEye researchers identified two other security holes, one that would allow malicious outsiders to crash an XP system and one that would let hackers coordinate an army of machines to flood a target with fake data. As the most widely used operating system in the world, installed on more than 90 percent of all personal computers, the various versions of Microsoft Windows have benefited and suffered from research by security consultants all over the world. Independent researchers previously have found problems in the Internet Explorer Web browser and the Outlook and Outlook Express e-mail programs. Maiffret said one of his colleagues was just "playing around" with Windows XP when he noticed the problems. "After a few weeks of playing around we noticed it was starting to do bad things," he said. Microsoft spokesman Tom Laemmel said the flaw "slipped through" the company's testing process but that XP's security still is superior to that of previous Windows versions. "When we say Windows XP is the most secure system ever we're not saying it's perfect," he said. Network Associates security research manager Jim Magdych said finding the flaw in XP is a sophisticated task and there is no evidence that anyone has used it yet to break into systems. EEye, based in Aliso Viejo, Calif., and Geneva, said it worked with Microsoft to develop the patch after it discovered the problem in a test version of Windows XP on Oct. 26. Usually, relatively few people take the time to download fixes to security holes. "Unfortunately, we're not at the point yet where administering your home network is a routine task like mowing your lawn, although it should be," Maiffret said. The good news is that Windows XP can automatically alert users to available security patches and other updates -- although the feature is turned off by default. The bad news is that Microsoft isn't sure when it will be able to offer an alert or the software patch through the automatic system. In the meantime, users will have to go to Microsoft's Technet site and download the fix themselves. © 2001 The Washington Post Company -- From chaiyah at hotmail.com Sat Dec 22 18:21:07 2001 From: chaiyah at hotmail.com (m emily cragg) Date: Sat, 22 Dec 2001 18:21:07 Subject: [Reader-list] We are the DATA--I DOUBT IT. Message-ID: An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011222/e4a902b9/attachment.html From chaiyah at hotmail.com Sat Dec 22 18:20:58 2001 From: chaiyah at hotmail.com (m emily cragg) Date: Sat, 22 Dec 2001 18:20:58 Subject: [Reader-list] We are the DATA--I DOUBT IT. Message-ID: An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011222/637ade49/attachment.html From aiindex at mnet.fr Sun Dec 23 15:04:19 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Sun, 23 Dec 2001 10:34:19 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] FBI Software Program Records Each Keystroke Message-ID: Published on Tuesday, December 18, 2001 in the Seattle Times Going Backwards FBI Software Program Records Each Keystroke by Bob Port New York Daily News The FBI is planning to give away computer software. All you have to do to get some is make the bureau think you're involved in crime. The software is called Magic Lantern, and along with the Justice Department's greatly expanded powers, it's making civil libertarians nervous. Magic Lantern is a program that records each keystroke made on a target computer and transmits that data to the bureau. The FBI doesn't even have to go to the computer's location because Magic Lantern can install itself, just like a Trojan-horse computer virus. And like a Trojan horse, it disguises itself as a benign code. The FBI has acknowledged Magic Lantern's existence but little more. The program is intended to sidestep one of the most difficult eavesdropping hurdles: encryption. Encrypted e-mail is almost impossible to decipher without a key, a small computer file that unscrambles the code. Without the key, encrypted e-mail is gibberish. The key, in turn, is protected by a password. Magic Lantern apparently doesn't try to decrypt e-mail. Instead, it records the characters as they're typed. With it, the bureau can obtain a suspect's password and then the encryption key. Encrypted e-mail has bedeviled the FBI for years. Its first attempt to get around the problem was a device that recorded keystrokes, called a key logger. But unlike Magic Lantern, the device required an agent to sneak into a suspect's home or office to install it on a computer. While few people argue that such devices can be invaluable in national-security cases, some contend that their use in other types of cases is inevitable. In fact, evidence developed with a keystroke-logging device already has been used in the trial of suspected Philadelphia mobster Nicodemo Scarfo. The recently passed USA Patriot Act gives the Justice Department much more freedom to record e-mail information. One provision can force a judge to issue an order for recording the addresses to which a suspect sends messages and from which the suspect gets messages — if a prosecutor files papers certifying that e-mail is relevant to an investigation. Privacy advocates argue the law is far too open to interpretation. "What is relevant?" asked David Sobel, general counsel to the Electronic Privacy Information Center in Washington. "Anything could be relevant." From aiindex at mnet.fr Mon Dec 24 06:01:32 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Mon, 24 Dec 2001 01:31:32 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] Women in Black lay down in front of tanks in Ramallah Message-ID: Sunday, December 23, 2001 Women in Black lay down in front of tanks in Ramallah PRESS RELEASE Stopping the tanks rolling in Ramallah Yesterday Women in Black from the UK removed one of the Israeli roadblocks which prevent Palestinian villagers going to work. The day before they lay down in front of Israeli tanks rolling down the streets of Ramallah in the West Bank, to draw attention to the 800 Palestinians killed by Israeli troops during the last year and the occupation of Palestinian land. The tanks stopped at the last minute, after firing shots in the air. The action was part of a programme of events organised by an International Solidarity Movement over the last two weeks of 2001 in Palestine. More than 120 people are taking part, including Women in Black and Palestine Solidarity Campaign members from the UK, Women in Black from Italy, American Jewish Unity, and Palestinian and Israeli peace organisations. The group met with Yasser Arafat after the 'die in', and are planning more road block removals and other forms of non-violent direct action, including a peace march through Bethlehem on Christmas Day and a peace vigil on December 28th. Eighty countries are already committed to joining in the vigil, called by the Coalition of Women for a Just Peace in Israel. Women in Black in London will be holding a silent vigil calling for an end to the occupation of Palestine and a just peace on Friday December 28th from 6-7pm at the statue of Edith Cavell in St Martin's Place WC2, opposite the National Portrait Gallery. Women in Black vigils will also be held weekly on every Wednesday in January at the same place, from 6-7pm. 'Women are welcome to join these silent vigils. Women in Black is an international network of women against violence and war. For more information/pictures, call Sue Finch on 020 8806 1333 or email suefinch at netcomuk.co.uk From shuddha at www.sarai.net Mon Dec 24 15:54:33 2001 From: shuddha at www.sarai.net (Shuddhabrata Sengupta) Date: Mon, 24 Dec 2001 10:24:33 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] On Empire Message-ID: <200112241024.LAA16767@zelda.intra.waag.org> Dear Readers, Sometimes, especially on days when the finance minister of the country whose passport you carry makes statements like "war is avoidable but affordable" you feel like doing anything necessary to ensure a world in which the passport and the finance minister, both were made redundant. For full details of the "war is affordable" statement, which has been made by Yashwant Sinha, Union Finance Minister, Government of India, see http://www.financialexpress.com/fe20011224/top1.html Days such as these, invite long spells of reflection, and we are grateful for anything that makes the reflection occur - I have been reading a book called Empire (by Michael hardt and Antonio negri, university of harvard press, 2001) , which some people on this list might be familiar with, and I wanted to share with all on the list a brief review of Empire that I have been working on for some time. The reason I recommend this book to the readers of our list is that it is the one of the most succint takes on the global contemporary condition, and I find it especially relevant in terms of the fundamental critique it offers of nationalism. The review itself will be published by Biblio - A Review of Books in its forthcoming special issue on cosmopolitanism and the nation state. comments and criticism on the review and further thoughts on the book are welcome. for those of you who want to read Empire without straining your wallets, please visit - http://textz.com/php3?text=hardt+empire - where you will chance upon the full ascii version of the text of Empire. regards Shuddha _________________________________________________________________ ON EMPIRE by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri a review ---- ?The vicissitudes of fortune, which spares neither man nor the proudest of his works, which buries empires and cities in a common grave?? (Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire) ******* A less well-known image from the immediate aftermath of the destruction of the World Trade Centre on September 11 haunts me every day as I travel to work through the streets of New Delhi. A lone man, on a park bench, surrounded by what seems to be the detritus of a nightmare of confetti, covered in ash, looks at his open laptop computer. Searching for the data that might have survived the crash. This man, a helot in the factories of immaterial labour, the ashen survivor and his laptop, are for me a key image of the daily collapse of our immediate realities. With his life falling apart all around him, he is still checking to ensure that the machine boots up as it should. In his place, caught unawares in the middle of a bombing raid that might be a minor episode in a war that our rulers in their wisdom might bequeath to us, I too would perhaps have done the same. The machine and the man are both hooked on to the apparatus that sustains the immediate co ordinates of power and production. The cog checks to see that the wheel is running, even as the towers crash, or bombs fall like food packets from the sky. And a week after September 11, on a business programme on television, one heard the Indian worthies of flailing dot com, delight in the anticipation of an upturn in the data recovery business, as nervous transnational corporations relocated more of their back office operations to virtual sweatshops in ?our? suburbs. War, Capitalism, business as usual. And so Empire finds, in the accumulation of such minute acts, momentary deferrals from the vicissitudes of fortune. Empire runs with the battery of bio-power, the life force of the global workday. The factory siren, the punch card device and the ID card inside our heads, mark our time, and apportion our claims on space in the service of capital. More important than the destinies of states dying and reborn, and far more important than the rhetoric of war that now besieges us, is the daily cost of li ving in times of perpetual crisis. Each day drains the will to resist the assumption that the state of terror that is capital is a permanent condition. The stage set of everyday life has relocated on to the theatre of war, and there seem to be no calls for desertion. Empire rampant, Empire triumphant? The last days of the Roman Empire too were marked by the same confidence in the staying power of power. It took an Edward Gibbon, and the lapse of many centuries to show that what might seem to be absolute power too is vulnerable to the accumulated disaffection of the multitudes, and the force of its own inner contradictions. Gibbon had the advantage of hindsight, and he was writing at a time when the foundations of power were once again shaking loose. In today?s world, it might seem that the only certainties are those of the synergy between state terror and free lance terror, and the continued oppression, calls for austerity and sacrifice that a global war economy entails. In these times, it takes a combination of a prophetic imagination, and a willingness to seize the devil of the details of power by the tails to produce a more sceptical and visionary call to the multitudes to desert the Empire that rules us today. Empire, (not the reality, or the metaphor ? but the book that describes the reality and inscribes the metaphor) by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri issues such a call, and those of us who chafe at the bits, anywhere in the world, might do well to heed this call. In our dialogue with this text, and in threading links and connectivities of material resistance with the provocations within it, we might turn the tide of the accumulations of subjection that allows Empire to tide over the vicissitudes of fortune. This book, and its many readings across the world may turn out to be a contribution to the misfortune of Empire. But what do Hardt and Negri mean when they use the word ?Empire? to describe today?s global reality. They mean something more than that shop worn bauble - ?Imperialism? which is the fashion accessory of every self-respecting third-world leftist. Where would the liberators of oppressed peoples, and the fathers of all our nations be without Imperialism? How would factions of global capital negotiate with local elites, if not by playing the discreet game of playing one fiction of national identity against another on the world stage? How else would brands, markets, and tariff regimes function? How else, if not by staging gladiatorials that pit worker against worker, can profits accrue to mobile capital when it is able to cut deals to its own advantage against a labouring multitude hemmed in by passports, armies, border check posts and immigration laws. How else can capital rule, if not by dividing those it rules, and by decorating those divisions with flags and the regalia of identities, even anti-imperialist, third world, national identities. While capital itself, in production and speculation, is global and dispersed, wages and the mobility of labour are constrained by the boundaries of nation states. The rising tides of fundamentalism and other forms of identity specific militancy, only strengthen the coercive apparatus of existing nation states, or inaugurate new mechanisms, in the name of newly liberated territories. The state, as Negri and Hardt, succinctly put it, is the ?poisoned gift of national liberation? it enables, in every part of the globe, local regimes of control and discipline, that regulate the conduct of the worker in the ?national? interest. Nothing serves better the global interests of capital than the state that can, in its own territorial backyard, effectively demand and mobilize public spectacles of the sacrifices of its citizens in the name of their own freedom. Every time we sing a national anthem we sing the dirge of dead labour. For Negri and Hardt ? Empire is this apparatus of the global governance of bio-power that transcends the nation state and yet percolates downward through the disciplinary regimes of the very same national or proto national entities that it renders redundant as factors within the global economy. It feeds off the fluid and immaterial labour of the multitudes, channelled through vast networks of information and communication mediums, which permit an agile and intensive engine of capitalist accumulation to shape not only the world, but every relation within it after its own image. This is the spectre that haunts the world today, and it is the spectre of capitalism, the ghost of dead labour, weighing heavy on the body of living labour. Yet, Negri and Hardt maintain that it is this very condition of the supercession of national entities by global capital that can be the bedrock of resistance. There is, as they say, ?no outside? to Empire. We must search for the conditions of resistance within the global for that is the only arena of the Empire. This can lead to the effective articulation of transnational solidarities of the multitudes, and of labouring people that are Empire?s only productive base. Today, the engines of the new world economy are fuelled by immaterial labour, which produces, the informational infrastructure, the communicative capacity and the affective glues that sustain the global machine of capitalism. This is a network that includes the service, information technology, media and entertainment industries, which ride over the vast machine of production, making sure that it remains reproducible on a daily basis. The work force that toils in the global, dispersed, digital assembly line is networked internationally and if it is able to canalise its resistance along the lines in which it is made to produce, internationally, it can strike at the very heart of Empire. This is why, there can be no such thing as a purely local struggle any more, and each demand to take back what is taken away from a worker by capital is no longer capable of effective articulation on a scale that is less than global. This leads naturally to even more intensive repression and counter attack, and an even greater fuelling of the purely identity based ?civilisational clashes? that undermine the solidarity of the multitudes. So much so, that one might say that if the valorization of identity ? say of the kind that is represented by various denominational classifications of religious fundamentalism and the forms of terrorism associated with each confession ? were not present in the world to unleash mayhem and provoke repression, it may have had to be specifically invented to sustain the frayed legitimacy of state power. After all, an event such as that of September 11 came at the most convenient time, when the global resistance to global capitalism was becoming self-conscious ? on the streets, in the numerous manifestations against the WTO and other international apparatuses of its own global, interlinked presence as a counterweight to the state and non state actors (corporations and NGOs) that act as the bulwarks and fortresses of Empire. This new (and constantly threatened) solidarity of the fluid multitude, which brooks no representation, (no leaders who act in the name of a people, no nation in which to herd a people, no armies or police to defend a people, no parties to mobilize a people, no cultures woven from the spiritual fabric of the people, and no priests to intercede with god for the people) discovers itself through an ethic of nomadism and miscegenation that contravenes the production of cultural and civilisational brand identities. The multitude stands against the people and counterposes acts of representation with instances of the production and constitution of new forms of power The belated recognition of this fact may lead to some heartburn in the camps of the celebrants of ?multiculturalism? as a condition of post-modern resistance (although it is nothing but the management of representations in a manner conducive to the maintainance of the spectacle of everyday life in the thrall of capital) but it need not be a cause for worry to the worker who discovers the baldness of the conditions of his/her existence. The recognition of the networks that sustain the domination of living by dead labour lead Negri and Hardt to propose two demands that are as simple as they are radical. They say that if Capital benefits from its expansion on a world scale, it is nothing but legitimate for Labour to demand that it be free to move, on a world scale, and that there be a globally determined social wage to sustain the utilisation of bio-power by each individual unit of the multitude. These demands, in their boldness, reflect not a utopian advancement of impossible conditions, but a considered and sober stock taking of the immediate and existential realities of labouring in the world today. They reflect, not a reactionary backtracking from globalisation, (which is what most of the left rhetoric on the question of globalisation has consisted of till now ? a throwback on the left?s disastrous flirtation with the tragedy of national liberation) but an insistence that globalisation occur on the terms of the labouring multitude, and not on the dictates of corporations and the military industrial apparatus. In the recognition of this immediacy of a here and now that is global, Negri and Hardt advance and transpose what was proposed by Marx and Engels to the international working class movement in the nineteenth century on to the material realities of the world of the twenty first century. In this recognition, which has within it the seeds of the capacity to dissolve each mechanism of Empire, lies what Negri and Hardt call the ?irrepressible lightness and joy of being communist?. Today, we, the ashen survivors of the collapse of our immediate realities, need more than ever before to be infected with this lightness and joy. Then we might cease to be the cog that checks to see that the wheel is still running.Then, we might witness the vicissitudes of fortune turn in our favour as we stand about Empire?s common grave We have after all, nothing to lose but our chains, and only a world to win -- Shuddhabrata Sengupta SARAI:The New Media Initiative Centre for the Study of Developing Societies 29 Rajpur Road Delhi 110 054 India Phone : (00 91 11) 3960040 From aiindex at mnet.fr Mon Dec 24 15:59:42 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Mon, 24 Dec 2001 11:29:42 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] SACW #2. (24 Dec. 01) Message-ID: South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2 | 24 December 2001 http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex ------------------------------------------ #1. India: People for Peace - We the citizens of India want peace not war. - Human Chain For Peace At India Gate,New Delhi / 25Th December 2001 #2. Pakistanis speakup : Joint Statement by Malik Meraj Khalid, Muhammad Haneef Ramay, Dr Mubashir Hasan #3. Retaliation for Dec 13 - Armed attack is no answer (Praful Bidwai) #4. Where is The Indian Peace Movement? (Shankar Gopalakrishnan) #5. Kashmir's Islamic Guerrillas See Little to Fear From U.S. (John F. Burns) #6. The India-Pakistan Conflict Lies Threatening in the Wings Bush's goal should be to bolster Musharraf. (Mansoor Ijaz) #7. India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 57 23 December 2001 ________________________ #1. 24 Dec 2001 14:07:04 +0530 People for Peace At a meeting held on December 22, 2001, peace activists from many civil society organizations met at the India Social Institute and resolved the following: We the people of India want to live in peace with our neighbors just as our neighbors wish to live with us. We do not wish for war, death and destruction. Therefore it is imperative that the war mongering which is gathering steam be immediately curtailed. At the outset let it be said that the nuclearization of South Asia in the year 1999 was a disastrous step and its consequences are being felt every moment of our lives. We do not perish in a nuclear holocaust. We wish to unequivocally denounce terrorism wherever in the world it occurs; this condemnation includes state terrorism manifested in terrorism by the police. Citizens are being harassed in the name of security. In this respect, we urge the media to be a watchdog of human rights and the sentinel of peace, and to dissociate itself from the hysteria that vested interests may wish to spread. At the same time we are fully conscious to the fact that the government of India is using the current situation to push its authoritarian agenda. We condemn this modus operandi. Instead of viewing every event and incidence as ‘law and order problem’ or as ‘terrorist attack’ the ruling establishment should try to go into the root cause of social crisis that is confronting the country. Given the fact that India, the land of Mahatma Buddha and Mahatma Gandhi has always had a tradition of keeping its doors open to one and all and also open to dialogue, we condemn the recent move by the government to ban the Samjhauta Express and the Sadhbhavna bus between India and Pakistan. It will cause the greatest harm to common people for whom it meant family reunification. We condemn the government's decision to recall the Indian High Commissioner from Islamabad. This attitude of `diplomatic punishment’ is not in keeping with the dignity and the tradition of India. We deplore the fact that in this game of brinksmanship all the real issues have been forgotten; most importantly the issue of Kashmir, and the aspirations of the people of Kashmir. All the moves being contemplated by the government to reduce the daily trauma of the people of Kashmir lie forgotten. We urge the government to withdraw its sanction against the train and bus to Pakistan and allow the people to people contact to continue. Talks should immediately be resumed at the highest level within the framework of SAARC and efforts should be made to find political not military solutions to outstanding problems. Finally, the silence of the majority is being misinterpreted as popular endorsement to war mongering. We appeal to our sisters and brothers in both countries to speak up for peace and not let the current crisis escalate into a holocaust by default. We the citizens of India want peace not war. People for Peace will form A Human Chain for Peace at the Amar Jawan Jyoti, near India Gate on the 25th Tuesday the birthday of the ‘Apostle of Peace’ from 11.00 am to 1.00 pm. A delegation will meet the President of India and the leaders of political parities to hand over this statement and send the same to members of civil society in Pakistan. A meeting has been organised for 29th or 31st of December to review the situation and to plan the future course of action. Nirmala Deshpande Former M.P. Achin Vanaik MIND Col.V.S.Verma IPSI, Noida Col. A.R. Khan IPSI, Noida V. Mohini Giri Guild of Services Syeda Hameed New Delhi Ritu Menon Pancheel park Iqbal A. Ansari Jamia Nagar R.M. Pal PUCL John Dayal Media Apartments, I.P. Extension Safeer Mahmood Press Indian News Services Lt.Gen.(Dr.) M.M. Walia IPSI, Noida Valson Thampu St. Stephen’s Hospital Fr. Bento Rodriques Fr. Agnel Ashram Felicio Cardoso Seraulim, Salcete, Goa Smitu Kothari Lokayan, Pancheel Park Prakash Louis Indian Social Institute Peter Lewron New Delhi Lekha Bhagat New Delhi Mahi Pal Singh PUCL N.D. Pancholi Champa foundation /C. S.Chandrasekhar IPSI, Noida Mrs. Naheed Taban Zakir Nagar Azra Rizvi Zakir Nagar Brinda Singh Pascheel Park Aurobindo Ghose Keshva puram Mary Scaria Justice & Peace Commission Iqbal Jamil Taj Enclave Rizwan Quiser Jamia Nagar Ajeet Cour Academy of Fine Arts & Literatures Aruna Pai Panandiker Gurgaon Brig. S.G. Gorver Noida Mrs. Prabha Grover Noida Navaid Hamid Balli Maran, Delhi Bindia Thaper NDSE-I o o o o HUMAN CHAIN FOR PEACE AT INDIA GATE,NEW DELHI TUESDAY: THE 25TH December 2001 Dear friend, All those who have been involved in promoting peace and friendly relations between India & Pakistan are deeply perturbed over the present rising tension between the two countries. The sudden and unilateral decision of the NDA Government of India in recalling the Indian High Commissioner from Islamabad, cancellation of Samjhouta Express and Lahore Bus Service from 1st January 2001 have been received with shock and disbelief. There seems to be a deliberate attempt to create war hysteria and drive the two countries on a collision course. A meeting of representatives of large number of organizations was held at the Indian Social Institute today to decide as to what action could be taken by the concerned citizens to prevent the dangerous trend.. Meeting was convened at the initiative of Smt. Nirmala Deshpande, Syeda Hamid and Achin Vanaik. It was decided to organize a human chain between 11 to 1 PM on Tuesday, the 25th December 2001 at the India Gate. All are requested to participate in large numbers. Please forward this message to other friends. N.D.Pancholi 22nd December 2001 For Champa-The Amiya & B.G.Rao Foundation _____ #2. JOINT STATEMENT BY: Malik Meraj Khalid former Prime Minister of Pakistan Muhammad Haneef Ramay Former Chief Minister of Punjab Dr. Mubashir Hasan, Former Finance Minister India's action to recall its High Commissioner from Islamabad and to suspend train and bus service is unfortunate but understandable. The situation demanded vigor and sympathy from government of Pakistan at the dastardly attack on the Indian Parliament. A critical situation has developed. The armed forces of Pakistan and India are standing face to face on the borders, but we need peace not war. The governments of our two neighborly countries owe it to their peoples to use their resources on alleviating poverty rather than wasting them on wars or for preparation of wars. Nothing could be more ill advised for us to engage in any military conflict or confrontation when the entire world is planning to participate in the economic activity to be launched in Asia directly in our region. President Parvez Musharraf took the first step in the right direction by distancing Pakistan from Taliban of Afghanistan. But that was only a first step that demanded more and more steps in the same direction. Pakistan should not be a safe haven for the extremists to carry on their mission of hatred. Prime Minister Vajpayee took a most commendable step by inviting President Parvez Musharraf to Agra. Good but not sufficient. That step also needed a persistent follow-up. No doubt, there are complex and serious problems like Kashmir between Pakistan and India, but once our two governments realize their primary duty towards their peoples, these problems would be cut to size and it would not to be too difficult to resolve them through genuine negotiation. There are strong hawkish groups in Pakistan and India who would love to light the flames of war. We appreciate that President Musharraf and Prime Minister Vajpayee are showing restraint. All saner elements and peace loving people of our two countries must raise their voice against any kind of war between India and Pakistan. Both Pakistan and India have enough internal problems. Now that both have attained nuclear capacity, it is their responsibility to exercise greater tolerance. It is time to start negotiating for some honorable and acceptable solution to our problems including Kashmir. It is time for decisions. It is time for statesmanship. The international political climate favours peace. Both Pakistan and India should do their best to control their extremists. It is not in the interest of any government or people to have in their midst armed bands and their training facilities. The errors made by former governments to allow such bodies to form and grow should be corrected. It will be a great tragedy if they miss this opportunity. In case they engage militarily, there is every danger that some peace plan is imposed on them by the international community. To avoid that eventuality, the leaders of Pakistan and India must reach out and embrace one another in the best interest of their peoples and in the true sprit of peace and justice. We urge all the peace loving peoples' of both countries actively to support their respective governments in the efforts at establishing permanent peace. SIGNED: Malik Meraj Khalid, Muhammad Haneef Ramay, Dr Mubashir Hasan True Copy: Signed Mubashir Hasan Dated: 22-12-2001 _____ #3. [ Column 24 December 2001] Retaliation for Dec 13 Armed attack is no answer By Praful Bidwai It is a relief that the initial responses to the hair-raising terrorist attack on Parliament House have significantly mellowed. Hawkish elements, who saw in the incident a big chance to "do an America" (or Israel) on Pakistan through "retaliatory" strikes against "terrorist camps" across the border, have somewhat sobered down. Not many government leaders now talk of an immediate, "decisive, final" struggle against terrorism. But the danger of an outbreak of war has NOT passed. Troop and tank movements near the border show the danger remains real. Prime Minister Vajpayee's "tough" Parliament speech has further stoked it. Very few people in the country, leave alone outside it, buy the hawks' fanciful argument that the December 13 attack, condemnable and ghastly as it was, constitutes an "act of war", and is in turn a casus belli, or a rationale for war. Their hopes that the US would energetically follow up its initial statement of shock, sympathy, and support for "appropriate action" on India's part, have been dashed by President Bush's and Mr Colin Powell's repeated calls for restraint. India's own armed services chiefs reportedly told the Cabinet on December 17 that they prefer a measured political and diplomatic offensive and won't be stampeded into military retaliation. The government still says an attack on Pakistani territory is the "last option", not the first. There is a powerful case against this "last option". A mature, cool-headed, self-confident response should concentrate on identifying and politically isolating those responsible for the December 13 attack, and their backers. To start with, it is vital to recognise that the official case linking the episode with "Pakistan-based and -backed" groups, and hence with Islamabad, is weak; the evidence far from clinching. Home Minister Advani has essentially repeated Delhi police commissioner Ajay Raj Sharma's version of events after the arrest of Prof Syed A.R. Geelani and other suspects. There are numerous problems with the official version(s), which the US now arrogantly demands to see--and presumably, to judge. * First, Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh named Lashkar-e-Toiba as the culprit. Then, the Intelligence Bureau and Delhi police named Jaish-e-Mohammed. Mr Advani has taken the police's line, and added LeT's name--without citing persuasive evidence. But, as we see below, LeT and JeM are disparate, competing, organisations. * All five (now dead) attackers were said to be Pakistani, although their specific identities and affiliations have not been revealed. But all the rounded-up suspects are Indian nationals, whose links with the attackers are indirect and distant, e.g. a February meeting between JeM commander Ghazi Baba and Mohammed Afzal. The police have still not established the necessary direct and continual links. * Were there only five terrorists? Or was there a sixth man, as eyewitnesses claim? * Prof Geelani is described by the police as a Hurriyat/JKLF sympathiser, also involved in "Left-wing politics" in Delhi's Zakir Hussain College. His colleagues contradict this. Sympathy for the JKLF cannot even remotely constitute a "terrorist" link. Mr Yaseen Malik wouldn't know what to do with a Kalashnikov! * The first police account says the terrorists had RDX high explosive. But the subsequent version says they bought ammonium nitrate, sulphur, etc.--all gunpowder-like low explosives. Let's face it. The attack on Parliament House was an amateurish affair, executed by desperados whose primitive planning skills and military talent hardly match their intense anti-India hatred--unlike the bombing of the J&K Assembly or suicide-attacks on Badamibagh Cantonment. This by itself does not disprove the involvement of the ISI or other Pakistani agencies, but it suggests that the groups' operations were not directed in minute detail by a professional subversive agency. More generally, it makes little political (itals political) sense for Pakistani official agencies to undertake or closely supervise high-risk terrorist operations when Islamabad is on the defensive and under extremely close American watch. Being caught on the wrong foot risks squandering Islamabad's recent gains in overcoming its political isolation. Evidence of its involvement will invite US hostility just when the Americans are setting up a base at Jacobabad. Even assuming the ISI acted off its own bat, i.e. without Gen Musharraf's consent, it does not make sense for India to attack terrorist camps in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Such attacks won't punish the ISI, as distinct from its trainees and clients. Nor will they counter anti-India sentiment or future activity. Such retaliation will seem more like an act of blind revenge than a militarily effective, well-considered, targeted, action. Some reality-checks are also in order about the hyped-up "training camps". According to "The Hindustan Times", the armed services chiefs told the Cabinet these camps are "no more than drill squares and firing ranges"; strikes against them will have little impact. Also, many camps are located deep inside Pakistani territory--in JeM's case, in Karachi. Thus, it makes eminent sense to demand, as the armed forces chiefs did, that the psychological impact of possible strikes be weighed against the military escalation they would cause. Crossing the LoC could lead to a four-to-six week war, even a nuclear exchange. Unlike the US-Taliban case and the Israel-Palestine case, which are both highly asymmetrical in military capabilities, India and Pakistan are relatively evenly balanced. Both possess nuclear weapons. Any use of nuclear weapons is TOTALLY, ABSOLUTELY, UNACCEPTABLE (Pl emphasise)--irrespective of the circumstances. Even the possibility of a threat of use must be defused. Nuclear wars cannot be won. They are suicidal and genocidal for all concerned. Thus, India should not imitate US or Israel in launching blind retaliatory attacks. As repeatedly argued in this Column, the US was wrong to have attacked Afghanistan in the first place. Three months after September 11, it is still hard-put to muster clinching evidence of Al-Qaeda's direct culpability--as the latest, far-from-convincing, Jalalabad videotape shows. Israel was even more reprehensible to have launched murderous assaults on Palestinian civilians. Such vengeful attacks can only vitiate the moral-political climate and render the fight against terrorism more difficult. India, located in the world's most dangerous and disaster-prone region--the only region with a 50 year-long hot-cold war between the same two rivals--does not have the luxury of crossing the LoC on mere suspicion or surmise. It must produce clinching, irrefutable evidence of Pakistan's culpability and concentrate on exploring non-military options. Of course, it goes without saying that India must not fatalistically or stoically condone December 13 and lapse into inaction. Practically, what should New Delhi do? The present climate is extraordinarily favourable to politically isolating terrorist groups. India must patiently build a convincing case against the December 13 culprits--on the strength of hard, unimpeachable evidence. (This is still to be gathered). Here, it just won't do to conflate JeM with LeT. JeM (estd. 2000) is linked to the Deobandis of Pakistan, in particular, Masood Azhar. Its headquarters is at the Binori madrassa in suburban Karachi. LeT was set up in 1987 and functions under the aegis of Markaz-Dawatul-Irshad of Muridke, near Lahore. Its head is Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, a retired theology teacher. LeT has strong Saudi Arabian Wahhabi affinities and financial links. It is the only group active in Kashmir, which is linked to, and part of, the Al-Qaeda network. Bin Laden, incidentally, is not particularly supportive of Kashmiri independence, which he sees as "interfering" with his pan-Islamic vision, based on the global ummah or Islamic community. Once it reconciles its varying accounts and arms itself with solid evidence on those actually involved in the Parliament House attack, New Delhi should move the UN Security Council, citing Resolution 1373. This mandates all states to act against terrorist groups. This move must be backed up with a well-focussed, serious, independent, diplomatic offensive, not just jumping on the "anti-terror" bandwagon. The ideal forum for bringing the culprits to book would be the International Criminal Court, which is supported by more than 150 states and is about to come into existence. Regrettably, India--guided, like the US, by a dangerously mistaken notion of national sovereignty--opposes the Court, indeed all supra-national criminal jurisdiction. New Delhi must change and accept an international criminal forum, which alone can keep pace with the internationalisation of crime and of terrorism. India's case will be greatly strengthened if the Vajpayee government fights off the temptation to exploit the present situation electorally in Uttar Pradesh. It must instead adopt a policy of transparency in Kashmir, scrupulously respect human rights, and start a dialogue for peace and reconciliation with Pakistan, leading to a just resolution of the Kashmir problem in consultation with its people. We should not run away with our own rhetoric about "cross-border" terrorism--to obscure and evade India's responsibility for the mess in Kashmir. True, Pakistan has, deplorably, exploited this mess to its own advantage. But India's own culpability, aggravated by gross human rights violations, cannot be denied. Reforming the present situation, and taking a bold, independent multilateral anti-terrorist initiative could be India's best contribution to a healthier, kinder, more humane, world--as well as to creating a more secure domestic society, in which terrorism gets discredited because true justice is delivered. -end-- _____ #4. 24 December 2001 Letter to SACW by Shankar Gopalakrishnan WHERE IS THE INDIAN PEACE MOVEMENT? This may appear to be a criticism, but I hope people will take it more as it is intended: as a statement of anguish. The other day I saw a news photo of children carrying doves. Ah, I thought, at last the peace marches have begun. But the caption said: "peace march in Lahore, Pakistan." So my question is: where are the Indian counterparts? What are we doing on this side of the border? Why is it that our peace movement seems to have fallen completely silent, other than a few position papers? Within days of September 11th, there were marches in New York City against war. Granted these are different circumstances, but here we also have two nuclear powers teetering very close to mutual destruction. And the VHP, trustworthy as always, is taking out virulent rallies calling for war. Are we too scared of the Hindutva brigades to reply? Too frightened of being branded Pakistan-lovers? If even the Americans, with their almost totally depoliticized democracy, could respond so quickly, couldn't we do the same? I do not have the contacts right now to know what people's organizations are planning. But I do hope that sometime in the near future we will see India's wellsprings of democracy, community, and compassion - so central to our polity - return to the public stage. This is after all the land of Gandhi, even if it seems that in less than a human lifetime his basic message has disappeared entirely from the political scene. We cannot afford to let the warmongers win on this one. They have seized the initiative far too often before; this time at least we have to remind people of the sufferings of Kashmiris because of security forces and militants, the innocent deaths in communal riots and pogroms, and ask if we need to add a nuclear war to all these other curses of our nation. _____ #5. The New York Times December 24, 2001 http://www.nytimes.com/2001/12/24/international/asia/24STAN.html PAKISTAN Kashmir's Islamic Guerrillas See Little to Fear From U.S. By JOHN F. BURNS Reuters Pakistani border guards, right, and Indian counterparts held a ceremony at the border crossing near Lahore. MURIDKE, Pakistan, Dec. 23 - The signboard has disappeared now, gone from the clutter of brightly painted ads for American soft drinks and tire vulcanizers and the merchants who live off the traffic that thunders down the Grand Trunk Road, which starts on the Afghan border 400 miles from here and ends 1,000 miles away, in Calcutta. The town of Muridke was never much more than a dusty way-station on the strategic highway built when Pakistan and India were part of British-ruled India. If the town has had a claim on the consciousness of 140 million Pakistanis, it lay in the missing sign, for an Islamic militant organization known in English as the Army of the Pure, in Urdu as Lashkar-e-Taiba, whose spiritual headquarters lies a mile or so off among the green rice paddies and grazing buffalo that flank the highway. The sign came down some time last week, just before President Bush announced that he was adding Lashkar-e-Taiba to the United States' official list of terrorist organizations, and asking Pakistan's military ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, to arrest Lashkar's leaders and disband it. Mr. Bush cited India's accusations that the group was behind an attack on Dec. 13 on the Indian Parliament in which 14 people died, including all 5 attackers. Lashkar has denied any involvement, and Pakistan, implying Indian mischief, has demanded that India produce its evidence. Down the dirt road leading to the compound of Lashkar's parent organization, the Center for the Call to Righteousness, Mr. Bush's action, and the possibility that General Musharraf will begin his own crackdown when he returns from an official visit to China on Monday, is greeted with studied indifference. "That's Bush's headache, and Musharraf's, not ours," said Rashid Minhas, a 28-year-old Pakistani who is rector of the 200-acre educational complex where 1,200 students are steeped in the tenets of militant Islam - and, according to Western and Indian intelligence reports, in the basics of "jihad," or holy war. "Let Bush do what he will; our duty as Muslims is to follow the teachings of the holy prophet," Mr. Minhas said during an hour-long tour of the campus in which he waved away any questions relating to the activities of Lashkar-e-Taiba, the attacks of Sept. 11, Osama bin Laden or the disputed territory of Kashmir, where Lashkar's Islamic fighters have been challenging Indian rule for much of the past decade. "We are not frightened of Bush, we are only fearful of God." Even if it was carefully rendered for the benefit of a Western visitor, the indifference reflected something common among Islamic militants. It is a sense that God's will, and certainly not American power, is the ultimate driving force of mankind's affairs. It also seemed to echo something of the turbulent history of the region, and the fatalism it has engendered in succeeding generations. When Britain divided its Indian Empire into two independent states in 1947, at least a million people died in rioting that followed, many of them only a short distance from here along the Grand Trunk Road and the rail line across the Punjab that carried fleeing Hindus east to India and fleeing Muslims west to Pakistan. Since 1947, the two countries have fought three wars, adding tens of thousands more victims. The wounds are kept fresh, more than 50 years later, by frequent killings in Kashmir, the one territory that remains disputed between the two countries today. For the Bush administration, naming Lashkar to a list that also contains Mr. bin Laden's Al Qaeda terrorist group was, in a sense, a natural step after Sept. 11. Since it first appeared in Kashmir in the early 1990's, Lashkar has been known for ambushes, bombings and assassinations that have concentrated on the Indian army and police, but also killed large numbers of civilians. With a smaller Islamic militant group, Jaish-e-Muhammad, previously named to the American terrorist list, Lashkar has been cited, over the last three years, for about three- quarters of all Pakistan-backed attacks in Indian-ruled Kashmir. For India, getting the groups declared terrorist organizations by the United States, and persuading Mr. Bush to press General Musharraf to disband them, was a strategic goal from the moment of the Sept. 11 attacks. In New Delhi, Mr. Bush's war on terrorism was greeted as a rare opportunity to accomplish what perhaps half a million Indian troops and police have been unable to achieve - to suppress, at their source in Pakistan, the groups that have kept India's rule in Kashmir violent, costly and fragile. In Pakistan, too, there were few who did not see Sept. 11 as a watershed for what are known here as "Kashmiri freedom fighters." For years, it has been an open secret among Pakistani intelligence officers that Lashkar has had links with Al Qaeda, and that Lashkar's installations were ports of call for Arab "holy warriors" heading west to Afghanistan or northeast to Indian- ruled Kashmir. Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, who founded Lashkar after teaching Islamic theology in Lahore, has praised Mr. bin Laden in his speeches and on the group's Web site. But for many Pakistanis, branding Lashkar a terrorist organization is nowhere near as obvious a sequel to the events of Sept. 11 as it must have seemed to Mr. Bush. In Pakistan, the struggle for Kashmir is an epic that no Pakistani leader could abandon without risk of immediate ouster, by fellow politicians or the army. The bottom line on Kashmir, in Pakistan, is that more than 80 percent of Kashmiris, in India and Pakistan, are Muslims - and that those living in the Indian-ruled part, known as Jammu and Kashmir, were never given the right to vote on whether to join India or Pakistan that India guaranteed them in United Nations Security Council resolutions 50 years ago. Once Lashkar has been suppressed, many Pakistanis say, India will demand the proscription in Pakistan of any group that tries to join the "freedom struggle" in Kashmir - and, relieved of armed confrontation, will persist in refusing any move toward self-determination. The point is one that has been widely debated around the world: In a global war on terrorism, where is the line to be drawn between "terrorism" and legitimate armed struggle? It is a distinction that has been frequently made by General Musharraf, who has insisted that the United States draw a line between "freedom struggles" like the one in Kashmir and terrorism of the kind that occurred on Sept. 11, when the sole purpose of the attacks, the general says, was to kill innocent civilians. Mr. Saeed, the Lashkar leader, in statements on the group's Web site, has sought to differentiate the group's military activities from those of Al Qaeda. Just before Mr. Bush's announcement last week, Mr. Saeed said that "all operations by Kashmiris under Lashkar-e-Taiba's command have been carried out against the Indian Army with the sole purpose of protecting the local population from repression," and that any civilian casualties were "a regretful exception." "We may differ with U.S. policy, and that is our right, but we do not mean any harm to any U.S. citizen or property," he said. For General Musharraf, deciding what actions to take against Lashkar will be a tricky matter. On Saturday, the general's aides instructed the State Bank of Pakistan to freeze Lashkar bank accounts. Mr. Saeed, the Lashkar leader, described that action on his Web site as meaningless, since Lashkar owns no bank accounts or buildings and counts as its "only assets" the holy warriors in Kashmir. In practice, Pakistani officials say, all of the money in Mr. Saeed's Islamic empire has been vested in Lashkar's parent organization. . In the face of popular feelings and his own hard-line record, General Musharraf seems unlikely to go as far as President Bush has urged, arresting Mr. Saeed and uprooting Lashkar and its fighters. But even if he does order Lashkar closed down, senior Pakistani officials say, it is likely to be prelude to a shell game that has occurred before, in which groups that have become too contentious for Pakistan to continue supporting have "re-badged" themselves under new names, and resumed their attacks in Kashmir. "If what Bush wants is that we simply give India what it wants, he's dreaming," one official said. "Whatever we do, you can be sure that it won't be an end to the struggle for Kashmir." _____ #6. Los Angeles Times December 23, 2001 http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/opinion/la-000101421dec23.story The India-Pakistan Conflict Lies Threatening in the Wings Bush's goal should be to bolster Musharraf. By MANSOOR IJAZ As U.S. Defense Department hawks train their sights on Saddam Hussein for their next target, a more dangerous and immediate threat looms in South Asia: a war between India and Pakistan born from the remnants of Al Qaeda terrorists fleeing Afghanistan for the foothills of disputed Kashmir--perhaps their last haven on Earth. These two nuclear-armed neighbors have gone to war two times over Kashmir since the 1947 partition. Preventing a fourth Indo-Pakistani war--one with nuclear ramifications--needs to rise quickly to the top of the White House agenda before military hawks in Islamabad and New Delhi decide jet raids and missile launchers are the preferred instruments of dialogue. President Bush's move Thursday to shut down funding to Lashkar-e-Taiba was a good start. This is the declared terrorist group operating in Kashmir and the one Bush said is responsible for the Dec. 13 attack on the Indian Parliament that killed at least 12 people. But a more important step is ensuring Pakistan's long-term stability and President Pervez Musharraf's viability in office. India should assist Musharraf in fighting the evil in his midst rather than condemning him for it, and perhaps thereby fatally wounding his regime. At home, Musharraf cannot withstand an iota of challenge to his support for Kashmir's indigenous militancy after essentially betraying--in the eyes of Islamic fanatics--the Taliban and Osama bin Laden. Abroad, he can no longer be seen as looking the other way while Arab terrorists infiltrate the ranks of Kashmiri militant groups and bring their money, guns, firebrand Islam and terrorist methods to South Asia. In New Delhi, the argument for ratcheting up tensions with Pakistan to wartime levels is simplistic. Terrorists are terrorists, and those who attacked the Parliament building with alleged support from Islamabad are the same breed who have for years attacked Indian targets in occupied Kashmir. If the United States can hunt down Bin Laden and Al Qaeda terrorists in Afghanistan, why can't New Delhi go after Lashkar militants across the Line of Control into Pakistan-held Kashmir? Such thinking is nothing more than a recipe for provoking war. The harsher truth is that New Delhi's most ardent hawk, Home Affairs Minister Lal Krishna Advani, is raising the ante to save his ruling nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party from embarrassing results in state elections that could cost the party its majority in Parliament and unseat Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. Advani is considered by most to be the de facto ruling force in India. But local politics is hardly reason to stoke the fires of war with a perpetually unstable neighbor whose hawkish generals would love to teach India a military lesson, regardless of the consequences. Rhetoric aside, India's military preparations during the past week indicate more than just talk is forthcoming. Air bases in Kashmir and along the Pakistani border have been activated for military operations. Troops are being moved closer to the border and reinforcements are being sent to Kashmir at a time when normally they come home from the winter snows. A single incursion across the Line of Control by Indian army personnel or air force jets would be the matchstick that lights the flame. Pakistan, of course, is not without blame. Musharraf can't have it both ways. He can't support what started as an indigenous movement for self-determination in Kashmir and not recognize that the same movement has been hijacked by Arab and Afro-Arab terrorists. He can't hail Pakistani intelligence as a constructive force in stabilizing the region when all the Inter-Services Intelligence agency (Pakistan's CIA) has ever done is sow seeds of instability from Afghanistan to Kashmir. Musharraf realizes he has a dilemma. The question is whether India realizes he does and whether New Delhi hard-liners are willing to give him the time and space to clean up his mess. Musharraf's intent is clear. He closed down religious schools that taught firebrand Islam by day and bred the Kalishnikov culture by night. He pulled his intelligence agents out of Afghanistan, facilitating Kabul's rapid fall. He dismissed his intelligence chief for conducting operations diametrically opposed to the U.S. and allied effort to quash Al Qaeda. He even agreed to let the FBI go to Pakistan to investigate any evidence presented by New Delhi of official Pakistani complicity in the attack on Parliament. Still, Musharraf can do more. He should cite the U.S. freezing of Lashkar assets as reason enough to completely dismantle all Arab-dominated militant groups operating in Pakistan and deport non-Pakistanis to their homelands even if it means losing the Arab world's financial support. A similar purging of Islamic zealots in his military intelligence services would send an equally strong signal. India cannot eradicate terrorists from the midst of Kashmiris by attacking a Pakistan that is delicately balanced on terrorism's ledge. New Delhi's legitimate security concerns will only be redressed when it is prepared to offer viable political solutions for the Kashmiri people that replace rhetorical threats of war against them--and Pakistan. * Mansoor Ijaz, an American Muslim of Pakistani origin, is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. _____ #7. India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 57 23 December 2001 http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/message/68 _/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/ SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To subscribe send a blank message to: / To unsubscribe send a blank message to: ________________________________________ DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers. From aiindex at mnet.fr Mon Dec 24 16:36:55 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Mon, 24 Dec 2001 12:06:55 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] INDIA: Email users beware, Big Brother is watching Message-ID: The Times of India MONDAY, DECEMBER 24, 2001 Email users beware, Big Brother is watching SIDDHARTH SRIVASTAVA TIMES NEWS NETWORK NEW DELHI: The Intelligence Bureau (IB) has prepared a list of new keywords that are to be used to intercept mails emanating from IP addresses in India. The move comes after investigations have revealed that Mohammad alias 'Burger,' who led the Parliament attack, was in constant touch with his counterparts in Pakistan as well as within India through email. A laptop has been recovered from the terrorists as well, the contents of which are under investigation. The IB earlier reported that terrorists connected to the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Jaish are tech-savvy. Till now, the IB had concentrated more on email IDs with reference to obvious giveaways such as Kashmir, Lashkar, Pakistan, Musharraf etc. For example, an email ID such as Lashkar at hotmail.com should be under the surveillance of the IB. The IB has now gone further and prepared a new list of keywords used in the copy of mails that will be intercepted. The system works like this: A software filters mails that repeatedly use the words that the IB has shortlisted. The more obvious keywords would include Jaish, Kashmir, Lashkar. Others are attack, kill, rocket. Mails with repeated reference to Arab names will also be under surveillance. Emails that carry names of Indian political leaders will also be under surveillance. However, the software can't decipher code words since they can be common words. Interestingly, the CIA is using the same software with a good success rate. "The task of monitoring such mails is humungous. Hence, for now, we will be monitoring mails that have several references to the keywords that we have identified," says a senior IB official. According to the official: "The IB is the only Indian intelligence Agency that has the ability to intercept mails. None of the other agencies involved in investigations-the Delhi Police, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Research and Analysis Wing (RAW)-have the ability to intercept mails. Only the CIA has similar capabilities." Commenting on the issue of invasion of privacy of an individual, the official said: "This exercise is similar to the secret cellphone tapping of suspects involved in hawala as well as cricket match-fixing, that was implemented by the Delhi Police. It met with a lot of success. The issue of intercepting mail is being done in the interest of national security." The official, however, also admitted that the exercise of intercepting mails will present a logistical nightmare given the huge mass of mails emanating from India. From reyhanchaudhuri at hotmail.com Mon Dec 24 18:26:00 2001 From: reyhanchaudhuri at hotmail.com (Dr. Reyhan Chaudhuri) Date: Mon, 24 Dec 2001 12:56:00 +0000 Subject: [Reader-list] The WorkOut and WindUp of the Worded Workshop Message-ID: An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011224/eea1faa6/attachment.html From electricshadows at vsnl.com Mon Dec 24 19:04:05 2001 From: electricshadows at vsnl.com (electricshadows at vsnl.com) Date: 24 Dec 2001 18:34:05 +0500 Subject: [Reader-list] fw: Fw: (en) US, MEDIA, The reformists could not let the anarchist do the struggle alone Message-ID: <200112241303.OAA28602@zelda.intra.waag.org> > ** Original Subject: Fw: (en) US, MEDIA, The reformists could not let the anarchist do the struggle alone > ** Original Sender: "Jai Sen" > ** Original Date: Mon, 24 Dec 2001 16:33:47 +0530 (IST) > ** Original Message follows... >----- Original Message -----From: To: Sent: December 22 2001 2:48 pm Subject: (en) US, MEDIA, The reformists could not let the anarchist do the struggle alone > ________________________________________________ > A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E > http://www.ainfos.ca/ > ________________________________________________ > > Introduction: > > After they discovered that the anarchists and like minded people > do not stop the struggle because of September the 11th - 9.11 > and especially as the anarchists and others of the region anounced > the Wef meeting as a project, they could not left the scene for our people.... > > Following the sample of our calls is a description > of their, which of course does not mention the > organization under way of our people. (Nor does it > give our people the credit for the previous struggles > against the WEF in Swisserland that forced it to move > to NY.) > > (en) Endorse the Anti-Capitalist Call for WEF Protests > http://www.ainfos.ca/01/nov/ainfos00506.html > (en) US, GLOBALIZING JUSTICE: A Call for a National Student Mobilization Against the WEF > http://www.ainfos.ca/01/dec/ainfos00281.html > (en) US, NY + Washington + [pga] WEF call to Action - list of endorsers. > http://www.ainfos.ca/01/dec/ainfos00201.html > > Nali > > Their text: > > Movement gears up for New York Tycoons to meet on Feb. 2 amid swirl of protest > > Transporting more bankers and industrialists to Manhattan is like > hauling coals to Newcastle. But the annual meeting of the World > Economic Forum will draw 1,000 financial, corporate and media > magnates, and a bevy of heads of state to the luxurious > Waldorf-Astoria Hotel here on Jan. 31-Feb. 5. > > And a storm of protest is gathering to confront them. > > The WEF is a giant annual think tank to discuss, promote and plan > capitalist expansion worldwide. The 1,000 corporations that fund > the forum read like a Who's Who of big business. > > "Annual Meeting Partners" include American Airlines, Deutsche > Bank, Lehman Brothers, Mastercard International, Morgan Stanley, > Nestle, PepsiCo, Pfizer, Sara Lee Corporation and Unilever. > > "Strategic Partners" include Audi, The Boeing Corporation, Cisco > Systems, The Coca Cola Company, Compaq Computer Corporation, > Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu, Goldman Sachs, IBM, Investcorp, Merck, > Merrill Lynch, Microsoft Corporation, PricewaterhouseCoopers, > Reuters, Sun Microsystems and Volkswagen. > > For 30 years these WEF tycoons and their political and academic > hangers-on met in Davos, Switzerland--the highest city in > Europe--a posh, picturesque ski resort perched atop the Swiss > Alps. And every year, this elite group tried to hold a quiet, > respectable meeting in which they could discuss the forward thrust > of capitalist globalization. > > What better base from which to discuss such an unpopular subject > than Davos, which is a tactical nightmare for those who oppose > capitalism and its twin crimes of wealth and poverty. One single > road leads up to the mountain resort. But annually dissenters > still made their way into the high, thin altitude of wealth, power > and privilege. > > Last year, 3,000 police and army troops sealed off the ski resort > tighter than a steel drum. Every access to the mountain was cut > off. Pre-emptive deportations and arrests, suspended train > service, police checkpoints, steel gates, helicopters, water > cannons, bales of barbed wire, tear gas, truncheons, > computer-coded badges--all the weapons of repression were securely > in place. > > But all the king's horses and men--and a heavy snowstorm--couldn't > silence the voices of anti-capitalist activists. Protests erupted > in Davos and in Zurich and other cities in which activists were > stranded. Hundreds appeared in Davos and managed to get within 500 > yards of the Congress Center where the WEF meeting was underway. > Many held signs that read: "Justice, not profits!" > > The hundreds of protesters who made their way through all the > obstacles set up to keep them away from the WEF delivered their > message loudly and clearly to the tony crowd in black tie that > nervously sipped Moet-Chandon Champagne at a late-night soiree in > the Congress Center last year. > > This year they'd like to avoid the voices and demands of > protesters. And so after 30 years these barons of banking and > industry are making their way down the mountain to meet on the > island of Manhattan. > > New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and New York State Gov. > George Pataki welcome the moguls. They've both told the media this > is a show of support and confidence in the city after the Sept. 11 > disaster in the heart of the financial center. > > Professor Klaus Schwab, president of the WEF, says they'll have > "Davos in New York." Opponents of capitalism and its global > expansion are working hard to make Schwab's words prophetic. > > Rolling up the welcome mat > > Activist calendars are already highlighted for a mass march and > rally to confront the WEF on Park Avenue between 49th and 50th > Streets on Feb. 2. International ANSWER has called the midtown, > anti-WEF demonstration. > > All across the country people of all ages and nationalities, sexes > and genders, abilities and sexualities are organizing to catch a > ride in a car, hop the train or a bus, or board a plane to come to > Manhattan and raise their voices and their clenched fists. > > >From the West Coast, the San Francisco Labor Council, AFL-CIO, has > endorsed the mass march in New York on Feb. 2. > > On Feb. 1, a teach-in will focus on U.S. war in the Middle East, > defense of civil liberties, immigrant rights, corporate-centered > globalization, domestic economic policies and alternative visions > from the progressive communities. The event will take place at the > Community Church on 35th Street between Park and Madison beginning > at 9 a.m. > > The coalition--Act Now to Stop War and End Racism--was forged in > the heat of impending Pentagon war and racist attacks following > the World Trade Center tragedy on Sept. 11. The newly formed > coalition brought more than 20,000 people from many nationalities > and walks of life to Washington, D.C., on Sept. 29 who agreed that > war and racism and attacks on civil liberties were not the answer > to the 9-11 attacks. Today, ANSWER has the support of more than > 500 organizations and prominent individuals and has scores of > organizing centers across the country. > > And while ANSWER is organizing resistance in New York City, the > World Social Forum plans a gathering of tens of thousands of > people from around the world in Porto Alegre, Brazil, to discuss > alternative visions to the WEF agenda. > > The WEF will intellectualize and philosophize its justification > for the two fronts of the U.S. war--aggression against the people > of Afghanistan and the Middle East and racist mass detentions and > eradication of civil liberties in this country. Champagne corks > will discretely pop over corporate tax cuts--welfare for the > already well off. > > How dare they come to celebrate their victories on the battlefield > or in the workplace in this of all cities, activists demand to > know. They aren't welcome here, march and rally organizers make > clear. > > The poor of this and so many other cities in the United States > have been driven out of their jobs and homes, and off the bare > subsistence of welfare, by the relentless drive for corporate and > banking profits. As the rich roll into town in their stretch limos > and BMW's, some of their economic victims may be watching the > spectacle from the sidewalks they are forced to live on. > > "Since Sept. 11, hundreds of thousands of workers from the airline > industry have lost their jobs," the ANSWER call reads in part. > "Unemployment and mass layoffs are now sweeping through all > sectors of the U.S. economy. The corporate and banking elites that > dominate the U.S. government have crafted legislation and > emergency aid to bail out corporate investors and insurance > companies, while providing little assistance to working people who > have lost their income and are now facing evictions, foreclosures > and deepening poverty." > > The International ANSWER coalition is calling for jobs, health > care and education. And the coalition call stresses, "Immigrants > and those who are struggling against the corporate agenda are in > for a double whammy as Attorney General Ashcroft curtails basic > civil liberties and constitutional rights. Today the attacks are > against immigrants--incarceration without charges and racial > profiling. Tomorrow the target will be U.S. citizens, as Ashcroft > pushes to legalize surveillance of religious and political > groups." > > And very prominently, this anti-WEF mobilization calls for an end > to the U.S. wars against the people of Afghanistan and the Middle > East. > > Globalization needs an army > > What does the anti-globalization movement and anti-war forces have > in common? Imperialism. U.S. imperialism to be more precise. > > >From the emergence of the anti-globalization movement out of the > clouds of tear gas in Seattle in 1999, militant youth activists > fighting against the worst corporate crimes against the workers of > the world and the environment have found themselves > shoulder-to-shoulder with thousands of union workers demanding the > same kind of economic and social justice. And these many > anti-capitalist frontline battles--from D.C. to Davos to Austria > to Genoa--took place during a period in which the U.S. economy was > still on an upswing, riding high on profits extracted like blood > from the world's laboring class. > > But today's battles take place in a new political climate shaped > by deepening world capitalist recession. The just battle against > the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and the World Trade > Organization is inextricably bound to the fight against U.S. > military aggression around the world and repression at home. > > The cry of "free trade!" is in reality a demand by U.S. finance > capital for untrammeled access to the land, labor and resources of > the world. The aim of globalization is to break down any barriers > that stand in the way of that goal. > > The IMF, World Bank and WTO are the vehicles. U.S. capital is > behind the wheel. And the Pentagon rides shotgun. > > Thomas Friedman, a leading mouthpiece for U.S. imperial power, > described that symbiotic relationship very eloquently in his March > 28 New York Times column just four days after the start of the > 1999 NATO bombing war against Yugoslavia. > > "For globalization to work," he wrote, "America can't be afraid to > act like the almighty superpower that it is. The hidden hand of > the market will never work without a hidden fist. McDonald's > cannot flourish without McDonnell Douglas, the designer of the > F-15, and the hidden fist that keeps the world safe for Silicon > Valley's technology is called the United States Army, Air Force, > Navy and Marine Corps." > > That's why the movement resisting U.S. economic domination of the > planet must also resist its wars of aggression and intervention. > The anti-Pentagon demands of the movement cannot be viewed as > tacked on, as side issues. > > Pentagon terrorism in Afghanistan, > Middle East > > The ANSWER call puts opposition to the U.S. war drive front and > center. "Internationally, the Bush administration wages war in > Afghanistan and encourages expanded war in Palestinian > territories," the Feb. 2 leaflet emphasizes. "Now Bush is > preparing the public for prolonged war in Iraq and perhaps other > nations. The deaths of thousands of civilians in the Middle East, > both from direct military action and the resulting refugee crisis, > is nothing short of state-sponsored terrorism." > > As the U.S. war to win hegemony over a sea of oil in Central Asia > appears to wind down, it becomes clearer to many in the movement > that the U.S. "proxy" war against the Palestinians is becoming > bloodier every day. There are no sidelines in this battle. Those > who oppose predatory U.S. globalization must stand up against the > war that Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon is waging against the > Palestine liberation struggle with the political, military and > economic support of the White House, Wall Street and the Pentagon. > > Arab and Muslim peoples see that the bombs that blow up > Palestinians and their villages are made in the U.S.A. The illegal > economic sanctions against Iraq that have taken the lives of > hundreds of thousands are led by the United States. Pentagon > generals take center stage in news briefings to name Somalia, > Sudan, North Korea, the Philippines or Colombia as possible next > targets in this "endless" war. > > The forces against the economic and social crimes of capitalism > must meld with those who oppose its military might to achieve > those ends. > > The inequities of the world trade system grow out of inequalities > in the ownership of the mighty tools of production, transportation > and communication. The answer is not going back to laissez-faire > capitalism. That's about as possible as rolling back the clock > from old age to teenage. > > Globalization has merely expanded the network of socialized labor. > If the vast web of working people who built and operate the levers > of the economy take them over, they can use them to produce what > people need, not to enrich the good old boys who today call the > shots at the WEF, WTO, IMF and World Bank. Ultimately, really fair > trade depends on eradicating unfair private ownership of all that > has been produced with collective sweat and labor. > > Globalization of a planned, socialized economy that meets the > needs, wants and desires of the many who do the work of the world > every day is the answer. And Feb. 2 will be a powerful effort in > the struggle to birth that better world. > > > > > > ******** > ****** The A-Infos News Service ****** > News about and of interest to anarchists > ****** > COMMANDS: lists at ainfos.ca > REPLIES: a-infos-d at ainfos.ca > HELP: a-infos-org at ainfos.ca > WWW: http://www.ainfos.ca/ > INFO: http://www.ainfos.ca/org > > -To receive a-infos in one language only mail lists at ainfos.ca the message: > unsubscribe a-infos > subscribe a-infos-X > where X = en, ca, de, fr, etc. (i.e. the language code) > >** --------- End Original Message ----------- ** > -------------- next part -------------- An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011224/25d978c2/attachment.html From electricshadows at vsnl.com Mon Dec 24 19:04:24 2001 From: electricshadows at vsnl.com (electricshadows at vsnl.com) Date: 24 Dec 2001 18:34:24 +0500 Subject: [Reader-list] fw: Fw: (en) US, New York, now we know who's watching those cameras! Message-ID: <200112241303.OAA28605@zelda.intra.waag.org> > ** Original Subject: Fw: (en) US, New York, now we know who's watching those cameras! > ** Original Sender: "Jai Sen" > ** Original Date: Mon, 24 Dec 2001 16:33:31 +0530 (IST) > ** Original Message follows... >----- Original Message -----From: "SCP-New York" To: Sent: December 24 2001 12:59 pm Subject: (en) US, New York, now we know who's watching those cameras! > ________________________________________________ > A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E > http://www.ainfos.ca/ > ________________________________________________ > > Someone who wishes to remain anonymous has informed the New York > Surveillance Camera Players that the group's Winter Solstice performance in > front of a police surveillance camera in Times Square was mentioned on the > morning of the following day during the National Guard's daily briefing to > its troops, who are armed, inexperienced in "anti-terrorist" work and yet > stationed in key locations all over New York City. According to this > source, whom the SCP-New York considers to totally reliable, the National > Guard's Tank Division was informed that the group was performing "magic > spells" in front of surveillance cameras in Times Square; and that the > National Guard was told 1) don't shoot them, 2) don't arrest them, 3) in > fact, leave them alone. > > One of the striking features of these instructions is that they > match what the SCP-New York has long imagined to be the contents of a memo > circulated within the NYPD around December 1999, at which time the NYPD -- > which had previously stopped each and every one of the group's performances > -- suddenly backed off. The NYPD has kept its distance ever since then, and > on several occasions has been seen encouraging private security guards to > refrain from talking to the group, even informally. > > Since the Winter Solstice performance wasn't publicized in advance, > since it is unlikely that the National Guard is monitoring the SCP-New > York's e-mail or being informed of changes made to the SCP-New York's > website, which was in fact updated shortly after the Winter Solstice > performance to include a description of it, and since it very unlikely that > the National Guard would pass on to its troops "information" (Internet > gossip) that hadn't been verified or corroborated -- for all these reasons, > we believe that something like the following must have taken place. > > 1. The NYPD saw the performance in front of their camera as it took place > (no doubt they taped it, too); > > 2. The NYPD passed this information on to the National Guard, and did so > very quickly and accurately. > > If this hypothesis is correct, and we see little reason to doubt > that it is, then we may assume that -- > > 1. The cameras installed by the NYPD actually work (they are not "dummies" > and they are not broken); > > 2. The cameras are being used to watch what's going on beneath and around them; > > 3. Even though the SCP-New York is obviously "asking for it" -- that is, > asking to be surveilled by police cameras -- other individuals and groups > involved in street theater and public demonstrations are also being watched > closely by NYPD cameras (several anti-death penalty and anti-war > demonstrations have recently taken place in Times Square); > > 4. Information gleaned from monitoring these cameras is gathered quickly > and sent quickly to the unit in the NYPD (no doubt the "Intelligence > Division," formerly known as "the Red Squad") that is in regular and > frequent communication with the National Guard; > > 5. The National Guard isn't the only recipient of daily reports from the > NYPD on matters of "homeland security," and that the FBI and the Office of > Homeland Security are also "in the loop." > > > As performers, as protesters, we find it gratifying that our > actions -- though they are undertaken (without rehearsal!) by a very small > group of people -- are being noticed. Perhaps these are the first > indications that our "magic spells" are working! > > But as citizens, as members of a putatively democratic society, we > are horrified and appalled by these revelations, for they suggest the speed > and thoroughness with which New York City -- and, no doubt, the rest of > America -- is obviously becoming a military police state. > > > Most sincerely, > > Bill, for and with the SCP-New York > anarcho-situationists against the surveillance of public places > > notbored at panix.com > 001 212 561 0106 > > For more information, see -- > > http://www.notbored.org/21dec01.html for our description of the Winter > Solstice performance > > http://www.notbored.org/8dec99.html for our description of the first > SCP-New York performance that rather pointedly WASN'T stopped by the NYPD > > http://www.notbored.org/army.html for a suggestion as to why the NYPD have > backed off or rather who have picked up the slack since then > > http://www.notbored.org/the-scp.html for the SCP-New York's homepage > > > > ******** > ****** The A-Infos News Service ****** > News about and of interest to anarchists > ****** > COMMANDS: lists at ainfos.ca > REPLIES: a-infos-d at ainfos.ca > HELP: a-infos-org at ainfos.ca > WWW: http://www.ainfos.ca/ > INFO: http://www.ainfos.ca/org > > -To receive a-infos in one language only mail lists at ainfos.ca the message: > unsubscribe a-infos > subscribe a-infos-X > where X = en, ca, de, fr, etc. (i.e. the language code) > >** --------- End Original Message ----------- ** > -------------- next part -------------- An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011224/acc2673d/attachment.html From aiindex at mnet.fr Mon Dec 24 23:19:22 2001 From: aiindex at mnet.fr (Harsh Kapoor) Date: Mon, 24 Dec 2001 18:49:22 +0100 Subject: [Reader-list] "World Sousveillance Day" today -- Watching the watchers Message-ID: http://wearcam.org/wsd.htm _________________________________________________________________ FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Destruction of privacy and dignity by unaccountable organizations to become a target of ordinary citizens. An international coalition that includes artists, scientists, engineers, scholars, and others is declaring December 24, to be "World Sousveillance Day", or "World Subjectrights Day". THE SHOT SEEN AROUND THE WORLD: At noon on Monday, December 24, 2001, ordinary people all over the world will call into question the growing and dehumanizing effects of increased video surveillance, automated face recognition, and Covernment (Corporate+Government) tracking in public places, as well as private places. Often Covernment officials that use video surveillance try to prohibit others from taking pictures or video within their establishments or regimes, but on this day, many people will photograph these officials, their establishments, and their security systems. As high noon sweeps past various time zones, the shot heard around the world will be that of clicking cameras. Rather than protesting by carrying signs, or by marching, citizens will protest by going on shooting sprees. Armed with their own photographic or videographic cameras and recording devices, and shielded with masks or disguises, ordinary citizens will dish out some accountability while remaining anonymous to the massive proliferation of face tracking surveillance. HOW CAN I PARTICIPATE? All you need to do is bring a disguise and a camera --- any camera (even a fake or maybe camera, a broken camera, or one with an empty film magazine) --- to a place where video surveillance is used. HOW WILL I KNOW WHO I SHOULD SHOOT? Taking pictures of the surveillance cameras, or even just wearing a disguise, will cause models to appear very quickly for you to photograph. When you point your camera at their cameras, the officials watching their television monitors will very quickly dispatch the models for you to shoot. This is a universal phenomenon that happens in nearly any large organization where video surveillance is used. Models often carry two--way radios and wear navy blue uniforms with special badges. Most will be eager to pose close to your camera, especially the hand models: [v0011.jpg] [v0015.jpg] (director of security at Westin Hotels) They will reach out to you. They want to get close to you. They will crave the glamour of your camera. They will reach out and touch you, or place their hands over your camera lens so you can get a closup picture of their photogenic fingerprints. Why December 24th? This is a day when police are very busy watching for shoplifters, phone lines are very clogged, and communication is conjested. It is a time also when folks are reflecting on the year's activity and World Subjectright Day will be something for people to think about over the holidays. RATIONALE: We are all accountable for our actions. Covernment keeps us under surveillance, whether we're just walking down the street, shopping, or sometimes even when we're changing clothes in department store fitting rooms (Phil Patton, Jan. '95, WiReD). When we ask why we are under video surveillance, we are told by the Covernment that ``only criminals are afraid of cameras'', or we are asked ``why are you so paranoid''. Now is the time to allow the Covernment to define itself. The camera is Hamlet's Mirror, allowing the Covernment to define itself within a Reflectionist context. From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Tue Dec 25 13:23:22 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 25 Dec 2001 07:53:22 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] Lamb,Evans and the Experts Message-ID: <20011225075322.777.qmail@mailweb24.rediffmail.com> From subbaghosh at hotmail.com Tue Dec 25 15:37:17 2001 From: subbaghosh at hotmail.com (subba ghosh) Date: Tue, 25 Dec 2001 15:37:17 +0530 Subject: [Reader-list] Osama Gump Message-ID: An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011225/b1e77f4b/attachment.html From chaiyah at hardynet.com Tue Dec 25 02:19:59 2001 From: chaiyah at hardynet.com (Emily Cragg) Date: Mon, 24 Dec 2001 12:49:59 -0800 Subject: [Reader-list] Trying to FIX EFFECTS never works. One must FIX CAUSES. Message-ID: <002301c18cbc$90997180$97955c3f@chaiyah> RE: "Endorse the Anti-Capitalist Call for WEF Protests" Describing classical laissez-faire EFFECTS does nothing to REWORD OR REWORK our economic principles from the ground UP, to create a more just society. What is MISSING from these writings is a prototype of LAW that will result in LESS exploitation, LESS top-down control and LESS double-dealing than we have now. What is missing from the Articles of the US Constitution are both WISDOM and ACCOUNTABILITY. Americans deserve to KEEP WISE Laws and policies that work to the benefit of the Greatest Number. Deregulation must not be permitted to arbitrarily ransack the middle class values this nation holds dear, at the initiation and behest of the already-Rich. Without providing a means to ACCOUNT FOR and improve relationships, protestors are simply BATTING AT THE AIR. We have to begin somewhere. So, let's begin with the people who have--hands-down--been some of the most successful entrepreneurs and professionals in the world--the Jewish people [like it or not]. The Jewish people have been unusually successful in their materialistic pursuits. Let's begin by taking a draft of their Laws, because they WORK. Sure! We're going to have to do some editing! So? Even Hemmingway needed a good Editor! Jewish public health, hygiene and business law are contained in http://www.jewfaq.org/613.htm May I suggest, as a prototype of Good LAW, you go to the 613 mitzvot of the Jewish Law Covenant. Leave out/EDIT OUT all references to stoning and capital punishment, references to "2 sets of dishes" or "different measures" or "this way for us and a different way for Goyim," and sift through what's LEFT. Perhaps we can use the Mosaic Law's principles of public health, hygiene, and business prototypical laws to create a workable economic alternative, to classical capitalism. Capitalism only rewards people who are compulsive and obsessive about work AND who adhere to a strict "buddy system" for maintaining and perpetuating advantages. Penalties for globalization fall most heavily on creative--non-assertive--people. Workers who live by occasional creativity, bursts of energy followed by times of rest, lack of interest in bureaucratic details--are all completely helpless and powerless in a globalized economy. And there is no intention--EVER--to adapt the globalized marketplace to accommodate seasonal or occasional workers. They're OUT, forever. There will NEVER be ANY safety nets for artisans, gardeners, craftspeople, writers, poets or artists. No company will EVER pay their insurance premiums. WHY IS THIS CALLED 'Justice'? Whereas, Law based on human, entrepreneurial and agrarian relationships provides the floor on top of which, artisans and creative workers have subsistence and then go on to do their best work unhindered by phoney bureaucrats asking dumb questions--why for instance--they only "work" four months out of the year. Get my drift? Let's get POSITIVE about change. Otherwise, we are simply accused of being a bunch of whiners and complainers without having any positive alternatives to present. It's a sad commentary on education, that it has pandered to cultural IGNORANCE OF LAW and the effects of Law on society, at every level. Teachers appear to be among the most cowardly of all the professions, refusing to "stick out their necks" even to teach about Trust, Integrity, Honesty, Fair Play, Justice, not to mention, Cooperation. Why Law is not taught in every school beginning at the 1st grade, is a total mystery to me, a teacher. Introduction, by Jai.sen at vsnl.com, > > After they discovered that the anarchists and like minded people > do not stop the struggle because of September the 11th - 9.11 > and especially as the anarchists and others of the region anounced > the Wef meeting as a project, they could not left the scene for our people.... > > Following the sample of our calls is a description > of their, which of course does not mention the > organization under way of our people. (Nor does it > give our people the credit for the previous struggles > against the WEF in Swisserland that forced it to move > to NY.) > > (en) Endorse the Anti-Capitalist Call for WEF Protests > http://www.ainfos.ca/01/nov/ainfos00506.html > (en) US, GLOBALIZING JUSTICE: A Call for a National Student Mobilization Against the WEF > http://www.ainfos.ca/01/dec/ainfos00281.html > (en) US, NY + Washington + [pga] WEF call to Action - list of endorsers. > http://www.ainfos.ca/01/dec/ainfos00201.html > > Nali > > Their text: > > Movement gears up for New York Tycoons to meet on Feb. 2 amid swirl of protest > > Transporting more bankers and industrialists to Manhattan is like > hauling coals to Newcastle. But the annual meeting of the World > Economic Forum will draw 1,000 financial, corporate and media > magnates, and a bevy of heads of state to the luxurious > Waldorf-Astoria Hotel here on Jan. 31-Feb. 5. > > And a storm of protest is gathering to confront them. > > The WEF is a giant annual think tank to discuss, promote and plan > capitalist expansion worldwide. The 1,000 corporations that fund > the forum read like a Who's Who of big business. > > "Annual Meeting Partners" include American Airlines, Deutsche > Bank, Lehman Brothers, Mastercard International, Morgan Stanley, > Nestle, PepsiCo, Pfizer, Sara Lee Corporation and Unilever. > > "Strategic Partners" include Audi, The Boeing Corporation, Cisco > Systems, The Coca Cola Company, Compaq Computer Corporation, > Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu, Goldman Sachs, IBM, Investcorp, Merck, > Merrill Lynch, Microsoft Corporation, PricewaterhouseCoopers, > Reuters, Sun Microsystems and Volkswagen. > > For 30 years these WEF tycoons and their political and academic > hangers-on met in Davos, Switzerland--the highest city in > Europe--a posh, picturesque ski resort perched atop the Swiss > Alps. And every year, this elite group tried to hold a quiet, > respectable meeting in which they could discuss the forward thrust > of capitalist globalization. > > What better base from which to discuss such an unpopular subject > than Davos, which is a tactical nightmare for those who oppose > capitalism and its twin crimes of wealth and poverty. One single > road leads up to the mountain resort. But annually dissenters > still made their way into the high, thin altitude of wealth, power > and privilege. > > Last year, 3,000 police and army troops sealed off the ski resort > tighter than a steel drum. Every access to the mountain was cut > off. Pre-emptive deportations and arrests, suspended train > service, police checkpoints, steel gates, helicopters, water > cannons, bales of barbed wire, tear gas, truncheons, > computer-coded badges--all the weapons of repression were securely > in place. > > But all the king's horses and men--and a heavy snowstorm--couldn't > silence the voices of anti-capitalist activists. Protests erupted > in Davos and in Zurich and other cities in which activists were > stranded. Hundreds appeared in Davos and managed to get within 500 > yards of the Congress Center where the WEF meeting was underway. > Many held signs that read: "Justice, not profits!" > > The hundreds of protesters who made their way through all the > obstacles set up to keep them away from the WEF delivered their > message loudly and clearly to the tony crowd in black tie that > nervously sipped Moet-Chandon Champagne at a late-night soiree in > the Congress Center last year. > > This year they'd like to avoid the voices and demands of > protesters. And so after 30 years these barons of banking and > industry are making their way down the mountain to meet on the > island of Manhattan. > > New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and New York State Gov. > George Pataki welcome the moguls. They've both told the media this > is a show of support and confidence in the city after the Sept. 11 > disaster in the heart of the financial center. > > Professor Klaus Schwab, president of the WEF, says they'll have > "Davos in New York." Opponents of capitalism and its global > expansion are working hard to make Schwab's words prophetic. > > Rolling up the welcome mat > > Activist calendars are already highlighted for a mass march and > rally to confront the WEF on Park Avenue between 49th and 50th > Streets on Feb. 2. International ANSWER has called the midtown, > anti-WEF demonstration. > > All across the country people of all ages and nationalities, sexes > and genders, abilities and sexualities are organizing to catch a > ride in a car, hop the train or a bus, or board a plane to come to > Manhattan and raise their voices and their clenched fists. > > >From the West Coast, the San Francisco Labor Council, AFL-CIO, has > endorsed the mass march in New York on Feb. 2. > > On Feb. 1, a teach-in will focus on U.S. war in the Middle East, > defense of civil liberties, immigrant rights, corporate-centered > globalization, domestic economic policies and alternative visions > from the progressive communities. The event will take place at the > Community Church on 35th Street between Park and Madison beginning > at 9 a.m. > > The coalition--Act Now to Stop War and End Racism--was forged in > the heat of impending Pentagon war and racist attacks following > the World Trade Center tragedy on Sept. 11. The newly formed > coalition brought more than 20,000 people from many nationalities > and walks of life to Washington, D.C., on Sept. 29 who agreed that > war and racism and attacks on civil liberties were not the answer > to the 9-11 attacks. Today, ANSWER has the support of more than > 500 organizations and prominent individuals and has scores of > organizing centers across the country. > > And while ANSWER is organizing resistance in New York City, the > World Social Forum plans a gathering of tens of thousands of > people from around the world in Porto Alegre, Brazil, to discuss > alternative visions to the WEF agenda. > > The WEF will intellectualize and philosophize its justification > for the two fronts of the U.S. war--aggression against the people > of Afghanistan and the Middle East and racist mass detentions and > eradication of civil liberties in this country. Champagne corks > will discretely pop over corporate tax cuts--welfare for the > already well off. > > How dare they come to celebrate their victories on the battlefield > or in the workplace in this of all cities, activists demand to > know. They aren't welcome here, march and rally organizers make > clear. > > The poor of this and so many other cities in the United States > have been driven out of their jobs and homes, and off the bare > subsistence of welfare, by the relentless drive for corporate and > banking profits. As the rich roll into town in their stretch limos > and BMW's, some of their economic victims may be watching the > spectacle from the sidewalks they are forced to live on. > > "Since Sept. 11, hundreds of thousands of workers from the airline > industry have lost their jobs," the ANSWER call reads in part. > "Unemployment and mass layoffs are now sweeping through all > sectors of the U.S. economy. The corporate and banking elites that > dominate the U.S. government have crafted legislation and > emergency aid to bail out corporate investors and insurance > companies, while providing little assistance to working people who > have lost their income and are now facing evictions, foreclosures > and deepening poverty." > > The International ANSWER coalition is calling for jobs, health > care and education. And the coalition call stresses, "Immigrants > and those who are struggling against the corporate agenda are in > for a double whammy as Attorney General Ashcroft curtails basic > civil liberties and constitutional rights. Today the attacks are > against immigrants--incarceration without charges and racial > profiling. Tomorrow the target will be U.S. citizens, as Ashcroft > pushes to legalize surveillance of religious and political > groups." > > And very prominently, this anti-WEF mobilization calls for an end > to the U.S. wars against the people of Afghanistan and the Middle > East. > > Globalization needs an army > > What does the anti-globalization movement and anti-war forces have > in common? Imperialism. U.S. imperialism to be more precise. > > >From the emergence of the anti-globalization movement out of the > clouds of tear gas in Seattle in 1999, militant youth activists > fighting against the worst corporate crimes against the workers of > the world and the environment have found themselves > shoulder-to-shoulder with thousands of union workers demanding the > same kind of economic and social justice. And these many > anti-capitalist frontline battles--from D.C. to Davos to Austria > to Genoa--took place during a period in which the U.S. economy was > still on an upswing, riding high on profits extracted like blood > from the world's laboring class. > > But today's battles take place in a new political climate shaped > by deepening world capitalist recession. The just battle against > the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and the World Trade > Organization is inextricably bound to the fight against U.S. > military aggression around the world and repression at home. > > The cry of "free trade!" is in reality a demand by U.S. finance > capital for untrammeled access to the land, labor and resources of > the world. The aim of globalization is to break down any barriers > that stand in the way of that goal. > > The IMF, World Bank and WTO are the vehicles. U.S. capital is > behind the wheel. And the Pentagon rides shotgun. > > Thomas Friedman, a leading mouthpiece for U.S. imperial power, > described that symbiotic relationship very eloquently in his March > 28 New York Times column just four days after the start of the > 1999 NATO bombing war against Yugoslavia. > > "For globalization to work," he wrote, "America can't be afraid to > act like the almighty superpower that it is. The hidden hand of > the market will never work without a hidden fist. McDonald's > cannot flourish without McDonnell Douglas, the designer of the > F-15, and the hidden fist that keeps the world safe for Silicon > Valley's technology is called the United States Army, Air Force, > Navy and Marine Corps." > > That's why the movement resisting U.S. economic domination of the > planet must also resist its wars of aggression and intervention. > The anti-Pentagon demands of the movement cannot be viewed as > tacked on, as side issues. > > Pentagon terrorism in Afghanistan, > Middle East > > The ANSWER call puts opposition to the U.S. war drive front and > center. "Internationally, the Bush administration wages war in > Afghanistan and encourages expanded war in Palestinian > territories," the Feb. 2 leaflet emphasizes. "Now Bush is > preparing the public for prolonged war in Iraq and perhaps other > nations. The deaths of thousands of civilians in the Middle East, > both from direct military action and the resulting refugee crisis, > is nothing short of state-sponsored terrorism." > > As the U.S. war to win hegemony over a sea of oil in Central Asia > appears to wind down, it becomes clearer to many in the movement > that the U.S. "proxy" war against the Palestinians is becoming > bloodier every day. There are no sidelines in this battle. Those > who oppose predatory U.S. globalization must stand up against the > war that Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon is waging against the > Palestine liberation struggle with the political, military and > economic support of the White House, Wall Street and the Pentagon. > > Arab and Muslim peoples see that the bombs that blow up > Palestinians and their villages are made in the U.S.A. The illegal > economic sanctions against Iraq that have taken the lives of > hundreds of thousands are led by the United States. Pentagon > generals take center stage in news briefings to name Somalia, > Sudan, North Korea, the Philippines or Colombia as possible next > targets in this "endless" war. > > The forces against the economic and social crimes of capitalism > must meld with those who oppose its military might to achieve > those ends. > > The inequities of the world trade system grow out of inequalities > in the ownership of the mighty tools of production, transportation > and communication. The answer is not going back to laissez-faire > capitalism. That's about as possible as rolling back the clock > from old age to teenage. > > Globalization has merely expanded the network of socialized labor. > If the vast web of working people who built and operate the levers > of the economy take them over, they can use them to produce what > people need, not to enrich the good old boys who today call the > shots at the WEF, WTO, IMF and World Bank. Ultimately, really fair > trade depends on eradicating unfair private ownership of all that > has been produced with collective sweat and labor. > > Globalization of a planned, socialized economy that meets the > needs, wants and desires of the many who do the work of the world > every day is the answer. And Feb. 2 will be a powerful effort in > the struggle to birth that better world. >Introduction: > > After they discovered that the anarchists and like minded people > do not stop the struggle because of September the 11th - 9.11 > and especially as the anarchists and others of the region anounced > the Wef meeting as a project, they could not left the scene for our people.... > > Following the sample of our calls is a description > of their, which of course does not mention the > organization under way of our people. (Nor does it > give our people the credit for the previous struggles > against the WEF in Swisserland that forced it to move > to NY.) > > (en) Endorse the Anti-Capitalist Call for WEF Protests > http://www.ainfos.ca/01/nov/ainfos00506.html > (en) US, GLOBALIZING JUSTICE: A Call for a National Student Mobilization Against the WEF > http://www.ainfos.ca/01/dec/ainfos00281.html > (en) US, NY + Washington + [pga] WEF call to Action - list of endorsers. > http://www.ainfos.ca/01/dec/ainfos00201.html > > Nali > > Their text: > > Movement gears up for New York Tycoons to meet on Feb. 2 amid swirl of protest > > Transporting more bankers and industrialists to Manhattan is like > hauling coals to Newcastle. But the annual meeting of the World > Economic Forum will draw 1,000 financial, corporate and media > magnates, and a bevy of heads of state to the luxurious > Waldorf-Astoria Hotel here on Jan. 31-Feb. 5. > > And a storm of protest is gathering to confront them. > > The WEF is a giant annual think tank to discuss, promote and plan > capitalist expansion worldwide. The 1,000 corporations that fund > the forum read like a Who's Who of big business. > > "Annual Meeting Partners" include American Airlines, Deutsche > Bank, Lehman Brothers, Mastercard International, Morgan Stanley, > Nestle, PepsiCo, Pfizer, Sara Lee Corporation and Unilever. > > "Strategic Partners" include Audi, The Boeing Corporation, Cisco > Systems, The Coca Cola Company, Compaq Computer Corporation, > Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu, Goldman Sachs, IBM, Investcorp, Merck, > Merrill Lynch, Microsoft Corporation, PricewaterhouseCoopers, > Reuters, Sun Microsystems and Volkswagen. > > For 30 years these WEF tycoons and their political and academic > hangers-on met in Davos, Switzerland--the highest city in > Europe--a posh, picturesque ski resort perched atop the Swiss > Alps. And every year, this elite group tried to hold a quiet, > respectable meeting in which they could discuss the forward thrust > of capitalist globalization. > > What better base from which to discuss such an unpopular subject > than Davos, which is a tactical nightmare for those who oppose > capitalism and its twin crimes of wealth and poverty. One single > road leads up to the mountain resort. But annually dissenters > still made their way into the high, thin altitude of wealth, power > and privilege. > > Last year, 3,000 police and army troops sealed off the ski resort > tighter than a steel drum. Every access to the mountain was cut > off. Pre-emptive deportations and arrests, suspended train > service, police checkpoints, steel gates, helicopters, water > cannons, bales of barbed wire, tear gas, truncheons, > computer-coded badges--all the weapons of repression were securely > in place. > > But all the king's horses and men--and a heavy snowstorm--couldn't > silence the voices of anti-capitalist activists. Protests erupted > in Davos and in Zurich and other cities in which activists were > stranded. Hundreds appeared in Davos and managed to get within 500 > yards of the Congress Center where the WEF meeting was underway. > Many held signs that read: "Justice, not profits!" > > The hundreds of protesters who made their way through all the > obstacles set up to keep them away from the WEF delivered their > message loudly and clearly to the tony crowd in black tie that > nervously sipped Moet-Chandon Champagne at a late-night soiree in > the Congress Center last year. > > This year they'd like to avoid the voices and demands of > protesters. And so after 30 years these barons of banking and > industry are making their way down the mountain to meet on the > island of Manhattan. > > New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and New York State Gov. > George Pataki welcome the moguls. They've both told the media this > is a show of support and confidence in the city after the Sept. 11 > disaster in the heart of the financial center. > > Professor Klaus Schwab, president of the WEF, says they'll have > "Davos in New York." Opponents of capitalism and its global > expansion are working hard to make Schwab's words prophetic. > > Rolling up the welcome mat > > Activist calendars are already highlighted for a mass march and > rally to confront the WEF on Park Avenue between 49th and 50th > Streets on Feb. 2. International ANSWER has called the midtown, > anti-WEF demonstration. > > All across the country people of all ages and nationalities, sexes > and genders, abilities and sexualities are organizing to catch a > ride in a car, hop the train or a bus, or board a plane to come to > Manhattan and raise their voices and their clenched fists. > > >From the West Coast, the San Francisco Labor Council, AFL-CIO, has > endorsed the mass march in New York on Feb. 2. > > On Feb. 1, a teach-in will focus on U.S. war in the Middle East, > defense of civil liberties, immigrant rights, corporate-centered > globalization, domestic economic policies and alternative visions > from the progressive communities. The event will take place at the > Community Church on 35th Street between Park and Madison beginning > at 9 a.m. > > The coalition--Act Now to Stop War and End Racism--was forged in > the heat of impending Pentagon war and racist attacks following > the World Trade Center tragedy on Sept. 11. The newly formed > coalition brought more than 20,000 people from many nationalities > and walks of life to Washington, D.C., on Sept. 29 who agreed that > war and racism and attacks on civil liberties were not the answer > to the 9-11 attacks. Today, ANSWER has the support of more than > 500 organizations and prominent individuals and has scores of > organizing centers across the country. > > And while ANSWER is organizing resistance in New York City, the > World Social Forum plans a gathering of tens of thousands of > people from around the world in Porto Alegre, Brazil, to discuss > alternative visions to the WEF agenda. > > The WEF will intellectualize and philosophize its justification > for the two fronts of the U.S. war--aggression against the people > of Afghanistan and the Middle East and racist mass detentions and > eradication of civil liberties in this country. Champagne corks > will discretely pop over corporate tax cuts--welfare for the > already well off. > > How dare they come to celebrate their victories on the battlefield > or in the workplace in this of all cities, activists demand to > know. They aren't welcome here, march and rally organizers make > clear. > > The poor of this and so many other cities in the United States > have been driven out of their jobs and homes, and off the bare > subsistence of welfare, by the relentless drive for corporate and > banking profits. As the rich roll into town in their stretch limos > and BMW's, some of their economic victims may be watching the > spectacle from the sidewalks they are forced to live on. > > "Since Sept. 11, hundreds of thousands of workers from the airline > industry have lost their jobs," the ANSWER call reads in part. > "Unemployment and mass layoffs are now sweeping through all > sectors of the U.S. economy. The corporate and banking elites that > dominate the U.S. government have crafted legislation and > emergency aid to bail out corporate investors and insurance > companies, while providing little assistance to working people who > have lost their income and are now facing evictions, foreclosures > and deepening poverty." > > The International ANSWER coalition is calling for jobs, health > care and education. And the coalition call stresses, "Immigrants > and those who are struggling against the corporate agenda are in > for a double whammy as Attorney General Ashcroft curtails basic > civil liberties and constitutional rights. Today the attacks are > against immigrants--incarceration without charges and racial > profiling. Tomorrow the target will be U.S. citizens, as Ashcroft > pushes to legalize surveillance of religious and political > groups." > > And very prominently, this anti-WEF mobilization calls for an end > to the U.S. wars against the people of Afghanistan and the Middle > East. > > Globalization needs an army > > What does the anti-globalization movement and anti-war forces have > in common? Imperialism. U.S. imperialism to be more precise. > > >From the emergence of the anti-globalization movement out of the > clouds of tear gas in Seattle in 1999, militant youth activists > fighting against the worst corporate crimes against the workers of > the world and the environment have found themselves > shoulder-to-shoulder with thousands of union workers demanding the > same kind of economic and social justice. And these many > anti-capitalist frontline battles--from D.C. to Davos to Austria > to Genoa--took place during a period in which the U.S. economy was > still on an upswing, riding high on profits extracted like blood > from the world's laboring class. > > But today's battles take place in a new political climate shaped > by deepening world capitalist recession. The just battle against > the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and the World Trade > Organization is inextricably bound to the fight against U.S. > military aggression around the world and repression at home. > > The cry of "free trade!" is in reality a demand by U.S. finance > capital for untrammeled access to the land, labor and resources of > the world. The aim of globalization is to break down any barriers > that stand in the way of that goal. > > The IMF, World Bank and WTO are the vehicles. U.S. capital is > behind the wheel. And the Pentagon rides shotgun. > > Thomas Friedman, a leading mouthpiece for U.S. imperial power, > described that symbiotic relationship very eloquently in his March > 28 New York Times column just four days after the start of the > 1999 NATO bombing war against Yugoslavia. > > "For globalization to work," he wrote, "America can't be afraid to > act like the almighty superpower that it is. The hidden hand of > the market will never work without a hidden fist. McDonald's > cannot flourish without McDonnell Douglas, the designer of the > F-15, and the hidden fist that keeps the world safe for Silicon > Valley's technology is called the United States Army, Air Force, > Navy and Marine Corps." > > That's why the movement resisting U.S. economic domination of the > planet must also resist its wars of aggression and intervention. > The anti-Pentagon demands of the movement cannot be viewed as > tacked on, as side issues. > > Pentagon terrorism in Afghanistan, > Middle East > > The ANSWER call puts opposition to the U.S. war drive front and > center. "Internationally, the Bush administration wages war in > Afghanistan and encourages expanded war in Palestinian > territories," the Feb. 2 leaflet emphasizes. "Now Bush is > preparing the public for prolonged war in Iraq and perhaps other > nations. The deaths of thousands of civilians in the Middle East, > both from direct military action and the resulting refugee crisis, > is nothing short of state-sponsored terrorism." > > As the U.S. war to win hegemony over a sea of oil in Central Asia > appears to wind down, it becomes clearer to many in the movement > that the U.S. "proxy" war against the Palestinians is becoming > bloodier every day. There are no sidelines in this battle. Those > who oppose predatory U.S. globalization must stand up against the > war that Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon is waging against the > Palestine liberation struggle with the political, military and > economic support of the White House, Wall Street and the Pentagon. > > Arab and Muslim peoples see that the bombs that blow up > Palestinians and their villages are made in the U.S.A. The illegal > economic sanctions against Iraq that have taken the lives of > hundreds of thousands are led by the United States. Pentagon > generals take center stage in news briefings to name Somalia, > Sudan, North Korea, the Philippines or Colombia as possible next > targets in this "endless" war. > > The forces against the economic and social crimes of capitalism > must meld with those who oppose its military might to achieve > those ends. > > The inequities of the world trade system grow out of inequalities > in the ownership of the mighty tools of production, transportation > and communication. The answer is not going back to laissez-faire > capitalism. That's about as possible as rolling back the clock > from old age to teenage. > > Globalization has merely expanded the network of socialized labor. > If the vast web of working people who built and operate the levers > of the economy take them over, they can use them to produce what > people need, not to enrich the good old boys who today call the > shots at the WEF, WTO, IMF and World Bank. Ultimately, really fair > trade depends on eradicating unfair private ownership of all that > has been produced with collective sweat and labor. > > Globalization of a planned, socialized economy that meets the > needs, wants and desires of the many who do the work of the world > every day is the answer. And Feb. 2 will be a powerful effort in > the struggle to birth that better world. > > > > > -------------- next part -------------- An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011224/b17b6ff5/attachment.html From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Wed Dec 26 14:49:09 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 26 Dec 2001 09:19:09 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] Achin Vanaik on Kashmir Message-ID: <20011226091909.30230.qmail@mailFA8.rediffmail.com> from tehelka.com ...Kashmir has been reduced to a problem of terrorism. The fact that the people of the area are now alienated from both sides finds no mention in discourse on the Kashmir problem. The actual assessment of Kashmir is that it is not a problem caused by Pakistan. The troubled waters of Kashmir were the brainchild of Indian politicians. Pakistani politicians are merely fishing in those waters. Now this is a different picture from the pretentious nonsense I heard Arun Jaitely speaking the other day. He said, "Since 1989, the only reason we have had this problem in Kashmir is because of Pakistani terrorism." I'll just give you some figures about Kashmir: How many Indian soldiers, armed forces, personnel of various kind, paramilitary troops, etc are there in Kashmir? Do you have any idea? About half a million. That includes auxiliary troops and everything. What is the population of Kashmir? Roundabout six million. This is among the heaviest, if not the heaviest, concentration of armed personnel to civilians anywhere in the world. What is the combined strength of the main militant groups in Kashmir? According to official figures, it is between four and six thousand. You have 5,00,000 troops to try and cope with 6,000 militants? How many people have died in Kashmir? The official figure in 1996 was 45,000. It has been six years since, and the figure has surely doubled. And, the official figures underestimate the actual number by a long way. It must have been around 60,000 in 1996 itself. Let us say a sixth of this is security personnel of India. That takes out 10,000 from 60,000, and you have 50,000 left. Let us assume that of this 50,000, Pakistani terrorists were responsible for most killings, though without official figures it would be wrong to assume that. Let's say they killed 70 per cent of this 50,000. That still leaves you with some 10,000 that were killed by Indian forces. The facts speak for themselves. No one is speaking for the freedom of the people of Kashm From abirbazaz at rediffmail.com Thu Dec 27 20:15:46 2001 From: abirbazaz at rediffmail.com (abir bazaz) Date: 27 Dec 2001 14:45:46 -0000 Subject: [Reader-list] Weekly... Message-ID: <20011227144546.6080.qmail@mailweb11.rediffmail.com> Kashmir Media Watch Weekly Kashmir News ANTI-WAR DEMONSTRATION IN POK. Jammu Kashmir National Awami Party (NAP) and National Students Federation (NSF) held an Anti-War demonstration in Kotli, POK. The demonstrators raised, 'anti- US imperialism, anti-IMF, anti-World Bank and anti-WTO slogans and against the continuos escalation in Indo-Pakistani military tensions in the Sub-Continent. The demonstrators marched through the town and also raised slogans in favour of, 'workers democracy', and against the Ordinance, 2000, termed as anti-worker, and against POTO. LASHKAR NOT A KASHMIRI ORGANIZATION: JKLF The Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) has said that Lashkar-i-Taiba was not a Kashmiri organization as mentioned by US President George W. Bush after he ordered the freezing of its assets. In a letter faxed and emailed to the American president, with a copy to Secretary of State Colin Powell, the JKLF chairman, Amanullah Khan, said the Kashmiris were surprised to hear him say that Lashkar-i-Taiba was a Kashmiri-based terrorist organization, which it was not. CHRISTMAS CELEBRATIONS IN KASHMIR from Kashmir Times Missing the snow for the third consecutive year, Kashmir’s Christian community on Tuesday celebrated Happy Christmas with traditional prayers and religious fervour. In the prayers, elder members of the community said, the emphasis was on peace between the two nuclear-capable estranged neighbors. Prayers were offered at Catholic Church on the M A Road as well as the All Saints Church, the Protestant church here. After many years, they said, some Muslim brethren joined them both at the prayers and the subsequent tea party. KASHMIR TROUT FARMER SETS SIGHTS ON PARIS They were brought from Scotland a century ago.They've survived war. And if Shaukath Ali has his way, their descendants will eventually end up on the best dining tables of Paris. Trout, Kashmiri trout, is the business of the future as far as he and others who run Kashmir's trout farms are concerne re sales take off and Kashmir is able to prove its trout are the best in the world. From rana_dasgupta at yahoo.com Fri Dec 28 01:34:53 2001 From: rana_dasgupta at yahoo.com (Rana Dasgupta) Date: Thu, 27 Dec 2001 12:04:53 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Reader-list] UK govt seeks more stringent measures against crime Message-ID: <20011227200453.71757.qmail@web14606.mail.yahoo.com> From rana_dasgupta at yahoo.com Fri Dec 28 01:31:29 2001 From: rana_dasgupta at yahoo.com (Rana Dasgupta) Date: Thu, 27 Dec 2001 12:01:29 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Reader-list] Photographs and surveillance Message-ID: <20011227200129.84384.qmail@web14607.mail.yahoo.com> Further to last posting on biometric surveillance, here's a picture that might be of interest. It's a photograph of a convict from the Punjab dated 1869. In the wake of the 1857 revolution the British invested a lot in new ways of understanding and monitoring the population in India, and photography was one of those ways. notice also how categories such as 'Caste' were important governing categories. R __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Send your FREE holiday greetings online! http://greetings.yahoo.com -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: Punjab convict.jpg Type: image/pjpeg Size: 75925 bytes Desc: Punjab convict.jpg Url : http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/attachments/20011227/6a71c91c/attachment.bin From mazzarel at midway.uchicago.edu Sat Dec 29 18:43:33 2001 From: mazzarel at midway.uchicago.edu (mazzarel at midway.uchicago.edu) Date: Sat, 29 Dec 2001 07:13:33 -0600 (CST) Subject: [Reader-list] Photographs and surveillance In-Reply-To: <20011227200129.84384.qmail@web14607.mail.yahoo.com> References: <20011227200129.84384.qmail@web14607.mail.yahoo.com> Message-ID: <1009631613.3c2dc17d23f87@webmail.uchicago.edu> Just another footnote: the first chapter of Christopher Pinney's book, Camera Indica, deals extensively with the intersection of ethnology and surveillance in nineteenth century photography in India WM Quoting Rana Dasgupta : > Further to last posting on biometric surveillance, > here's a picture that might be of interest. > > It's a photograph of a convict from the Punjab dated > 1869. In the wake of the 1857 revolution the British > invested a lot in new ways of understanding and > monitoring the population in India, and photography > was one of those ways. > > notice also how categories such as 'Caste' were > important governing categories. > > R > > __________________________________________________ > Do You Yahoo!? > Send your FREE holiday greetings online! > http://greetings.yahoo.com